This 


SOUTHERN  BRA 

UNiVEPtSriY  OF  CALh     <-JIA, 

LIBRARY, 

4_OS  ANGELES,  CALl 


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HISTORY 


CONQUEST  OF   MEXICO. 


^^^  14 


''^^^%.: 


HISTORY 

OF  THE 

CONQUEST    OF    MEXICO, 

WITH   A    PRELIMINARY   VIEW   OF   THE 

ANCIENT  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION, 

AND    THE    LIFE    OF   THE   CONQUEROR, 

HERNANDO  CORTES. 
By    WILLIAM    H.    PRESCOTT, 

AUTHOR  OF  THE   "  HISTORY   OP    FERDINAND    AND   ISABELLA,"    "  HISTORY 
OF   THE   CONQUEST   OF    PERU,"    ETC. 


"VIctrices  aquilas  alium  latunis  in  or'>em." 

LucAN,  Pharsalia,  lib.  v.,  v.  238. 


NEW  AND  REVISED  EDITION. 

WITH    THE    author's    LATEST    CORRECTIONS    AND 
ADDITIONS.  " 


EDITED   BY  JOHN    FOSTER   KIRK. 


IN  THREE   VOLUMES. — VOL.  III. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

J.    B.    LIPPINCOTT    &    CO. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1843,  by 

WILLIAM    H.   PRESCOTT, 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1871,  by 

WILLIAM    G.    PRESCOTT, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1873,  bj 

J.   B.   LIPPINCOTT   &   CO., 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


CONTENTS    OF    VOL.    III. 


BOOK    VI. 

SIEGE   AND   SURRENDER   OF  MEXICO. 
CHAPTER     I. 

fAGB 

Arrangements  at  Tezcuco. — Sack  of  Iztapalapan.— 
Advantages  of  the  Spaniards. — Wise  Policy  of 
CoKTES. — Transportation  of  the  Brigantines         .     3 

Headquarters  at  Te>'cuc  >       . 3 

)  Cortes  distrusts  the  Natives 4  / 

r  Negotiates  with  the  Aztecs S        , 

City  of  Iztapalapan   .........      6  y 

Spaniards  march  upon  it 7 

Sack  the  Town 8 

Natives  break  down  the  Dikes        ......  9 

Spaniards  struggle  in  the  Flood 10 

Regain  their  Quarters  in  Tezcuco 10 

Indian  Cities  tender  Allegiance  .         .         .         .         .         .11 

Some  ask  for  Protection         . it 

Cortes  detaches  Sandoval  to  their  Aid 12 

Difficult  Situation  of  Cortes 13/ 

His  sagacious  Policy  .  *^  v' 

Makes  Overtures  to  Guatemozin 17 

Spirit  of  tha  Indian  Emperor 17 

The  Brigantines  are  completed 19 

Sandoval  detached  to  transport  them 19 

Signs  of  the  Massacre  at  Zoltepec 20  V- 

Reaches  Tlascala 21    ir 

Transportation  of  the  Brigantines 22 

Joy  at  their  Arrival 2a 

Reflections 23 

A*  V 


CONTE'VTS. 


CHAPTER    II. 

PAGB 
CORliS    RECONNOITRES    THE   CAI'ITAL. — OCCUPIES   TACUBA. 

— Skirmishes    with    the    Enemy.  —  ExPED/noN    of 

Sandoval. — ^Arrival  of  Reinforcements         .        .  25 

Cortes  reconnoitres  the  Capital 25 

Action  at  Xaltocan '    .  26 

Spaniards  ford  the  Lake 27 

Towns  deserted  as  they  advance 28 

Beautiful  Environs  of  Mexico 28 

Cortes  occupies  Tacuba 29 

The  Allies  fire  the  Town 30 

Ambuscade  of  the  Aztecs 31 

r\-irley  with  the  Enemy 33 

Single  Combats 34 

Position  of  the  Parties 34 

Spaniards  return  to  Tezcuco 35 

Embassy  from  Chalco 36 

Sandoval  is  detached  to  defend  it 37 

Takes  Huaxtepec 38 

Storms  Jacapichtla 39 

Puts  the  Garrison  to  the  Sv/ord 40 

Countermarch  on  Chalco 41 

Cortes'  Coolness  with  Sandoval 42 

His  Reconciliation 42 

Arrival  of  Reinforcements    .......  43 

The  Dominican  Friar 44 

CHAPTER    III. 

Second  reconnoitring  Expedition. — Engagements  on 
THE  Sierra.  — Capture  of  Cuernavaca.  — Battles 
AT  Xochimilco.— Narrow  Escape  of  CoRTfes.— He 

enters  Tacuba 45 

Second  reconnoitring  Expedition      ......  45 

Preparations  for  the  March 46 

Spaniards  enter  the  Sierra 46 

Engagements  in  the  Passes 47 


CONTENTS.  vii 

PAGB 

Rocks  rolled  down  by  the  Aztecs 47 

Enemy  routed 48 

Spaniards  bivouac  in  the  Mulberry  Grove        ....  49 

Storrn  the  Cliffs 49 

March  through  the  Mountains 51 

Arrive  at  Cuernavaca 51 

Scenery  in  its  Environs     ........  52 

Bold  Passage  of  the  Ravine 54 

Capture  of  the  City  . 55 

Cortes  recrosses  the  Sierra  ..;..,.  55 

Exquisite  View  of  the  Valley 56 

Marches  against  Xochimilco 57 

Narrow  Escape  of  Cortes 58 

Chivalric  Spirit  of  the  Age  .......  60 

Cortes  surveys  the  Country 61 

Vigilance  in  his  Quarters      .......  6a 

Battles  at  Xochimilco 62 

Spaniards  Masters  of  the  Town  .......  63 

Conflagration  of  Xochimilco    , 65 

Army  arrives  at  Cojohuacan 66 

Ambuscade  of  the  Indians 68 

Spaniards  enter  Tacuba 69 

View  from  its  Teocalli 69 

Strong  Emotion  of  Cortds    .......  70 

Return  to  Tezcuco   . #72 


CHAPTER    IV. 

Conspiracy  in  the  Army.  —  Brigantines   launched.— 
Muster  of  Forces.— Execution  of  Xicotencatl.— 

March  of  the  Army. — Beginning  of  the  Siege  73 

Affairs  in  Spain 73 

Conspiracy  in  the  Camp -75 

Its  Design 76 

Disclosed  to  Cortes  .........  77 

The  Ringleader  executed 78 

Policy  of  Cortes       . 79 

The  General's  Body-guard 80 

Brigantines  launched 81 


viii  CONTENTS. 

FAGB 

Impression  on  the  Spectators 82 

Muster  of  Forces 8  j 

Instructions  to  the  Allies 84 

Cortes  distributes  his  Troops 85 

His  Spirited  Harangue 86 

Regulations  read  to  the  Army 87 

Desertion  of  Xicotencatl      .•...•.  88 

His  Execution 89 

His  Character 90 

March  of  the  Army 91 

Quarrel  of  Olid  and  Alvarado 91 

Spaniards  destroy  the  Aqueduct 92 

Commencement  of  the  Siege 94 


CHAPTER    V. 

Inman  Flotilla  defeated. — Occupation  of  the  Cause- 
ways.—Desperate  Assaults.— Firing  of  the  Pal- 
aces.—Spirit  OF  the  Besieged. — Barracks  for  the 

Troops 95 

Sandoval  marches  on  Iztapalapan    ......  95 

Cortes  takes  Command  of  the  Fleet 95 

Indian  Flotilla  defeated 97 

Cortes  occupies  Xoloc 98 

Sandoval  advances  to  Cojohuacan 99 

Skirmishes  on  the  Causeway 100 

Blockade  completed         ........  loi 

Simultaneous  Assaults  on  Mexico 101 

Ramparts  raised  by  the  Aztecs 102 

Brigantines  enfilade  the  Causeway 102 

Spaniards  enter  the  City 103 

Allies  demolish  the  Buildings 104 

Fierce  Battles  in  the  City 105 

Spaniards  reach  the  Square 106 

Storm  the  Pyramid 107 

IJutl  the  Priests  headlong    .......  107 

^  The  Aztecs  rally 108 

Spaniards  give  Way     .        .        ._ 108 

Cavalry  to  the  Rescue 10? 


CONTENTS.  ix 

PAGE 

Retreat  to  their  Quarters 109 

Ixtlilxochitl  in  the  Camp .         .         .         ,        .         ,         .         .111 

A  second  Assault iii 

Spaniards  penetrate  the  City    .         .         .        •        ,        .         .112 
Fire  the  Palace  of  Axayacatl         ......         113 

Royal  Aviary  in  Flames  .         .         .         .        .        .        .         .114 

Rage  of  the  Mexicans 114 

Their  Desperation .        .         .US 

Sufferings  of  the  Spaniards 117 

Operations  of  Guatemozin 118 

His  Vigilance I19 

Ambuscade  among  the  Reeds 120 

Resources  of  the  Indian  Emperor 121 

Accession  of  Allies  to  the  Spaniards 122 

Barracks  for  the  Troops 122 

Hajd  Fare  of  the  Besiegers 123 

V-^irit  of  the  Aztecs 125 

CHAPTER    VI. 


Seneral  Assault  on  the  City. — Defeat  of  the  Span- 
iards.— Their  disastrous  Condition.— Sacrifice  of 
THE  Captives.  —  Defection  of  the  Allies.  —  Con- 
stancy OF  the  Troops 126 


Views  of  the  Spaniards 
Council  of  War 
General  Assault  on  the  City 
Cortes  rebukes  Alvarado  . 
The  Enemy  give  Way 
Their  cunning  Stratagem 
Horn  of  Guatemozin  sounds 
Aztecs  turn  upon  their  Foe 
Terrible  Rout  of  the  Spaniards 
Imminent  Danger  of  Cortes 
Self-devotion  of  his  Followers 
Sharp  Struggle  on  the  Causeway 
His  Division  retreats    . 
Sandoval  and  Alvarado 
Their  Troops  driven  from  the  City 
1* 


126 
127 
128 
129 
130 
131 
132 
132 

133 
134 
135 
136 

137 
137 
I3« 


CONTENTS. 

PAca 

Sandoval  visits  the  General 139 

His  Interview  with  him 141 

Great  Drum  beat  in  the  Temple 142 

Sacrifice  of  the  Captives 143 

Sensations  of  the  Spaniards 144 

Rejoicings  of  the  Aztecs 145 

Prophecy  of  the  Priests 143 

Defection  of  the  Allies 146 

Gloomy  Condition  of  the  Spaniards 147 

Their  Constancy 148 

Heroism  of  their  Women •  148 


CHAPTER    VII. 

Successes  of  the  Spaniards.  —  Fruitless  Offers  to 
GUATEMOZIN. — Buildings  razed  to  the  Ground. — 
Terrible  Famine. — The  Troops  gain  the  Market- 
place.—Battering  Engine 150 

Allies  return  to  the  Camp 150 

Accession  of  Confederates 152 

Plan  of  the  Campaign 153 

The  Breaches  filled 155 

Famine  in  the  City 156 

Fruitless  Offers  to  Guatemozin 157 

Council  of  the  Aztecs 157 

Result  of  their  Deliberations 159 

Buildings  razed  to  the  Ground    ......  159 

Single  Combats 161 

Guatemozin's  Palace  in  Flames 161 

Sufferings  of  the  Besieged 162 

Neglect  of  their  Dead 163 

Their  unconquerable  Spirit 165 

Conflagration  of  the  Teocalli 166 

Success  of  Alvarado 166 

Spaniards  in  the  Market-place 169 

Cortes  surveys  the  City 170 

Its  Desolation 170 

Battering  Engine 17a 

Its  Failure •  X73 


CONTENTS. 


XI 


CHAPTER    VIII. 


him 


Dreadful  Sufferings  of  the  Besieged.— Spirit  of 
GuATEMoziN.  —  Murderous  Assaults.  —  Capture  of 
GuATEMOziN. — Evacuation  of  the  City.— Termina- 
tion OF  the  Siege. — Reflections       .... 

Dreadful  Famine  in  the  City 

Cannibalism 

The  Corpses  fill  the  Streets 

Pestilence  sweeps  off  Multitudes 

Alarming  Prodigies 

Spirit  of  Guatemozin 

Cortes  requests  an  Interview  with 

Guatemozin  consents 

He  avoids  a  Parley 

Murderous  Assault  . 

Appalling  Scene  of  Carnage 

Preparations  for  the  final  Attack 

Cortes  urges  an  Interview    . 

The  Signal  given 

Aztecs  attempt  to  escape 

Capture  of  Guatemozin    . 

Cessation  of  Hostilities 

Person  of  Guatemozin 

Brought  before  Cortes 

His  Wife,  Montezuma's  Daughter 

Furious  Thunder-storm 

Mexicans  abandon  their  City  . 

Number  of  those  who  perished 

Amount  of  the  Spoil 

Crrles  dismisses  his  Allies    . 

Rejoicings  of  the  Spaniards 

Solemn  Thanksgiving  . 

Reflections        .... 

.\ztec  Institutions 

Their  moral  Influence 

Cruelty  ascribed  to  the  Spaniards 

The  Conquest  as  a  military  Achievement 


174 
174 
175 
176 
176 
177 
178 
179 
179 
180 
182 
182 
184 
135 
187 
187 
iSS 
189 
191 
191 
192 
194 

19s 
196 
197 
198 
198 
199 
200 
201 
202 
203 
206 


Xii  CONTENTS. 

PAGB 

^  Notice  of  the  Historian  Solis 208 

His  Life  and  Writings 209 

Sahagun's  Twelfth  Book      .......        214 


BOOK    VII. 

CONCLUSION.— SUBSEQUENT  CAREER  OF  CORTfeS. 

CHAPTER     I. 

Torture  of  Guatemozin. — Submission  of  the  Country. 
— Rebuilding  of  the  Capital. — Mission  to  Castile. 
—Complaints  against  Cortes.— He  is  confirmed  in 

HIS  Authority         .        .      , 217 

Small  Amount  of  Treasure 218 

Disappointment  of  the  Soldiers 218 

Torture  of  Guatemozin         .......  218 

His  Fortitude  unshaken 219 

Submission  of  the  Country 220 

The  Southern  Ocean  reached 221 

Rebuilding  of  the  Capital 223 

^  Aztec  Prophecy  accomplished 223 

Mission  to  Castile 224 

Envoys  captured  by  the  French 226 

Charges  against  Cortes         .......  227 

Tdpia  sent  to  New  Spain 228 

Insurrection  of  the  Natives 229 

Quelled  by  Sandoval 229 

Fonseca's  Hostility  to  Cortes 230 

His  Cause  referred  to  a  select  Tribunal 231 

Accusations  against  Cortes  .         .  ....  232 

Defence  by  his  Friends 232 

Acts  of  Cortes  ratified 234 

He  is  confirmed  in  the  supreme  Authority        ....  234 


CONTENTS.  xiii 

PAGH 

He  triumphs  over  Fonseca 23S 

Mortification  of  Velasquez 236 

His  Death  and  Character 237 

CHAPTER    11. 

Modern  Mexico. — Settlement  of  the  Country. — Con- 
dition OF  the  Natives.— Christian  Missionaries. — 
Cultivation  of  the  Soil. — Voyages  and  Expedi- 
tions    239 . 

Mexico  rebuilt 239 

Edifices  in  the  City 240 

Its  Fortress 241 

Its  Population 242 

Settlement  of  the  Country 243 

Encouragements  to  Marriage 244 

The  Wife  of  Cortes  arrives  in  Mje.xico          ....  245 

Her  Death 247 

System  of  Repartim'tentos 247 

Reward  of  the  Tlascalans 249 

Treatment  of  the  Natives     .         .      , 250 

Franciscan  Missionaries 251 

Their  Reception  by  Cortes 252 

Progress  of  Conversion 254 

Settlements  of  the  Conquerors 255 

Cultivation  of  the  Soil      .         .         .         .      ■  .         .         .         .  256 

Fleet  burnt  at  Zacatula 257 

Voyages  to  discover  a  Strait 258 

Expedition  of  Alvarado 260 

Result  of  the  Enterprises  of  Cortds 261 

CHAPTER    III. 

Defection  of  Olid. — Dreadful  March  to  Honduras. 
— Execution  of  Guatemozin. — DoRa  Marina. — Ar- 
rival AT  Honduras 263 

Defection  of  Olid 263 

Cortes  prepares  to  visit  Honduras 264 

The  General's  Retinue 265 

Vol.  III.  B 


xiv  CONTENTS. 

PAGB 

Obstacles  on  the  March 267 

Passes  near  Palenque 268 

Lost  in  the  Mazes  of  the  Forests     .         .                 ...  269 

Builds  a  stupendous  Bridge 270 

Horses  sink  in  the  Marshes      .......  270 

Reports  of  a  Conspiracy 271 

Guatemozin  arrested .  272 

His  Execution 273 

His  Character 273 

Feelings  of  the  Army 275 

Cause  of  the  Execution 275 

Cortes'  Remorse 276 

Prosecution  of  the  March 277 

Lake  of  Peten 277 

-  Doiia  Marina   ..........  278 

-  Her  Meeting  with  her  Mother 278 

She  marries  a  Castilian  Knight 279 

Her  Son  Don  Martin 280 

Missionaries  in  the  Isles  of  Peten 280 

Passage  of  "  the  Mountain  of  Flints  " 281 

Army  arrives  at  Honduras 282 

Famine  in  the  Colony 283 

Cortes  reaches  Truxillo 284 

Prepares  to  reduce  Nicaragua 284 

His  romantic  Daring         ........  284 

Tidings  from  Mexico 285 


CHAPTER    IV. 

Disturbances  in  Mexico.  —  Return  of  Cortes.  —  Dis- 
trust OF  THE  Court. — CoRTfes  returns  to  Spain. — 
Death  of  Sandoval.  —  Brilliant  Reception  of 
CoRTfes. — Honors  conferred  on  him     .       .       .       286 

,  Misrule  in  Mexico 286 

•  Cortes  attempts  to  return 287 

Driven  back  by  the  Tempest 287 

His  Despondency 288 

Embarks  once  more  for  Mexico 288 

Lands  near  San  Juan  de  Ulua 288 


CONTENTS.  XV 

PACB 

Progress  to  the  Capital 289 

Cortes  re-enters  Mexico  in  State 289 

Distrust  of  the  Crown 291 

Ponce  de  Leon  sent  as  Commissioner  ....  292 

He  dies  on  his  Arrival 292 

Appoints  Estrada  his  Successor 293 

Affronts  to  Cortes 295 

He  leaves  the  City 29(: 

The  Commission  of  the  Royal  Audience  .        .         .         .296 

Cortes  determines  to  return  to  Spain 297 

News  of  his  Father's  Death 299 

Preparations  for  Departure 299 

He  lands  at  Palos 3oo 

His  Meeting  with  Pizarro 3°° 

Death  of  Sandoval 3°! 

His  Person  and  Character 3°2 

BriUiant  Reception  of  Cortes 303 

Sensation  caused  by  his  Presence 303 

Admitted  to  an  Audience  by  the  Emperor       ....  305 

Charles  V.  visits  him  when  ill 3^5 

He  is  made  Marquis  of  the  Valley  .         .         .         •         •  3°^ 

Grants  of  Lands  and  Vassals 3°^ 

Refused  the  Government  of  Mexico 308 

Reinstated  in  his  military  Command 308 

Cortes'  second  Marriage 3^9 

Splendid  Presents  to  his  Bride 31° 

His  Residence  at  Court 3^^ 

CHAPTER    V. 

CORTtS    REVISITS    MEXICO.— RETIRES    TO    HIS    ESTATES.— 

His  Voyages  of  Discovery.— Final  Return  to  Cas- 
tile.—Cold  Reception.- Death  of  CoRTfes.  — His 

Character 3^-' 

rCortes  embarks  for  Mexico 3'^ 

\  Stops  at  Hispaniola 3^2 

Proceedings  of  the  Audience 3''3 

Cortes  lands  at  Villa  Rica 3^5 

.'    Reception  in  Mexico 3'° 


xvi  CONTENTS. 

PAGB 

Retires  to  his  Estates 317 

His  Improvement  of  them        .......  318 

His  Voyages  of  Discovery 319 

He  embarks  for  California        ...<...  319 

Disastrous  Expedition          .         • 320 

Arrival  of  a  Viceroy 321 

Policy  of  the  Crown 321 

Maritime  Enterprises  of  Cortes 323 

His  Disgust  with  Mendoza 324 

His  final  Return  to  Castile        . 325 

He  joins  the  Expedition  to  Algiers 325 

His  cold  Reception  by  Charles  V .  327 

Cortes'  last  Letter  to  the  Emperor       .     ■•  .         .         .        .  327 

Taken  ill  at  Seville 3=9 

His  Will 329 

Scruples  of  Conscience  as  to  Slavery 330 

Views  entertained  on  this  Topic 331 

He  moves  to  Castilleja 332 

Death  of  Cortes 333 

His  funeral  Obsequies 333 

Fate  of  his  Remains 334 

Posterity  of  Cortes 336 

His  Character 338 

His  Knight-errantry 338 

His  military  Genius 340 

Power  over  his  Soldiers 341 

Character  as  a  Conqueror 343 

His  enlightened  Views 343 

His  private  Life 345 

His  Bigotry 346 

His  Manners  and  Habits 348 


CONTENTS.  xvii 


APPENDIX,    PART    I. 

ORIGIN  OF  THE  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.— ANALOGIES 
WITH  THE  OLD  WORLD. 

TACB 

Preliminary  Notice 353 

Speculations  on  the  New  World 355 

Manner  of  its  Population 356 

-   Plato's  Atlantis 356 

Modern  Theory 358 

Communication  with  the  Old  World    .....  359  —^ 

Origin  of  American  Civilization 361- 

Plan  of  the  Essay 362 

Analogies  suggested  by  the  Mexicans  to  the  Old  World  .         .  362    -. 

Their  Traditions  of  the  Deluge 363  — 

Resemble  the  Hebrew  Accounts 364 

Temple  of  Cholula 365 

Analogy  to  the  Tower  of  Babel 365  — 

The  Mexican  Eve 366  — 

y   The  God  Quetzalcoatl 367  — 

<  Natural  Errors  of  the  Missionaries       .....  368  — 

The  Cross  in  Anahuac 368  — • 

Eucharist  and  Baptism 369  ^_ 

Chroniclers  strive  for  Coincidences 372 

Argument  drawn  from  these 373  ._ 

Resemblance  of  social  Usages 3751 

Analogies  from  Science 376  \ 

Chronological  System       ........  376  i 

Hieroglyphics  and  Symbols 376 

Adjustment  of  Time 377 

Affinities  of  Language 378 

Difficulties  of  Comparison 379  - — 

Traditions  of  Migration 381  — 

Tests  of  their  Truth 383 

Physical  Analogies 384  — 

Architectural  Remains 386 

Destructive  Spirit  of  the  Spaniards 387 

B* 


xviii  CONTENTS. 

PAGB 

Ruins  in  Chiapa  and  Yucatan  .......  389 

Works  of  Art 389 

Tools  for  Building    .........  390 

Little  Resemblance  to  Egyptian  Art 391 

Sculpture          .         .         . 392 

Hieroglyphics 393 

Probable  Age  of  these  Monuments 394 

Their  probable  Architects 394 

Difficulties  in  forming  a  Conclusion          .....  397 

Ignorance  of  Iron  and  of  Milk 399 

'-  Unsatisfactory  Explanations 400 

,  General  Conclusions 403 


APPENDIX,    PART    II. 


ORIGINAL  DOCUMENTS. 


Azt«c  Mother's  Advice  to  her  Daughter  . 
Translations  of  Nezahualcoyotl's  Poem 
Palace  of  Tezcotzinco      .... 
Punishment  of  the  guilty  Tezcucan  Queen 
Velasquez's  Instructions  to  Cortes   . 
Extract  from  Las  Casas'  History 
Deposition  of  Puerto  Carrero  . 
Extract  from  the  Letter  of  Vera  Cruz  .         , 
Extract  from  Camargo's  Tlascala    . 
Extract  from  Oviedo's  History     . 
Dialogue  of  Oviedo  with  Cano 
Privilege  of  Dona  Isabel  de  Montezuma    . 
Military  Ordinances  of  Cortes 
Extracts  from  the  Fifth  Letter  of  Cortds 
Last  Letter  of  Cortes       .... 
Account  of  his  funeral  Obsequies 


405 
409 

415 
417 
419 

423 
425 
428 

431 
433 
437 

446 

451 
456 
460 
463 


BOOK   SIXTH. 

SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER   OF  MEXICO. 


Vol.  III.— a 


CONQUEST   OF   MEXICO, 


BOOK  VI. 

SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER   OF   MEXICO. 


CHAPTER    I. 


ARRANGEMENTS    AT    TEZCUCO. — SACK    OF    IZTAPALAPAN. 

ADVANTAGES   OF  THE    SPANIARDS. WISE    POLICY  OF 

CC'RTES. TRANSPORTATION    OF   THE    13R1GANTINES. 

I52I. 

The  cit}-^  of  Tezcuco  was  the  best  position,  prob- 
ably, which  Cortes  could  have  chosen  for  the  head- 
quarters of  the  army.  It  supplied  all  the  accommoda- 
tions for  lodging  a  numerous  body  of  troops,  and  all 
the  facilities  for  subsistence,  incident  to  a  large  and 
populous  town.'  It  furnished,  moreover,  a  multitude 
of  artisans  and  laborers  for  the  uses  of  the  army.  Its 
territories,  bordering  on  the  Tlascalan,  afforded  a 
ready  means  of  intercourse  with  the  country  of  his 

'  "  Asi  mismo  hizo  juntar  todos  los  bastimentos  que  fueron  necesa- 
rios  para  sustentar  el  Exercito  y  Guarniciones  de  Gen'te  que  andaban 
en  favor  de  Cortes,  y  asi  hizo  traer  a  la  Ciudad  de  Tezcuco  el  Maiz 
que  habia  en  las  Troxes  y  Graneros  de  las  Provincias  sugetas  al  Reyno 
de  Tezcuco."     Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  91. 

(3) 


4  SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

allies  ;  while  its  vicinity  to  Mexico  enabled  the  general, 
without  much  difficulty,  to  ascertain  the  movements 
in  that  capital.  Its  central  situation,  in  short,  opened 
facilities  for  communication  with  all  parts  of  the  Val- 
ley, and  made  it  an  excellent  point  d' appui  for  his 
future  operations. 

The  first  care  of  Cortes  was  to  strengthen  himself  in 
the  palace  assigned  to  him,  and  to  place  his  quarters  in 
a  state  of  defence  which  might  secure  them  against 
surprise  not  only  from  the  Mexicans,  but  from  the 
Tezcucans  themselves.  Since  the  election  of  their  new 
ruler,  a  large  part  of  the  population  had  returned  to 
their  homes,  assured  of  protection  in  person  and  prop- 
erty. But  the  Spanish  general,  notwithstanding  their 
show  of  submission,  very  much  distrusted  its  sincerity; 
for  he  knew  that  many  of  them  were  united  too  inti- 
mately with  the  Aztecs,  by  marriage  and  other  social 
relations,  not  to  have  their  sympathies  engaged  in  their 
behalf.''  The  young  monarch,  however,  seemed  wholly 
in  his  interests;  and,  to  secure  him  more. effectually, 
Cortes  placed  several  Spaniards  near  his  person,  whose 
ostensible  province  it  was  to  instruct  him  in  their  lan- 
guage and  religion,  but  who  were  in  reality  to  watch 
over  his  conduct  and  prevent  his  correspondence  with 
those  who  might  be  unfriendly  to  the  Spanish  interests.' 

Tezcuco  stood  about  half  a  league  from  the  lake. 
It  would  be  necessary  to  open  a  communication  with 

*  "  No  era  de  espantar  que  tuviese  este  recelo,  porque  sus  Enemigos, 
y  los  de  esta  Ciudad  eran  todos  Deudos  y  Parientes  mas  cercanos, 
nias  despues  el  tiempo  lo  desengano,  y  vido  la  gran  lealtad  de  Ixtlil- 
xochitl,  y  de  todos."     Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  92. 

3  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  137. 


ARRANGEMENTS  AT   TEZCUCO.  ^ 

it,  so  that  the  brigantines,  when  put  together  in  the 
capital,  might  be  launched  upon  its  waters.  It  was 
proposed,  therefore,  to  dig  a  canal,  reaching  from  the 
gardens  of  Nezahualcoyotl,  as~  they  were  called,  from 
the  old  monarch  who  planned  them,  to  the  edge  of  the 
basin.  A  little  stream,  or  rivulet,  which  flowed  in  that 
direction,  was  to  be  deepened  sufficiently  for  the  pur- 
pose ;  and  eight  thousand  Indian  laborers  were  forth- 
with employed  on  this  great  work,  under  the  direction 
of  the  young  Ixtlilxochitl.'* 

Meanwhile,  Cortes  received  messages  from  several 
places  in  the  neighborhood,  intimating  their  desire  to 
become  the  vassals  of  his  sovereign  and  to  be  taken 
under  his  protection.  The  Spanish  commander  re- 
quired, in  return,  that  they  should  deliver  up  every 
Mexican  who  should  set  foot  in  their  territories.  Some 
noble  Aztecs,  who  had  been  sent  on  a  mission  to  these 
towns,  were  consequently  delivered  into  his  hands. 
He  availed  himself  of  it  to  employ  them  as  bearers  of 
a  message  to  their  master  the  emperor.  In  it  he  depre- 
cated the  necessity  of  the  present  hostilities.  Those 
who  had  most  injured  him,  he  said,  were  no  longer 
among  the  living.  He  was  willing  to  forget  the  past, 
and  invited  the  Mexicans,  by  a  timely  submission,  to 
save  their  capital  from  the  horrors  of  a  siege.  ^  Cortes 
had  no  expectation  of  producing  any  immediate  result 
by  this  appeal.     But  he  thought  it  might  lie  in  the 

♦  Bcrnal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  ubi  supra. — Ixtlilxochitl,  Mist. 
Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  91. 

s  "  Los  principales,  que  habian  sido  en  bacerme  la  Guerra  pasada, 
eran  ya  muertos ;  y  que  lo  pasado  fuesse  pasado,  y  que  no  quisicssen 
dar  causa  a  que  destruyesse  sus  Tierras.  y  Ciudades,  porque  me  pesaba 
niucho  de  ello."  •   Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  193. 
T* 


6  SIEGE   AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

minds  of  the  Mexicans,  and  that,  if  there  was  a  party 
among  them  disposed  to  treat  with  him,  it  might  afford 
them  encouragement,  as  showing  his  own  willingness 
to  co-operate  with  their  views.  At  this  time,  however, 
there  was  no  division  of  opinion  in  the  capital.  The 
whole  population  seemed  animated  by  a  spirit  of  resist- 
ance, as  one  man. 

In  a  former  page  I  have  mentioned  that  it  was  the 
plan  of  Cortes,  on  entering  the  Valley,  to  commence 
operations  by  reducing  the  subordinate  cities  before 
striking  at  the  capital  itself,  which,  like  some  goodly  tree 
whose  roots  had  been  severed  one  after  another,  would 
be  thus  left  without  support  against  the  fury  of  the 
tempest.  The  first  point  of  attack  which  he  selected 
was  the  ancient  city  of  Iztapalapan  ;  a  place  contain- 
ing fifty  thousand  inhabitants,  according  to  his  own 
account,  and  situated  about  six  leagues  distant,  on  the 
narrow  tongue  of  land  which  divides  the  waters  of  the 
great  salt  lake  from  those  of  the  fresh.  It  was  the 
private  domain  of  the  last  sovereign  of  Mexico  ;  wh^re, 
as  the  reader  may  remember,  he  entertained  the  white 
men  the  night  before  their  entrance  into  the  capital, 
and  astonished  them  by  the  display  of  his  princely 
gardens.  To  this  monarch  they  owed  no  good  will, 
for  he  had  conducted  the  operations  on  the  7ioche  ffiste. 
He  was,  indeed,  no  more  ;  but  the  people  of  his  city 
entered  heartily  into  his  hatred  of  the  strangers,  and 
were  now  the  most  loyal  vassals  of  the  Mexican  crown. 

In  a  week  after  his  arrival  at  his  new  quarters,  Cortes, 
leaving  the  command  of  the  garrison  to  Sandoval, 
marched  against  this  Indian  city,  at  the  head  of  two 
hundred    Spanish   foot,  eighteen    horse,  and    between 


SIEGE    OF  IZTAPALAPAN.  7 

three  and  four  thousand  TIascalans.  Their  route  lay 
along  the  eastern  border  of  the  lake,  gemmed  with 
many  a  bright  town  and  hamlet,  or,  unlike  its  condi- 
tion at  the  present  day,  darkened  with  overhanging 
groves  of  cypress  and  cedar,  and  occasionally  opening 
a  broad  expanse  to  their  view,  with  the  Queen  of  the 
Valley  rising  gloriously  from  the  waters,  as  if  proudly 
conscious  of  her  supremacy  over  the  fair  cities  around 
her.  Farther  on,  the  eye  ranged  along  the  dark  line 
of  causeway  connecting  Mexico  with  the  main  land, 
and  suggesting  many  a  bitter  recollection  to  the 
Spaniards. 

They  quickened  their  step,  and  had  advanced  within 
two  leagues  of  their  point  of  destination,  when  they 
were  encountered  by  a  strong  Aztec  force  drawn  up 
to  dispute  their  progress.  Cortes  instantly  gave  them 
battle.  The  barbarians  showed  their  usual  courage, 
but,  after  some  hard  fighting,  were  compelled  to  give 
way  before  the  steady  valor  of  the  Spanish  infantry, 
backed  by  the  desperate  fury  of  the  TIascalans,  whom 
the  sight  of  an  Aztec  seemed  to  inflame  almost  to  mad- 
ness. The  enemy  retreated  in  disorder,  closely  followed 
by  the  Spaniards.  When  they  had  arrived  within  half 
a  league  of  Iztapalapan,  they  observed  a  number  of 
canoes  filled  with  Indians,  who  appeared  to  be  labor- 
ing on  the  mole  which  hemmed  in  the  waters  of  the 
salt  lake.  Swept  along  in  the  tide  of  pursuit,  they 
gave  little  heed  to  it,  but,  following  up  the  chase, 
entered  pell-mell  with  the  fugitives  into  the  city. 

The  houses  stood  some  of  them  on  dry  ground,  some 
on  piles  in  the  water.  The  former  were  deserted  by 
the  inhabitants,  most  of  whom  had  escaped  in  canoes 


8  SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

across  the  lake,  leaving,  in  their  haste,  their  effects  be- 
hind them.  The  Tlascalans  poured  at  once  into  the 
vacant  dwellings  and  loaded  themselves  with  booty ; 
while  the  enemy,  making  the  best  of  their  way  through 
this  part  of  the  town,  sought  shelter  in  the  buildings 
erected  over  the  water,  or  among  the  reeds  which 
sprung  from  its  shallow  bottom.  In  the  houses  were 
many  of  the  citizens  also,  who  still  lingered  with  their 
wives  and  children,  unable  to  find  the  means  of  trans- 
porting themselves  from  the  scene  of  danger. 

Cortes,  supported  by  his  own  men,  and  by  such  of 
the  allies  as  could  be  brought  to  obey  his  orders, 
attacked  the  enemy  in  this  last  place  of  their  retreat. 
Both  parties  fought  up  to  their  girdles  in  the  water. 
A  desperate  struggle  ensued ;  as  the  Aztec  fought  with 
the  fury  of  a  tiger  driven  to  bay  by  the  huntsmen.  It 
was  all  in  vain.  The  enemy  was  overpowered  in  every 
quarter.  The  citizen  shared  the  fate  of  the  soldier, 
and  a  pitiless  massacre  succeeded,  without  regard  to 
sex  or  age.  Cortes  endeavored  to  stop  it.  But  it  would 
have  been  as  easy  to  call  away  the  starving  wolf  from 
the  carcass  he  was  devouring,  as  the  Tlascalan  who  had 
once  tasted  the  blood  of  an  enemy.  More  than  six 
thousand,  including  women  and  children,  according  to 
the  Conqueror's  own  statement,  perished  in  the  con- 
flict.*^ 

Darkness  meanwhile  had  set  in  ;  but  it  was  dispelled 
in  some  measure  by  the  light  of  the  burning  houses, 

*  "  Murieron  de  ellos  mas  de  seis  mil  dnimas,  entre  Hcmbres,  y 
Mugeres,  y  Ninos  ;  porque  los  Indies  nuestros  Amigos,  vista  la  Vic- 
toria, que  Dios  nos  daba,  no  entendian  en  otra  cosa,  sino  en  matar  k 
diestro  y  £  siniestro."     Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  193. 


SACA'  OF  IZTAPALAPAN.  9 

which  the  troops  had  set  on  fire  in  different  parts  of 
the  town.  Their  insulated  position,  it  is  true,  prevented 
the  flames  from  spreading  from  one  building  to  another, 
but  the  solitary  masses  threw  a  strong  and  lurid  glare 
over  their  own  neighborhood,  which  gave  additional 
horror  to  the  scene.  As  resistance  was  now  at  an  end, 
the  soldiers  abandoned  themselves  to  pillage,  and  soon 
stripped  the  dwellings  of  every  portable  article  of  any 
value. 

While  engaged  in  this  Nvork  of  devastation,  a  mui- 
muring  sound  was  heard  as  of  the  hoarse  rippling  of 
waters,  and  a  cry  soon  arose  among  the  Indians  that 
the  dikes  were  broken  !  Cortes  now  comprehended 
the  business  of  the  men  whom  he  had  seen  in  the 
canoes  at  work  on  the  mole  which  fenced  in  the  great 
basin  of  Lake  Tezcuco.^  It  had  been  pierced  by  the 
desperate  Indians,  who  thus  laid  the  country  under  an 
inundation,  by  suffering  the  waters  of  the  salt  lake  to 
spread  themselves  over  the  lower  level,  through  the 
opening.  Greatly  alarmed,  the  general  called  his  men 
together,  and  made  all  haste  to  evacuate  the  city. 
Had  they  remained  three  hours  longer,  he  says,  not  a 
soul  could  have  escaped.^  They  came  staggering  under 
the  weight  of  booty,  wading  with  difficulty  through 
the  water,  which  was  fast   gaining  upon   them.     For 

7  '■  Estandolas  quemando,  parecio  que  Nuestro  Senor  me  inspiro,  y 
trujD  a  la  memoria  la  Calzada,  6  Presa,  que  habia  visto  rota  en  el 
Cr.mino,  y  representoseme  el  gran  dano,  que  era."  Rel.  Terc.  de 
Cortes,  loc.  cit. 

8  "  Y  cerlifico  d  Vuestra  Magestad,  que  si  aquella  noche  no  pasara- 
mos  el  Agua,  6  aguardaramos  tres  horas  mas,  que  ninguno  de  nosotros 
escapara,  porque  quedabamos  cercados  de  Agua,  sin  tener  paso  por 
parte  ninguna."     Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


lo        SIEGE  AND   SURREXDER    OF  MEXICO. 

some  distance  their  path  was  illumined  by  the  glare  of 
the  burning  buildings.  But,  as  the  light  faded  away  in 
the  distance,  they  wandered  with  uncertain  steps,  some- 
times up  to  their  knees,  at  others  up  to  their  waists,  in 
the  water,  through  which  they  floundered  on  with  the 
greatest  difficulty.  As  they  reached  the  opening  in  the 
dike,  the  stream  became  deeper,  and  flowed  out  with 
.  "ich  a  current  that  the  men  were  unable  to  maintain 
their  footing.  The  Spaniards,  breasting  the  flood, 
forced  their  way  through ;  but  many  of  the  Indians, 
unable  to  swim,  were  borne  down  by  the  waters.  All 
the  plunder  was  lost.  The  powder  was  spoiled ;  the 
arms  and  clothes  of  the  soldiers  were  saturated  with  the 
brine,  and  the  cold  night-wind,  as  it  blew  over  them, 
benumbed  their  weary  limbs  till  they  could  scarcely 
drag  them  along.  At  dawn  they  beheld  the  lake 
swarming  with  canoes,  full  of  Indians,  who  had  antici- 
pated their  disaster,  and  who  now  saluted  them  with 
showers  of  stones,  arrows,  and  other  deadly  missiles. 
Bodies  of  light  troops,  hovering  in  the  distance,  dis- 
quieted the  flanks  of  the  army  in  like  manner.  The 
Spaniards  had  no  desire  to  close  with  the  enemy.  They 
only  wished  to  regain  their  comfortable  quarters  in 
Tezcuco,  where  they  arrived  on  the  same  day,  more 
disconsolate  and  fatigued  than  after  many  a  long  march 
and  hard-fought  battle.' 

The  close  of  the  expedition,  so  different  from  its 
brilliant  commencement,  greatly  disappointed  Cortes. 

9  The  general's  own  Letter  to  the  emperor  is  so  full  and  precise  that 
it  is  the  very  best  authority  for  this  event.  The  storj^  is  told  also  by 
Bema'.  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  138, — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
Ind  ,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  18, — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  92, 
— Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3.  lib.  i,  cap.  2,  et  auct.  aliis. 


ADVANTAGES    OF   THE   SPANIARDS.         u 

His  numerical  loss  had,  indeed,  not  been  great ;  bvit 
this  affair  convinced  him  how  much  he  had  to  appre- 
hend from  the  resokition  of  a  people  who,  with  a  spirit 
worthy  of  the  ancient  Hollanders,  were  prepared  to 
bury  their  country  under  water  rather  than  to  submit. 
Still,  the  enemy  had  little  cause  for  congratulation ; 
since,  independently  of  the  number  of  slain,  they 
had  seen  one  of  their  most  flourishing  cities  sacked- 
and  in  part,  at  least,  laid  in  ruins, — one  of  those, .too, 
which  in  its  public  works  displayed  the  nearest  approach 
to  civilization.      Such  are  the  triumphs  of  war  ! 

The  expedition  of  Cortes,  notwithstanding  the  dis- 
asters  which  checkered  it,  was  favorable  to  the  Spanish 
cause.  The  fate  of  Iztapalapan  struck  a  terror  through- 
out the  Valley.  The  consequences  were  soon  apparent 
in  the  deputations  sent  by  the  different  places  eager 
to  offer  their  submission.  Its  influence  was  visible, 
indeed,  beyond  the  mountains.  Among  others,  the 
people  of  Otumba,  the  town  near  which  the  Spaniards 
had  gained  their  famous  victory,  sent  to  tender  their 
allegiance  and  to  request  the  protection  of  the  powerful 
strangers.  They  excused  themselves,  as  usual,  for  the 
part  they  had  taken  in  the  late  hostilities,  by  throwing 
the  blame  on  the  Aztecs. 

But  the  place  of  most  importance  which  thus 
claimed  their  protection  was  Chalco,  situated  on  the 
eastern  extremity  of  the  lake  of  that  name.  It  was  an 
ancient  city,  peopled  by  a  kindred  tribe  of  the  Aztecs, 
and  once  their  formidable  rival.  The  Mexican  em- 
peror, distrusting  their  loyalty,  had  placed  a  garrison 
within  their  walls  to  hold  them  in  check.  The  rulers 
of  the  city  now  sent  a  message  secretly  to  Cortes,  pro- 


f2        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

posing  to  put  themselves  under  his  protection,  if  he 
would  enable  them  to  expel  the  garrison. 

The  Spanish  commander  did  not  hesitate,  but  in- 
stantly detached  a  considerable  force  under  Sandoval 
for  this  object.  On  the  march,  his  rear-guard,  com- 
posed of  Tlascalans,  was  roughly  handled  by  some 
light  troops  of  the  Mexicans.  But  he  took  his  revenge 
in  a  pitched  battle  which  took  place  with  the  main 
body  of  the  enemy  at  no  great  distance  from  Chalco. 
They  were  drawn  up  on  a  level  ground,  covered  with 
green  crops  of  maize  and  maguey.  The  field  is  trav- 
ersed by  the  road  which  at  this  day  leads  from  the  last- 
mentioned  city  to  Tezcuco."  Sandoval,  charging  the 
enemy  at  the  head  of  his  cavalry,  threw  them  into 
disorder.  But  they  quickly  rallied,  formed  again,  and 
renewed  the  battle  with  greater  spirit  than  ever.  In  a 
second  attempt  he  was  more  fortunate  \  and,  breaking 
through  their  lines  by  a  desperate  onset,  the  brave 
cavalier  succeeded,  after  a  warm  but  ineffectual  struggle 
on  their  part,  in  completely  routing  and  driving  them 
from  the  field.  The  conquering  army  continued  its 
march  to  Chalco,  which  the  Mexican  garrison  had 
already  evacuated,  and  was  received  in  triumph  by  the 
assembled  citizens,  who  seemed  eager  to  testify  their 
gratitude  for  their  deliverance  from  the  Aztec  yoke. 
After  taking  such  measures  as  he  could  for  the  perma- 
nent security  of  the  place,  Sandoval  returned  to  Tez- 
ciico,  accompanied  by  the  two  young  lords  of  the  city, 
sons  of  the  late  cacique. 

They  were  courteously  received  by  Cortes  ;  and  they 
informed  him  that  their  father  had  died,  full  of  years, 

'°  Lorenzaua,  p.  199,  nota. 


SUCCESSES   OF   THE   SPAXIAUDS.  13 

a  short  tims  before.  With  his  last  breath  he  had  ex- 
pressed his  regret  that  he  should  not  have  lived  to  see 
Malinche.  He  believed  that  the  white  men  were  the 
beings  predicted  by  the  oracles  as  one  day  to  come 
from  the  East  and  take  possession  of  the  land  ; "  and 
he  enjoined  it  on  his  children,  should  the  strangers 
return  to  the  Valley,  to  render  them  their  homage  and 
allegiance.  The  young  caciques  expressed  their  readi- 
ness to  do  so  ;  but,  as  this  must  bring  on  them  the 
vengeance  of  the  Aztecs,  they  implored  the  general  to 
furnish  a  sufficient  force  for  their  protection." 

Cortes  received  a  similar  application  from  various 
other  towns,  which  were  disposed,  could  they  do  so 
with  safety,  to  throw  off  the  Mexican  yoke.  But  he 
was  in  no  situation  to  comply  with  their  request.  He 
now  felt  more  sensibly  than  ever  the  incompetency 
of  his  means  to  his  undertaking.  ''I  assure  your 
Majesty,"  he  writes  in  his  letter  to  the  emperor,  "the 
greatest  uneasiness  which  I  feel,  after  all  my  labors  and 
fatigues,  is  from  my  inability  to  succor  and  support 
our  Indian  friends,  your  Majesty's  loyal  vassals."'^ 
Far  from  having  a  force  competent  to  this,  he  had 
scarcely  enough  for  his  own  protection.     His  vigilant 

"  "  Porque  ciertamente  sus  antepassados  les  auian  dicho,  que  auian 
de  senorear  aquellas  tierras  hombres  que  vernian  con  baibas  de  hazia 
donde  sale  el  Sol,  y  que  por  las  cosas  que  han  visto,  eramos  nosotros." 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  139. 

'*  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  200. — 
GoiTiara,  Cronica,  cap.  122. — Venida  de  los  Espaiioles,  p.  15. 

»3  "  Y  certifico  d  Vuestra  Magestad,  allende  de  nuestro  trabajo  y 
necesidad,  la  mayor  fatiga,  que  tenia,  era  no  poder  ayudar,  y  socorrer 
a  los  Indios  nuestros  Amigos,  que  por  ser  Vasallos  de  Vuestra  Ma- 
gestad, eran  molestados  y  trabajados  de  los  de  Culua."  Rel.  Tnrc, 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  204. 

Vol..  III.  2 


14        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

enemy  h  d  an  eye  on  all  his  movements,  and,  should 
he  cripple  his  strength  by  sending  away  too  many  de- 
tachments or  by  employing  them  at  too  great  a  distance, 
would  be  prompt  to  take  advantage  of  it.  His  only 
expeditions,  hitherto,  had  been  in  the  neighborhood, 
where  the  troops,  after  striking  some  sudden  and  de- 
cisive blow,  might  speedily  regain  their  quarters.  The 
utmost  watchfulness  was  maintained  there,  and  the 
Spaniards  lived  in  as  constant  preparation  for  an  assault 
as  if  their  camp  was  pitched  under  the  walls  of  Mexico. 

On  two  occasions  the  general  had  sallied  forth  and 
engaged  the  enemy  in  the  environs  of  Tezcuco.  At 
one  time  a  thousand  canoes,  filled  with  Aztecs,  crossed 
the  lake  to  gather  in  a  large  crop  of  Indian  corn,  nearly 
ripe,  on  its  borders.  Cortes  thought  it  important  to 
secure  this  for  himself.  He  accordingly  marched  out 
and  gave  battle  to  the  enemy,  drove  them  from  the 
field,  and  swept  away  the  rich  harvest  to  the  granaries 
of  Tezcuco.  Another  time  a  strong  body  of  Mexicans 
had  established  themselves  in  some  neighboring  towns 
friendly  to  their  interests.  Cortes,  again  sallying,  dis- 
lodged them  from  their  quarters,  beat  them  in  several 
skirmishes,  and  reduced  the  places  to  obedience.  But 
these  enterprises  demanded  all  his  resources,  and  left 
him  nothing  to  spare  for  his  allies,-  In  this  exigency, 
his  fruitful  genius  suggested  an  expedient  for  supplying 
the  defxiency  of  his  means. 

Some  of  the  friendly  cities  without  the  Valley,  ob- 
serving the  numerous  beacon-fires  on  the  mountains, 
^iferred  that  the  Mexicans  were  mustering  in  great 
strength,  and  that  the  Spaniards  must  be  hard  pressed 
in  their  new  quarters.     They  sent  messengers  to  Tez- 


WISE   POLICY  OF  CORTES.  15 

cuco,  expressing  their  apprehension,  and  offering  re- 
inforcements, which  the  general,  when  he  set  out  on 
his  march,  had  declined.  He  returned  many  thanks 
for  the  i^roffered  aid  ;  but,  while  he  declined  it  for 
himself,  as  unnecessary,  he  indicated  in  what  manner 
their  services  might  be  effectual  for  the  defence  of 
Chalco  and  the  other  places  which  had  invoked  his 
protection.  But  his  Indian  allies  were  in  deadly  feud 
with  these  places,  whose  inhabitants  had  too  often 
fought  under  the  Aztec  banner  not  to  have  been  en- 
gaged in  .repeated  wars  with  the  people  beyond  the 
mountains. 

Cortes  set  himself  earnestly  to  reconcile  these  differ- 
ences. He  told  the  hostile  parties  that  they  should  be 
willing  to  forget  their  mutual  wrongs,  since  they  had 
entered  into  new  relations.  They  were  now  vassals  of 
the  same  sovereign,  engaged  in  a  common  enterprise 
against  the  formidable  foe  who  had  so  long  trodden 
them  in  the  dust.  Singly  they  could  do  little,  but 
united  they  might  protect  each  other's  weakness  and 
hold  their  enemy  at  bay  till  the  Spaniards  could  come 
to  their  assistance.  These  arguments  finally  prevailed ; 
and  the  politic  general  had  the  satisfaction  to  see  the 
high-spirited  and  hostile  tribes  forego  their  long- 
cherished  rivalry,  and,  resigning  the  pleasures  of  re- 
venge, so  dear  to  the  barbarian,  embrace  one  another 
as  friends  and  champions  in  a  common  cause.  To  this 
wise  policy  the  Spanish  commander  owed  quite  as  much 
of  his  subsequent  successes  as  to  his  arms.'"* 

Thus  the  foundations  of  the  Mexican  empire  were 

'*  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  204,  205. — Oviedo.Hist, 
de  las  Ind..  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  19. 


1 6        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

hourly  loosening,  as  the  great  vassals  around  the  capi- 
tal, on  whom  it  most  relied,  fell  off  one  after  another 
from  their  allegiance.  The  Aztecs,  properly  so  called, 
formed  but  a  small  part  of  the  population  of  the  Valley. 
This  was  principally  composed  of  cognate  tribes,  mem- 
bers of  the  same  great  family  of  the  Nahuatlacs  who 
had  come  upon  the  plateau  at  nearly  the  same  time. 
They  were  mutual  rivals,  and  were  reduced  one  after 
another  by  the  more  warlike  Mexican,  who  held  them 
in  subjection,  often  by  open  force,  always  by  fear. 
Fear  was  the  great  principle  of  cohesion  which  bound 
together  the  discordant  members  of  the  monarchy  ;  and 
this  was  now  fast  dissolving  before  the  influence  of  a 
power  more  mighty  than  that  of  the  Aztec.  This,  it  is 
true,  was  not  the  first  time  that  the  conquered  races 
had  attempted  to  recover  their  independence.  But  all 
such  attempts  had  failed  for  want  of  concert.  It  was 
reserved  for  the  commanding  genius  of  Cortes  to  ex- 
tinguish their  old  hereditary  feuds,  and,  combining 
their  scattered  energies,  to  animate  them  with  a  com- 
mon principle  of  action. '= 

15  Oviedo,  in  his  admiration  of  his  hero,  breaks  out  into  the 
following  panegj'dc  on  his  policy,  prudence,  and  military  science, 
which,  as  he  truly  predicts,  must  make  his  name  immortal.  It  is  a 
fair  specimen  of  the  manner  of  the  sagacious  old  chronicler.  "  Sin 
dubda  alguna  la  habilidad  y  esfuerzo,  e  prudencia  de  Heniando 
Cortes  mui  dignas  son  que  entre  los  cavalleros,  e  gente  militar  eu 
nuestios  tiempos  se  tengan  en  mucha  estimacion,  y  en  los  venideros 
nunca  se  desacuerden.  Por  causa  suya  me  acuerdo  muchas  veces  dc 
aquellas  cosas  que  se  escriven  del  capitan  Viriato  nuestro  Espaiiol  y 
Estremeiio;  y  por  Hernando  Cortes  me  ocurren  al  sentido  las  muchas 
fatigas  de  aquel  espejo  de  caballeria  Julio  Cesar  dictador,  como  parece 
por  sus  comentarios,  e  por  Suetonio  e  Plutarco  e  otros  autores  que  en 
conformidad  escrivieron  los  grandes  hechos  suyos.     Pero  los  de  Her 


IF/SE   POLICY  OF  CORTES.  1 7 

Encouraged  by  this  state  of  things,  the  Spanish 
general  thought  it  a  favorable  moment  to  press  his 
negotiations  with  the  capital.  He  availed  himself  of 
the  presence  of  some  noble  Mexicans,  taken  in  the 
late  action  with  Sandoval,  to  send  another  message  to 
their  master.  It  was  in  substance  a  repetition  of  the 
first,  with  a  renewed  assurance  that,  if  the  city  would 
return  to  its  allegiance  to  the  Spanish  crown,  the 
authority  of  Guatemozin  should  be  confirmed  and  the 
persons  and  property  of  his  subjects  be  respected.  To 
this  communication  no  reply  was  made.  The  young 
Indian  emperor  had  a  spirit  as  dauntless  as  that  of 
Cortes  himself.  On  his  head  descended  the  full  effects 
of  that  vicious  system  of  government  bequeathed  to 
him  by  his  ancestors.  But,  as  he  saw  his  empire 
crumbling  beneath  him,  he  sought  to  uphold  it  by  his 
own  energy  and  resources.  He  anticipated  the  defec- 
tion of  some  vassals  by  establishing  garrisons  within 
their  walls.  Others  he  conciliated  by  exempting  them 
from  tributes  or  greatly  lightening  their  burdens,  or  by 
advancing  them  to  posts  of  honor  and  authority  in-  the 
state.  He  showed,  at  the  same  time,  his  implacable 
animosity  towards  the  Christians  by  commanding  that 
every  one  taken  within  his  dominions  should  be  straight- 
way sent  to  the  capital,  where  he  was  sacrificed,  with 

nando  Cortes  en  un  Mundo  nuevo,  e  tan  apartadas  provincias  de 
Europa,  e  con  tantos  trabajos  e  necesidades  e  pocas  fuerzas,  e  con 
gente  tan  innumerable,  e  tan  barbara  e  bellicosa,  e  apacentada  en 
came  humana,  e  aim  habida  per  excelente  e  sabroso  manjar  entre  sus 
adversarios ;  e  faltandole  a  el  6  a  sus  milites  el  pan  e  vino  e  los  otros 
mantenimientos  todos  de  Espaiia,  y  en  tan  diferenciadas  regiones  e 
aires  e  tan  desviado  e  lejos  de  socorro  e  de  su  principe,  cosas  son  de 
admiracion."  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  20. 
2* 


jS        siege  and   surrender    of  MEXICO. 

all  the  barbarous  ceremonies  prescribed  by  the  Aztec 
ritual.'* 

While  these  occurrences   were  passing,   Cortes   re- 

»fi  Among  other  chiefs,  to  whom  Guatemozin  apphed  for  assistance 
in  the  perilous  state  of  his  affairs,  was  Tangapan,  lord  of  Michoacan, 
an  independent  and  powerful  state  in  the  West,  which  had  never  been 
subdued  by  the  Mexican  army.  The  accounts  which  tlie  Aztec  em- 
peror gave  him,  through  his  ambassadors,  of  the  white  men,  were  so 
alarming,  according  to  Ixtlilxochitl,  who  tells  the  story,  that  the  king's 
sister  voluntarily  starved  herself  to  death,  from  her  apprehensions  of 
the  coming  of  the  terrible  strangers.  Her  body  was  deposited,  as 
usual,  in  the  vaults  reserved  for  the  royal  household,  until  prepara- 
tions could  be  made  for  its  being  burnt.  On  the  fourth  day,  the 
attendants  who  had  charge  of  it  were  astounded  by  seeing  the  corpse 
exhibit  signs  of  returning  life.  The  restored  princess,  recovering  her 
speech,  requested  her  brother's  presence.  On  his  coming,  she  im- 
plored him  not  to  think  of  hurting  a  hair  of  the  heads  of  the  myste- 
rious visitors.  She  had  been  permitted,  she  said,  to  see  the  fate  of  the 
departed  in  the  next  world.  The  souls  of  all  her  ancestors  she  had 
beheld  tossing  about  in  unquenchable  fire ;  while  those  who  embraced 
the  faith  of  the  strangers  were  in  glory.  As  a  proof  of  the  truth  of  lier 
assertion,  she  added  that  her  brother  would  see,  on  a  great  festival 
near  at  hand,  a  young  warrior,  armed  with  a  torch  brighter  than  the 
sun,  in  one  hand,  and  a  flaming  sword,  like  that  worn  by  the  white 
men,  in  the  other,  passing  from  east  to  west  over  the  city.  Whether 
the  monarch  waited  for  the  vision,  or  ever  beheld  it,  is  not  told  us  by 
the  historian.  But,  relying  perhaps  on  the  miracle  of  her  resurrection 
as  quite  a  sufficient  voucher,  he  disbanded  a  very  powerful  force  which 
he  had  assembled  on  the  plains  of  Avalos  for  the  support  of  his  brother 
of  Mexico.  This  narrative,  with  abundance  of  supernumerary  incidents, 
not  necessary  to  repeat,  was  commemorated  in  the  Michoacan  picture- 
records,  and  reported  to  the  historian  of  Tezcuco  himself  by  the 
grandson  of  Tangapan.  (See  Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap. 
91.)  Whoever  reported  it  to  him,  it  is  not  difficult  to  trace  the  same 
pious  fingers  in  it  which  made  so  many  wholesome  legends  for  the 
good  of  the  Church  on  the  Old  Continent,  and  which  now  found, 
in  the  credulity  of  the  New,  a  rich  harvest  for  the  same  godly 
A'ork. 


TRANSPORTATION   OF   THE   BRIGANTINES. 


i^ 


ceived  the  welcome  intelligence  that  the  briganlines 
were  completed  and  waiting  to  be  transported  to  Tez- 
cuco.  He  detached  a  body  for  the  service,  consisting 
of  two  hundred  Spanish  foot  and  fifteen  horse,  which  he 
placed  under  the  command  of  Sandoval.  This  cavalier 
had  been  rising  daily  in  the  estimation  both  of  the 
general  and  of  the  army.  Though  one  of  the  youngest 
officers  in  the  service,  he  possessed  a  cool  head  and  a 
ripe  judgment,  which  fitted  him  for  the  most  delicate 
and  difficult  undertakings.  There  were  others,  indeed, 
as  Alvarado  and  Olid,  for  example,  whoseointrepidity 
made  them  equally  competent  to  achieve  a  brilliant 
coup-de-main.  But  the  courage  of  Alvarado  was  too 
often  carried  to  temerity  or  perverted  by  passion;  while 
Olid,  dark  and  doubtful  in  his  character,  was  not  en- 
tirely to  be  trusted.  Sandoval  was  a  native  of  Medellin, 
the  birthplace  of  Cortes  himself.  He  was  warmly 
attached  to  his  commander,  and  had  on  all  occasions 
proved  himself  worthy  of  his  confidence.  He  was  a 
man  of  few  words,  showing  his  worth  rather  by  what 
he  did  than  what  he  said.  His  honest,  soldier-like 
deportment  made  him  a  favorite  with  the  troops,  and 
had  its  influence  even  on  his  enemies.  He  unfortu- 
nately died  in  the  flower  of  his  age.  But  he  dis- 
covered talents  and  military  skill  which,  had  he  lived 
to  later  life,  would  undoubtedly  have  placed  his  name 
on  the  roll  with  those  of  the  greatest  captains  of  his 
nation. 

Sandoval's  route  was  to  lead  him  by  Zoltepec,  a 
smaL  city  where-  the  massacre  of  the  forty-five  Span^ 
iards,  already  noticed,  had  been  perpetrated.  Tht 
cavalier  received  orders  to  find  out  the  guilty  parties. 


20        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO.  ■ 

if  possible,  and  to  punish  them  for  their  share  in  the 
transaction. 

When  the  Spaniards  arrived  at  the  spot,  they  found 
that  the  inhabitants,  who  had  previous  notice  of  their 
approach,  had  all  fled.  In  the  deserted  temples  they 
discovered  abundant  traces  of  the  fate  of  their  coun- 
trymen ;  for,  besides  their  arms  and  clothing,  and  the 
hides  of  their  horses,  the  heads  of  several  soldiers, 
prepared  in  such  a  way  that  they  could  be  well  pre- 
served, were  found  suspended  as  trophies  of  the  vic- 
tory. In  i^neighboring  building,  traced  with  charcoal 
on  the  walls,  they  found  the  following  inscription  in 
Castilian  :  "In  this  place  the  unfortunate  Juan  Juste, 
with  many  others  of  his  company,  was  imprisoned." '' 
This  hidalgo  was  one  of  the  followers  of  Narvaez,  and 
had  come  with  him  into  the  country  in  quest  of  gold, 
but  had  found,  instead,  an  obscure  and  inglorious 
death.  The  eyes  of  the  soldiers  were  suffused  with 
tears  as  they  gazed  on  the  gloomy  record,  and  their 
bosoms  swelled  vrith  indignation  as  they  thought  of 
the  horrible  fate  of  the  captives.  Fortunately,  the  in- 
habitants were  not  then  before  them.  Some  few,  who 
subsequently  fell  into  their  hands,  were  branded  as 
slaves.  But  the  greater  part  of  the  population,  who 
threw  themselves,  in  the  most  abject  manner,  on  the 
mercy  of  the  Conquerors,  imputing  the  blame  of  the 
affair  to  the  Aztecs,  the  Spanish  commander  spared, 
from  pity,  or  contempt.'^ 

'7  "  Aqui  estuvo  preso  el  sin  ventura  de  Jua  Itiste  co  otros  muchos 
que  traia  en  mi  compania."  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap. 
140. 

"■s  Ibid.,  iibi  supra. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap. 
19. —  Rel.  Tare,  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  206 


TRAh'SPORTATlON  OF   THE   BRIGANTINES.      21 

He  now  resumed  his  march  on  Tlascala ;  but  scarcely 
had  he  crossed  the  borders  of  the  republic,  when  he 
descried  the  flaunting  banners  of  the  convoy  which 
transported  the  brigantines,  as  it  was  threading  its  way 
through  the  defiles  of  the  mountains.  Great  was  his 
satisfaction  at  the  spectacle,  for  he  had  feared  a  deten- 
tion of  some  days  at  Tlascala  before  the  preparations 
for' the  march  could  be  completed. 

There  were  thirteen  vessels  in  all,  of  different  sizes. 
They  had  been  constructed  under  the  direction  of  the 
experienced  ship-builder,  Martin  Lopez,  aided  by  three 
or  four  Spanish  carpenters  and  the  friendly  natives, 
some  of  whom  showed  no  mean  degree  of  imitative 
skill.  The  brigantines,  when  completed,  had  been 
fairly  tried  on  the  waters  of  the  Zahuapan.  They  were 
then  taken  to  pieces,  and,  as  Lopez  was  impatient  of 
delay,  the  several  parts,  the  timbers,  anchors,  iron- 
work, sails,  and  cordage,  were  placed  on  the  shoulders 
of  the  tamanes,  and,  under  a  numerous  military  escort, 
were  thus  far  advanced  on  the  way  to  Tezcuco.'' 
Sandoval  dismissed  a  part  of  the  Lidian  convoy,  as 
superfluous. 

Twenty  thousand  warriors  he  retained,  dividing  them 
into  two  equal  bodies  for  the  protection  of  the  tamanes 
in  the  centre."*     His  own  little  body  of  Spaniards  he 

'9  "  Y  despues  de  hechos  por  orden  de  Cortes,  y  probados  en  el  rio 
(jue  llaman  de  Tlaxcalla  Zahuapan,  que  se  atajo  para  probarlos  los 
bergantines,  y  los  tornaron  a  desbaratar  por  llevarlos  a  cuestas  sobre 
hombros  de  los  de  Tlaxcalla  d  la  ciudad  de  Tetzcuco,  donde  se  echdron 
en  la  Inguna,  y  se  armaron  de  artilleria  y  municion."  Camargo,  Hist, 
de  Tlascala,  MS. 

=°  Rel.  Terc.de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  207. — Bernal  Diaz  says 
sixteen  thousand.    (Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  ubi  supra.)     Th^re  is  a  woo- 


2  2        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

distributed  in  like  manner.  The  Tlascalans  in  the  van 
marched  under  the  command  of  a  chief  who  gloried 
in  the  name  of  Chichemecatl.  For  some  reason  San- 
doval afterwards  changed  the  order  of  march,  and 
placed  this  division  in  the  rear, — an  arrangement  which 
gave  great  umbrage  to  the  doughty  warrior  that  led  it, 
who  asserted  his  right  to  the  front,  the  place  which  he 
and  his  ancestors  had  always  occupied,  as  the  post  of 
danger.  He  was  somewhat  appeased  by  Sandoval's 
assurance  that  it  was  for  that  very  reason  he  had  been 
transferred  to  the  rear,  the  quarter  most  likely  to  be 
assailed  by  the  enemy.  But  even  then  he  was  greatly 
dissatisfied  on  finding  that  the  Spanish  commander  was 
to  march  by  his  side,  grudging,  it  would  seem,  that 
any  other  should  share  the  laurel  with  himself. 

Slowly  and  painfully,  encumbered  with  their  heavy 
burden,  the  troops  worked  their  way  over  steep  emi- 
nences and  rough  mountain -passes,  presenting,  one 
might  suppose,  in  their  long  line  of  march,  many  a 
vulnerable  point  to  an  enemy.  But,  although  small 
parties  of  warriors  were  seen  hovering  at  times  on  their 
flanks  and  rear,  they  kept  at  a  respectful  distance,  not 
caring  to  encounter  so  formidable  a  foe.  On  the  fourth 
day  the  warlike  caravan  arrived  in  safety  before  Tezcuco. 

Their  approach  was  beheld  with  joy  by  Cortes  and 
the  soldiers,  who  hailed  it  as  the  signal  of  a  speedy 
termination  of  the  war.  The  general,  attended  by  his 
officers,  all  dressed  in  their  richest  attire,  came  out  to 
welcome  the  convoy.  It  extended  over  a  space  of  two 
leagues  ;  and  so  slow  was  its  progress  that  six  hours 

derful  agreement  between  the  several  Castilian  writers  as  to  the  num- 
ber of  forces,  the  order  of  march,  and  the  events  that  occurred  on  it. 


TRANSPORTATION   OF   THE  BRIGANTINES. 


23 


elapsed  before  the  closing  files  had  entered  the  city.^ 
The  TIascalan  chiefs  displayed  all  their  wonted  bravery 
of  apparel,  and  the  whole  array,  composed  of  the 
flower  of  their  warriors,  made  a  brilliant  appearance. 
They  marched  by  the  sound  of  atabal  and  cornet,  and. 
as  they  traversed  the  streets  of  the  capital  amidst  the 
acclamations  of  the  soldiery,  they  made  the  city  ring 
with  the  shouts  of  "Castile  and  Tlascala,  long  live 
our  sovereign,  the  emperor  !"  " 

"  It  was  a  marvellous  thing,"  exclaims  the  Con- 
queror, in  his  Letters,  "that  few  have  seen,  or  even 
heard  of, — this  transportation  of  thirteen  vessels  of 
war  on  the  shoulders  of  men  for  nearly  twenty  leagues 
across  the  mountains  !"  ^^  It  was,  indeed,  a  stupen- 
dous achievement,  and  not  easily  matched  in  ancient 
or  modern  story;  one  which  only  a  genius  like  that  of 
Cortes  could  have  devised,  or  a  daring  spirit  like  his 
have  so  successfully  executed.  Little  did  he  foresee, 
when  he  ordered  the  destruction  of  the  fleet  which  first 

»•  "  Estendiase  tanto  la  Gente,  que  dende  que  los  primeros  comen- 
zdron  d,  entrar,  hasta  que  los  postreros  hobieron  acabado,  se  pasaron 
mas  de  seis  horas;  sin  quebrar  el  hilo  de  la  Gente."  Rel.  Terc.  de 
Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  208. 

22  "  Dando  vozes  y  silvos  y  diziendo :  Viua,  viua  el  Emperador, 
nuestro  Senor,  y  Castilla,  Castilla,  y  Tlascala,  Tlascala."  (Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist-  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  140.)  For  the  particulars  of  Sando- 
val's expedition,  see,  also,  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33, 
cap.  ig, — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  124, — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind., 
lib.  4,  cap.  84, — Ixdil.xochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  92, — Herrera, 
Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  i,  cap.  2. 

=3  ".Que  era  cosa  maravillosa  de  ver,  y  assi  me  parece  que  es  de 
oir,  llevar  trece  Fustas  diez  y  ocho  leguas  por  Tierra."  (Rel.  Terc. 
de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  207.)  "  En  rem  Romano  populo,"  ex- 
claims Martyr,  "  quando  illustrius  res  illorum  vigebant,  non  facileml" 
De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  8. 


24        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

brought  him  to  the  country,  and  with  liis  usual  forecast 
commanded  the  preservation  of  the  iron-work  and 
rigging, — little  did  he  foresee  the  important  uses  for 
which  they  were  to  be  reserved ;  so  important,  that  on 
their  preservation  may  be  said  to  have  depended  the 
successful  issue  of  his  great  enterprise.^* 

He  greeted  his  Indian  allies  with  the  greatest  cor- 
diality, testifying  his  sense  of  their  services  by  those 
honors  and  attentions  which  he  knew  would  be  most 
grateful  to  their  ambitious  spirits.  *'We  come,"  ex- 
claimed the  hardy  warriors,  "  to  fight  under  your  ban- 
ner ;  to  avenge  our  common  quarrel,  or  to  fall  by  your 
side;"  and,  with  their  usual  impatience,  they  urged 
him  to  lead  them  at  once  against  the  enemy.  "  Wait," 
replied  the  general,  bluntly,  "till  you  are  rested,  and 
you  shall  have  your  hands  full."^^ 

=4  Two  memorable  examples  of  a  similar  transportation  of  vessels 
across  the  land  are  recorded,  the  one  in  ancient,  the  other  in  modem 
history ;  and  both,  singularly  enough,  at  the  same  place,  Tarentum. 
in  Italy.  The  first  occurred  at  the  siege  of  that  city  by  Hannibal 
(see  Polybius,  lib.  8) ;  the  latter  some  seventeen  centuries  later,  by 
the  Great  Captain,  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova.  But  the  distance  they  were 
transported  was  inconsiderable.  A  more  analogous  example  is  that 
of  Balboa,  the  bold  discoverer  of  the  Pacific.  He  made  arrangements 
to  have  four  brigantines  transported  a  distance  of  twenty-two  leagues 
across  the  Isthmus  of  Darien,  a  stupendous  labor,  and  not  entirely 
successful,  as  only  two  reached  their  point  of  destination.  (See  Her- 
rera,  Plist.  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  2,  cap.  ii.)  This  took  place  in  1516, 
in  the  neighborhood,  as  it  were,  of  Cortes,  and  may  have  suggested  to 
his  enterprising  spirit  the  first  idea  of  his  own  more  successful,  as  well 
as  more  extensive,  undertaking. 

=5  "  Y  ellos  me  dijeron,  que  trahian  deseo  de  se  ver  con  los  de  Culua, 
y  (jue  viesse  lo  que  mandaba,  que  ellos,  y  aquella  Genie  venian  con 
deseos,  y  voluntad  de  se  vengar,  6  morir  con  nosotros;  y  yo  les  di 
las  gracias,  y  les  dije,  que  reposassen,  y  que  presto  les  daria  las  manos 
Uenas."     Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  208. 


CHAPTER    II. 

CORTES  RECONNOITRES  THE  CAPITAL. OCCUPIES  TACUBA. 

SKIRMISHES    WITH    THE    ENEMY. EXPEDITION    OF 

SANDOVAL. — ARRIVAL   OF   REINFORCEMENTS. 

I52I. 

In  the  course  of  three  or  four  days,  the  Spanish 
general  furnished  the  Tlascalans  with  the  opportunity 
so  much  coveted,  and  allowed  their  boiling  spirits  to 
effervesce  in  active  operations.  He  had  for  some  time 
meditated  an  expedition  to  reconnoitre  the  capital  and 
its  environs,  and  to  chastise,  on  the  way,  certain  places 
which  had  sent  him  insulting  messages  of  defiance  and 
which  were  particularly  active  in  their  hostilities.  He 
disclosed  his  design  to  a  few  only  of  his  principal 
officers,  from  his  distrust  of  the  Tezcucans,  whom  he 
suspected  to  be  in  correspondence  with  the  enemy. 

Early  in  the  spring,  he  left  Tezcuco,  at  the  head  of 
three  hundred  and  fifty  Spaniards  and  the  whole  strength 
of  his  allies.  He  took  with  him  Alvai-ado  and  Olid, 
and  intrusted  the  charge  of  the  garrison  to  Sandoval. 
Cortes  had  had  practical  acquaintance  with  the  incom- 
petence of  the  first  of  these  cavaliers  for  so  delicate  a 
post,  during  his  short  but  disastrous  rule  in  Mexico. 

But  all  his  precautions  had  not  availed  to  shroud  his 
designs  from  the  vigilant  foe,  whose  eye  was  on  all  his 
movements ;  who  seemed  even  to  divine  his  thoughts 
Vol.  III.— b  3  (  25  ) 


2  6        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

and  to  be  prepared  to  thwart  their  execution.  He  had 
advanced  but  a  few  leagues,  when  he  was  met  by  a  con- 
siderable body  of  Mexicans,  drawn  up  to  dispute  his 
progress.  A  sharp  skirmish  took  place,  in  which  the 
enemy  were  driven  from  the  ground,  and  the^way  Avas 
left  open  to  the  Christians.  They  held  a  circuitous 
route  to  the  north,  and  their  first  point  of  attack  was 
the  insular  town  of  Xaltocan,  situated  on  the  northern 
extremity  of  the  lake  of  that  name,  now  called  San 
Christobal.  The  town  was  entirely  surrounded  by 
water,  and  communicated  with  the  main  land  by  means 
of  causeways,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Mexican 
capital.  Cortes,  riding  at  the  head  of  his  cavalry, 
advanced  along  the  dike  till  he  was  brought  to  a  stand 
by  finding  a  wide  opening  in  it,  through  which  the 
waters  poured,  so  as  to  be  altogether  impracticable,  not 
only  for  horse,  but  for  infantry.  The  lake  was  covered 
with  canoes  filled  with  Aztec  warriors,  who,  anticipating 
the  movement  of  the  Spaniards,  had  come  to  the  aid 
of  the  city.  They  now  began  a  furious  discharge  of 
stones  and  arrows  on  the  assailants,  while  they  were 
themselves  tolerably  well  protected  from  the  musketry 
of  their  enemy  by  the  light  bulwarks  with  which,  for 
that  purpose,  they  had  fortified  their  canoes. 

The  severe  volleys  of  the  Mexicans  did  some  injury 
to  the  Spaniards  and  their  allies,  and  began  to  throw 
them  into  disorder,  crowded  as  they  were  on  the  nar- 
row causeway,  without  the  means  of  advancing,  when 
Cortes  ordered  a  retreat.  This  was  followed  by  re- 
newed tempests  of  missiles,  accompanied  by  taunts  and 
fierce  yells  of  defiance.  The  battle-cry  of  the  Aztec, 
like  the  war-whoop  of  the  North  American  Indian,  was 


CORTES  RECONNOITRES   THE   CAPITAL.        27 

an  appalling  note,  according  to  the  Conqueror's  own 
acknowledgment,  in  the  ears  of  the  Spaniards.'  At 
this  juncture,  the  general  fortunately  obtained  informa- 
tion from  a  deserter,  one  of  the  Mexican  allies,  of  a 
ford,  by  which  the  army  might  traverse  the  shallow 
lake  and  penetrate  into  the  place.  He  instantly  de- 
spatched the  greater  part  of  the  infantry  on  the  ser- 
vice, posting  llimself  with  the  remainder  and  with  the 
horse  at  the  entrance  of  the  passage,  to  cover' the  attack 
and  prevent  any  interruption  in  the  rear. 

The  soldiers,  under  the  direction  of  the  Indian 
guide,  forded  the  lake  without  much  difficulty,  though 
in  some  places  the  water  came  above  their  girdles. 
During  the  passage,  they  were  annoyed  by  the  enemy's 
missiles  \  but  when  they  had  gained  the  dry  level  they 
took  ample  revenge,  and  speedily  put  all  who  resisted 
to  the  sword.  The  greater  part,  together  with  the 
townsmen,  made  their  escape  in  the  boats.  The  place 
was  now  abandoned  to  pillage.  The  troops  found  in 
it  many  women,  who  had  been  left  to  their  fate ;  and 
these,  together  with  a  considerable  quantity  of  cotton 
stuffs,  gold,  and  articles  of  food,  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  victors,  who,  setting  fire  to  the  deserted  city, 
returned  in  triumph  to  their  comrades.^ 

Continuing  his  circuitous  route,  Cortes  presented 
himself  successively  before  three  other  places,  each  of 

•  "  De  lejos  comenzdron  d  gritar,  como  lo  suelen  hacer  en  la  Guerra, 
que  cierto  es  cosa  espantosa  oillos."  Rcl.  Tcrc,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p. 
209. 

*  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conqiiista,  cap.  141. — 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  20. — Ixttilxochitl,  Venida 
de  los  Espanoles,  pp.  13,  14. — Idem,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  92. — 
Goinara,  Cionica,  cap.  125. 


28        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

which  had  been  deserted  by  the  inhabitants  in  antici- 
pation of  his  arrival. 3  The  principal  of  these,  Azca- 
pozalco,  had  once  been  the  capital  of  an  independent 
state.  It  was  now  the  great  slave-market  of  the  Aztecs, 
where  their  unfortunate  captives  were  brought  and 
disposed  of  at  public  sale.  It  was  also  the  quarter 
occupied  by  the  jewellers,  and  the  place  whence  the 
Spaniards  obtained  the  goldsmiths  who  melted  down 
the  rich  treasures  received  from  Montezuma.  But  they 
found  there  only  a  small  supply  of  the  precious  metals, 
or,  indeed,  of  anything  else  of  value,  as  the  people  had 
been  careful  to  remove  their  effects.  They  spared  the 
buildings,  however,  in  consideration  of  their  having 
met  with  no  resistance. 

During  the  nights,  the  troops  bivouacked  in  the  open 
fields,  maintaining  the  strictest  watch,  for  the  country 
was  all  in  arms,  and  beacons  were  flaming  on  every 
hill-top,  while  dark  masses  of  the  enemy  were  occa- 
sionally descried  in  the  distance.  The  Spaniards  were 
now  traversing  the  most  opulent  region  of  Anahuac. 
Cities  and  villages  were  scattered  over  hill  and  valley, 
with  cultivated  environs  blooming  around  them,  all 
giving  token  of  a  dense  and  industrious  population. 
In  the  centre  of  this  brilliant  circumference  stood  the 

3  These  towns  rejoiced  in  the  melodious  names  of  Tenajocean, 
Quauhtitlan,  and  Azcapozalco.  I  have  constantly  endeavored  to 
spai'e  the  reader,  in  the  text,  any  unnecessary  accumulation  of  Mexi- 
can names,  which,  as  he  is  aware  by  this  time,  have  not  even  brevity 
to  recommend  them.  [Alaman,  with  some  justice,  remarks  that  these 
names  appear  unmelodious  to  an  English  writer  who  does  not  know 
how  to  pronounce  them,  for  the  same  reason  as  English  names  would 
appear  unmelodious  to  a  Mexican.  Conquista  de  Mejico  (trad,  de 
Vega),  torn.  ii.  p.  115.] 


CORTES  RECONNOITRES    THE    CAPITAL. 


29 


Indian  metropolis,  with  its  gorgeous  tiara  of  pyramids 
and  temples,  attracting  the  eye  of  the  soldier  from 
every  other  object,  as  he  wound  round  the  borders  of 
the  lake.  Every  inch  of  ground  which  the  army  trod 
was  familiar  to  them, — familiar  as  the  scenes  of  child- 
hood, though  with  very  different  associations,  for  it 
had  been  written  on  their  memories  in  characters  of 
blood.  On  the  right  rose  the  Hill  of  Montezuma,^ 
crowned  by  the  teocalli  under  the  roof  of  which  the 
shattered  relics  of  the  army  had  been  gathered  on  the 
day  following  the  flight  from  the  capital.  In  front  lay 
the  city  of  Tacuba,  through  whose  inhospitable  streets 
they  had  hurried  in  fear  and  consternation  ;  and  away 
to  the  east  of  it  stretched  the  melancholy  causeway. 

It  was  the  general's  purpose  to  march  at  once  on 
Tacuba  and  establish  his  quarters  in  that  ancient  capi- 
tal for  the  present.  He  found  a  strong  force  encamped 
under  its  walls,  prepared  to  dispute  his  entrance.  With- 
out waiting  for  their  advance,  he  rode  at  full  gallop 
against  them  with  his  little  body  of  horse.  The  arque- 
buses and  cross-bows  opened  a  lively  volley  on  their 
extended  wings,  and  the  infantry,  armed  with  their 
swords  and  copper-headed  lances  and  supported  by 
the  Indian  battalions,  followed  up  the  attack  of  the 
horse  with  an  alacrity  which  soon  put  the  enemy  to 
flight.  The  Spaniards  usually  opened  the  combat  with 
a  charge  of  cavalry.  But,  had  the  science  of  the 
Aztecs  been  equal  to  their  courage,  they  might  with 
their  long  spears  have  turned  the  scale  of  battle,  some- 
times at  least,  in  their  own  favor ;  for  it  was  with  the 

4  [The  Hill  of  Los  Remedies.  Conquista  de  Mejico  (trad,  de  Vega), 
torn.  ii.  p.  116.] 

3* 


30        SIEGE   A. YD   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

same  formidable  weapon  that  the  Swiss  mountaineers, 
but  a  few  years  before  this  period  of  our  history,  broke 
and  completely  foiled  the  famous  o7-don7iance  of  Charles 
the  Bold,  the  best-appointed  cavalry  of  their  day.  But 
the  barbarians  were  ignorant  of  the  value  of  this  weapon 
when  opposed  to  cavalry.  And,  indeed,  the  appalling 
apparition  of  the  war-horse  and  his  rider  still  held  a 
mysterious  power  over  their  imaginations,  which  con- 
tributed, perhaps,  quite  as  much  as  the  effective  force 
of  the  cavalry  itself,  to  their  discomfiture.  Cortes  led 
his  troops  without  further  opposition  into  the  suburbs 
of  Tacuba,  the  ancient  Tlacopan,  where  he  established 
himself  for  the  night. 

On  the  following  morning  he  found  the  indefatigable 
Aztecs  again  under  arms,  and,  on  the  open  ground 
before  the  city,  prepared  to  give  him  battle.  He 
marched  out  against  them,  and,  after  an  action  hotly 
contested,  though  of  no  long  duration,  again  routed 
them.  They  fled  towards  the  town,  but  were  driven 
through  the  streets  at  the  point  of  the  lance,  and  were 
compelled,  together  with  the  inhabitants,  to  evacuate 
the  place.  The  city  was  then  delivered  over  to  pil- 
lage ;  and  the  Indian  allies,  not  content  with  plunder- 
ing the  houses  of  every  thing  portable  within  them,  set 
them  on  fire,  and  in  a  short  time  a  quarter  of  the  town 
— the  poorer  dwellings,  probably,  built  of  light,  com- 
bustible materials — was  in  flames.  Cortes  and  his 
troops  did  all  in  their  power  to  stop  the  conflagration, 
but  the  Tlascalans  were  a  fierce  race,  not  easily  guided 
at  any  time,  and  when  their  passions  were  once  kindled 
it  was  impossible  even  for  the  general  himself  to  con- 
trol them.     They  were  a  terrible  auxiliary,  and,  from 


OCCUPIES   TACUBA. 


31 


their  insubordination,  as  terrible  sometimes  to  friend 
as  to  foe.^ 

Cortes  proposed  to  remain  in  his  present  quarters  for 
some  days,  during  which  time  he  established  his  own 
residence  in  the  ancient  palace  of  the  lords  of  Tlacopan. 
It  was  a  long  range  of  low  buildings,  like  most  of  the 
royal  residences  in  the  country,  and  offered  good  ac- 
commodations for  the  Spanish  forces.  During  his  halt 
here,  there  was  not  a  day  on  which  the  army  was  not 
engaged  in  one  or  more  rencontres  with  the  enemy. 
They  terminated  almost  uniformly  in  favor  of  the 
Spaniards,  though  with  more  or  less  injury  to  them 
and  to  their  allies.  One  encounter,  indeed,  had  nearly 
been  attended  with  more  fatal  consequences. 

The  Spanish  general,  in  the  heat  of  pursuit,  had 
allowed  himself  to  be  decoyed  upon  the  great  cause- 
way,— the  same  which  had  once  been  so  fatal  to  his 
army.  He  followed  the  flying  foe  until  he  had  gained 
the  farther  side  of  the  nearest  bridge,  which  had  been 
repaired  since  the  disastrous  action  of  the  noche  triste. 
When  thus  far  advanced,  the  Aztecs,  with  the  rapidity 
of  lightning,  turned  on  him,  and  he  beheld  a  large 
reinforcement  in  their  rear,  all  fresh  on  the  field,  pre- 
pared to  support  their  countrymen.     At  the  same  time, 

S  They  burned  this  place,  according  to  Cortes,  in  retaliation  of  the 
injuries  inflicted  by  the  inhabitants  on  their  countrymen  in  the  retreat: 
"  Y  en  amaneciendo  los  Indies  nuestros  Amigos  conienzaron  d  saquear, 
y  quemar  toda  la  Ciudad,  salvo  el  Aposento  donde  estabamos,  y  pusi- 
eron  tanta  diligencia,  que  aun  de  el  se  quemo  un  Quarto;  y  esto  se 
hizij,  porque  quando  salimos  la  otra  vez  desbaratados  de  Tcmixtitan, 
pasando  por  esta  Ciudad,  los  Naturales  de  clla  juntamente  con  los  de 
Temixtitan  nos  hicieron  muy  cruel  Guerra,  y  nos  mataron  muchos 
Espanoles."     Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  210. 


32 


SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 


swarms  of  boats,  unobserved  in  the  eagerness  of  the 
chase,  seemed  to  start  up  as  if  by  magic,  covering  the 
waters  around.  The  Spaniards  were  now  exposed  to  a 
perfect  hail-storm  of  missiles,  both  from  the  causeway 
and  the  lake ;  but  they  stood  unmoved  amidst  the 
tempest,  when  Cortes,  too  late  perceiving  his  error, 
gave  orders  for  the  retreat.  Slowly,  and  with  admira- 
ble coolness,  his  men  receded,  step  by  step,  offering  a 
resolute  front  to  the  enemy.*  The  Mexicans  came  on 
with  their  usual  vociferation,  making  the  shores  echo 
to  their  war-cries,  and  striking  at  the  Spaniards  with 
their  long  pikes,  and  with  poles,  to  which  the  swords 
taken  from  the  Christians  had  been  fastened.  A  cava- 
lier, named  Volante,  bearing  the  standard  of  Cortes, 
was  felled  by  one  of  their  weapons,  and,  tumbling  into 
the  lake,  was  picked  up  by  the  Mexican  boats.  He 
was  a  man  of  a  muscular  frame,  and,  as  the  enemy  were 
dragging  him  off,  he  succeeded  in  extricating  himself 
from  their  grasp,  and,  clenching  his  colors  in  his  hand, 
with  a  desperate  effort  sprang  back  upon  the  causeway. 
At  length,  after  some  hard  fighting,  in  which  many  of 
the  Spaniards  were  wounded  and  many  of  their  allies 
slain,  the  troops  regained  the  land,  where  Cortes,  with 
a  full  heart,  returned  thanks  to  Heaven  for  what  he 
might  well  regard  as  a  providential  deliverance.^  It 
was  a  salutary  lesson ;  though  he  should  scarcely  have 

6  "  Luego  mando,  que  todos  se  retraxessen ;  y  con  el  major  con- 
cierto  que  pudo,  y  no  bueltas  las  espaldas,  sine  los  rostros  a  los  con- 
trario3,  pie  contra  pie,  como  quien  haze  represas."  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist, 
de  la  Conquista,  cap.  141. 

7  "  Desta  manera  se  escapo  Cortes  aquella  vez  del  poder  de  Mexico, 
y  quando  se  vio  en  tierra  firme,  dio  muchas  gracias  d  Dies."  Ibid., 
ubi  supra. 


SKIRMISHES    WITH  THE   E.\EMY.  33 

needed  one,  so  soon  after  the  affair  of  Iztapalapan,  to 
warn  him  of  the  wily  tactics  of  his  enemy. 

It  had  been  one  of  Cortes'  principal  objects  in  this 
expedition  to  obtain  an  interview,  if  possible,  with  the 
Aztec  emperor,  or  with  some  of  the  great  lords  at  his 
court,  and  to  try  if  some  means  for  an  accommodation 
could  not  be  found,  by  which  he  might  avoid  the  ap- 
peal to  arms.  An  occasion  for  such  a  parley  presented 
itself  when  his  forces  were  one  day  confronted  with 
those  of  the  enemy,  with  a  broken  bridge  interposed 
between  them.  Cortes,  riding  in  advance  of  his  people, 
intimated  by  signs  his  peaceful  intent,  and  that  he 
wished  to  confer  with  the  Aztecs.  They  respected  the 
signal,  and,  with  the  aid  of  his  interpreter,  he  requested 
that  if  there  were  any  great  chief  among  them  he 
would  come  forward  and  hold  a  parley  with  him.  The 
Mexicans  replied,  in  derision,  they  were  all  chiefs,  and 
bade  him  speak  openly  whatever  he  had  to  tell  them. 
As  the  general  returned  no  answer,  they  asked  why  he 
did  not  make  another  visit  to  the  capital,  and  taunt- 
ingly added,  "  Perhaps  Malinche  does  not  expect  to 
find  there  another  Montezuma,  as  obedient  to  his  com- 
mands as  the  former."^  Some  of  them  complimented 
the  Tlascalans  with  the  epithet  of  women,  who,  they 
said,  would  never  have  ventured  so  near  the  capital  but 
for  the  protection  of  the  white  men. 

The  animosity  of  the  two  nations  was  not  confined 
to  these  harmless  though  bitter  jests,  but  showed  itself 
in  regular  cartels  of  defiance,  which  daily  passed  be- 
tv/een  the  principal  chieftains.      These  were  followed 

8  "  Pensais,  que  hay  agora  otro  Muteczuma,  para  que  haga  todo.  I<j 
que  quisieredes?"     Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  211. 
B* 


34        SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

by  combats,  in  which  one  or  more  champions  fought 
on  a  side,  to  vindicate  the  lienor  of  their  respective 
countries.  A  fair  field  of  fight  was  given  to  the  war- 
riors, who  conducted  these  combats  a  l oiitrance  with 
the  punctilio  of  a  European  tourney;  displaying  a 
valor  worthy  of  the  two  boldest  of  the  races  of  Ana- 
huac,  an  J  a  skill  in  the  management  of  their  weapons, 
which  drew  forth  the  admiration  of  the  Spaniards.' 

Cortes  had  now  been  six  days  in  Tacuba.  There 
was  nothing  further  to  detain  him,  as  he  had  accom- 
plished the  chief  objects  of  his  expedition.  He  had 
humbled  several  of  the  places  which  had  been  most 
active  in  their  hostility;  and  he  had  revived  the  credit 
of  the  Castilian  arms,  which  had  been  much  tarnished 
by  their  former  reverses  in  this  quarter  of  the  Valley. 
He  had  also  made  himself  acquainted  with  the  condi- 
tion of  the  capital,  which  he  found  in  a  better  posture 
of  defence  than  he  had  imagined.  All  the  ravages  of 
the  preceding  year  seemed  to  be  repaired,  and  there 
was  no  evidence,  even  to  his  experienced  eye,  that 
the  wasting  hand  of  war  had  so  lately  swept  over  the 
land.  The  Aztec  troops,  which  swarmed  through  the 
Valley,  seemed  to  be  well  appointed,  and  showed  an 
invincible  spirit,  as  if  prepared  to  resist  to  the  last.  It 
is  true,  they  had  been  beaten  in  every  encounter.  In 
the  open  field  they  were  no  match  for  the  Spaniards, 
whose  cavalry  they  could  never  comprehend,  and  whose 
fire-arms  easily  penetrated  the  cotton  mail  which  formed 
the  stoutest  defence  of  the  Indian  warrior.  But,  en- 
tangled  in  the  long  streets  and  narrow  lanes  of  the 

9  "  Y  peleaban  los  unos  ccn  los  otros  muy  hermosamente."  Rel.  Terc. 
de  Cortes,  ubi  sv-pra. —  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  2a 


SKIRMISHES    WITH   THE  EAEMY.  35 

metropolis,  where  every  house  was  a  citadel,  the  Span- 
iards, as  experience  had  shown,  would  lose  much  of 
their  superiority.  With  the  Mexican  emperor,  con- 
fident in  the  strength  of  his  preparations,  the  general 
saw  there  was  no  probability  of  effecting  an  accommo- 
dation. He  saw,  too,  the  necessity  of  the  most  careful 
preparations  on  his  own  part — indeed,  that  he  must 
strain  his  resources  to  the  utmost — before  he  could 
safely  venture  to  rouse  the  lion  in  his  lair. 

The  Spaniards  returned  by  the  same  route  by  which 
they  had  come.  Their  retreat  was  interpreted  into  a 
flight  by  the  natives,  who  hung  on  the  rear  of  the  army, 
uttering  vainglorious  vaunts,  and  saluting  the  troops 
with  showers  of  arrows,  which  did  some  mischief. 
Cortes  resorted  to  one  of  their  own  stratagems  to  rid 
himself  of  this  annoyance.  He  divided  his  cavalry 
into  two  or  three  small  parties,  and  concealed  them 
among  some  thick  shrubbery  which  fringed  both  sides 
of  the  road.  The  rest  of  the  army  continued  its  march. 
The  Mexicans  followed,  unsuspicious  of  the  ambuscade, 
when  the  horse,  suddenly  darting  from  their  place  of 
concealment,  threw  the  enemy's  flanks  into  confusion, 
and  the  retreating  columns  of  infantry,  facing  about 
suddenly,  commenced  a  brisk  attack,  which  completed 
their  consternation.  It  was  a  broad  and  level  plain, 
over  which  the  panic-struck  Mexicans  made  the  best 
of  their  way,  without  attempting  resistance  ;  while  the 
cavalry,  riding  them  down  and  piercing  the  fugitives 
with  their  lances,  followed  up  the  chase  for  several 
miles,  in  what  Cortes  calls  a  truly  beautiful  style." 

10  M  Y  comenzamos  d  lanzear  en  ellos,  y  duro  el  alcanze  cerca  de 
dos  leguas  todas  lianas,  como  lapalma,  que  fue  muy  hermosa  cosa." 
Rel.  Tare,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  212. 


36        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO 

The  army  experienced  no  further  annoyance  from  the 
enemy. 

On  their  arrival  at  Tezcuco  they  were  greeted  with 
joy  by  their  comrades,  who  had  received  no  tidings 
of  them  during  the  fortnight  whicli  had  elapsed  since 
their  departure.  The  Tlascalans,  immediately  on  their 
return,  requested  the  general's  permission  to  carry 
back  to  their  own  country  the  valuable  booty  which 
they  had  gathered  in  their  foray, — a  request  which, 
however  unpalatable,  he  could  not  refuse." 

The  troops  had  not  been  in  quarters  more  than  two 
or  three  days,  when  an  embassy  arrived  from  Chalco, 
again  soliciting  the  protection  of  the  Spaniards  against 
the  Mexicans,  who  menaced  them  from  several  points 
in  their  neighborhood.  But  the  soldiers  were  so  much 
exhausted  by  unintermitted  vigils,  forced  marches, 
battles,  and  wounds,  that  Cortes  wished  to  give  them 
a  breathing-time  to  recruit,  before  engaging  in  a  new 
expedition.  He  answered  the  application  of  the  Chal- 
cans  by  sending  his  missives  to  the  allied  cities,  calling 
on  them  to  march  to  the  assistance  of  their  confederate. 
It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  they  could  comprehend 
the  import  of  his  despatches.  But  the  paper,  with  its 
mysterious  characters,  served  for  a  warrant  to  the 
officer  who  bore  it,  as  the  interpreter  of  the  general's 
commands. 

But,    although    these   were   implicitly   obeyed,    the 

"  For  the  particulars  of  this  expedition  of  Cortes,  see,  besides  his 
own  Commentaries  so  often  quoted,  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
lib.  33,  cap.  20, — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  85,— 
Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  125, — Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  Espanoles, 
pp.  13,  14, — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  141. 


EXPEDITION  OF  SANDOVAL. 


37 


Chalcans  felt  the  danger  so  pressing  that  they  soon 
repeated  their  petition  for  the  Spaniards  to  come  in 
person  to  their  relief.  Cortes  no  longer  hesitated;  for 
he  was  well  aware  of  the  importance  of  Chalco,  not 
merely  on  its  own  account,  but  from  its  position,  which 
commanded  one  of  the  great  avenues  to  Tlascala,  and 
to  Vera  Cruz,  the  intercourse  with  which  should  run  no 
risk  of  interruption.  Without  further  loss  of  time, 
therefore,  he  detached  a  body  of  three  hundred  Spanish 
foot  and  twenty  horse,  under  the  command  of  Sando- 
val, for  the  protection  of  the  city. 

That  active  officer  soon  presented  himself  before 
Chalco,  and,  strengthened  by  the  reinforcement  of  its 
own  troops  and  those  of  the  confederate  towns,  directed 
his  first  operations  against  Huaxtepec,  a  place  of  some 
importance,  lying  five  leagues  or  more  to  the  south 
among  the  mountains.  It  was  held  by  a  strong  Mexi- 
can force,  watching  their  opportunity  to  make  a  descent 
upon  Chalco.  The  Spaniards  found  the  enemy  drawn 
up  at  a  distance  from  the  town,  prepared  to  receive 
them.  The  ground  was  broken  and  tangled  with 
bushes,  unfavorable  to  the  cavalry,  which,  in  con- 
sequence, soon  fell  into  disorder ;  and  Sandoval,  find- 
ing himself  embarrassed  by  their  movements,  ordered 
them,  after  sustaining  some  loss,  from  the  field.  In 
their  place  he  brought  up  his  musketeers  and  crossbow- 
men,  who  poured  a  rapid  fire  into  the  thick  columns 
of  the  Indians.  The  rest  of  the  infantry,  with  sword 
and  pike,  charged  the  flanks  of  the  enemy,  who,  be- 
wildered by  the  shock,  after  sustaining  considerable 
slaughter,  fell  back  in  an  irregular  manner,  leaving  the 
field  of  battle  to  the  Spaniards. 
Vol.  III.  4 


38        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

The  victors  proposed  to  bivouac  there  for  the  night. 
But,  while  engaged  in  preparations  for  their  evening 
meal,  they  were  aroused  by  the  cry  of  "To  arms,  to 
arms!  the  enemy  is  upon  us!"  In  an  instant  the 
trooper  was  in  his  saddle,  the  soldier  grasped  his  mus- 
ket or  his  good  Toledo,  and  the  action  was  renewed 
with  greater  fury  than  before.  The  Mexicans  had 
received  a  reinforcement  from  the  city.  But  their 
second  attempt  was  not  more  fortunate  than  their  first ; 
and  the  victorious  Spaniards,  driving  their  antagonists 
before  them,  entered  and  took  possession  of  the  town 
itself,  which  had  already  been  evacuated  by  the  in- 
habitants." 

Sandoval  took  up  his  quarters  in  the  dwelling  of  the 
lord  of  the  place,  surrounded  by  gardens  which  rivalled 
those  of  Iztapalapan  in  magnificence  and  surpassed 
them  in  extent.  They  are  said  to  have  been  two 
leagues  in  circumference,  having  pleasure-houses,  and 
numerous  tanks  stocked  with  various  kinds  of  fish ;  and 
they  were  embellished  with  trees,  shrubs,  and  plants, 
native  and  exotic,  some  selected  for  their  beauty  and 
fragrance,  others  for  their  medicinal  properties.  They 
were  scientifically  arranged ;  and  the  whole  establish- 
ment displayed  a  degree  of  horticultural  taste  and 
knowledge  of  which  it  would  not  have  been  easy  to 
find  a  counterpart,  at  that  day,  in  the  more  civilized 
communities  of  Europe. '^     Such  is  the  testimony  not 

»2  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  214,  215. — Gomara, 
Cronica,  cap.  146. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  142. — 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  21. 

n  "  Which  gardens,"  says  Cortes,  who  afterwards  piassed  a  day 
there,  "are  the  largest,  freshest,  and  most  beautiful  that  were  ever 
seen.     They  have  a  circuit  of  two  leagues,  and  through  the  middle 


EXPEDITION  OF  SANDOVAL.  39 

only  of  the  rude  Conquerors,  but  of  men  of  science, 
who  visited  these  beautiful  repositories  in  the  day  of 
their  glory.'* 

After  halting  two  days  to  refresh  his  forces  in  this 
agreeable  spot,  Sandoval  marched  on  Jacapichtla,  about 
twelve  r.  iles  to  the  eastward.  It  was  a  town,  or  rather 
fortress,  perched  on  a  rocky  eminence  almost  inaccessi- 
ble from  its  steepness.  It  was  garrisoned  by  a  Mexican 
force,  who  rolled  down  on  the  assailants,  as  they  at- 
tempted to  scale  the  heights,  huge  fragments  of  rock, 
which,  thundering  over  the  sides  of  the  precipice, 
carried  ruin  and  desolation  in  their  path.  The  Indian 
confederates  fell  back  in  dismay  from  the  attempt. 
But  Sandoval,  indignant  that  any  achievement  should 
be  too  difficult  for  a  Spaniard,  commanded  his  cava- 
liers to  dismount,  and,  declaring  that  he  "would  carry 
the  place  or  die  in  the  attempt,"  led  on  his  men 
with  the  cheering  cry  of  "St.  Jago."  '^  With  renewed 
courage,  they  now  followed  their  gallant  leader  up  the 

flows  a  very  pleasant  stream  of  water.  At  distances  of  two  bow-shots 
are  buildings  surrounded  by  grounds  planted  with  fruit-trees  of  various 
kinds,  with  many  shrubs  and  odorous  flowers.  Truly  the  whole  place 
is  wonderful  for  its  pleasantness  and  its  extent."  (Rel.  Terc,  ap. 
Lorenzana,  pp.  221,  222.)  Bernal  Diaz  is  not  less  emphatic  in  his 
admiration.     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  142. 

«4  The  distinguished  naturalist  Hernandez  has  frequent  occasion  to 
notice  this  garden,  which  furnished  him  with  many  specimens  for  his 
great  work.  It  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  preserved  after  the  Con- 
quest, when  particular  attention  was  given  to  its  medicinal  plants,  for 
the  use  of  a  great  hospital  established  in  the  neighborhood.  See 
Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  ii.  p.  153. 

»5  "  6  como  esto  vio  el  diclio  Alguacil  Mayor,  y  los  Espanoles, 
determinaron  de  morir,  6  subilles  por  fuerza  d  lo  alto  del  Pueblo,  y 
con  el  apellido  de  Seiior  Santiago,  comenzaron  a  subir."  Rel.  Terc, 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  214. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  21. 


40        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

ascent,  under  a  storm  of  lighter  missiles,  mingled  with 
huge  masses  of  stone,  which,  breaking  into  splinters, 
overturned  the  assailants  and  made  fearful  havoc  in 
their  ranks.  Sandoval,  who  had  been  wounded  on  the 
preceding  day,  received  a  severe  contusion  on  the 
head,  while  more  than  one  of  his  brave  comrades  were 
struck  down  by  his  side.  Still  they  clambered  up, 
sustaining  themselves  by  the  bushes  or  projecting  pieces 
of  rock,  and  seemed  to  force  themselves  onward  as 
much  by  the  energy  of  their  wills  as  by  the  strength 
of  their  bodies. 

After  incredible  toil,  they  stood  on  the  summit,  face 
to  face  with  the  astonished  garrison.  For  a  moment 
they  paused  to  recover  breath,  then  sprang  furiously 
on  their  foes.  The  struggle  was  short,  but  desperate. 
Most  of  the  Aztecs  were  put  to  the  sword.  Some  were 
thrown  headlong  over  the  battlements,  and  others,  let- 
ting themselves  down  the  precipice,  w^ere  killed  on  the 
borders  of  a  little  stream  that  wound  round  its  base, 
the  waters  of  which  were  so  polluted  with  blood  that 
the  victors  were  unable  to  slake  their  thirst  with  them 
for  a  full  hour  !  '* 

Sandoval,  having  now  accomplished  the  object  of  his 
expedition,  by  reducing  the  strongholds  which  had  so 
long  held  the  Chalcans  in  awe,  returned  in  triumph 
to  Tezcuco.  Meanwhile,  the  Aztec  emperor,  whose 
vigilant  eye  had  been  attentive  to  all  that  had  passed, 
thought  that  the  absence  of  so  many  of  its  warriors 

»fi  So  says  the  Conquistador.  (Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Lorcnzana,  p.  215.) 
Diaz,  who  will  allow  no  one  to  hyperbolize  but  himself,  says,  "  Fo; 
as  long  as  one  might  take  to  say  an  Ave  Maria!"  (Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  cap.  142.)     Neither  was  present. 


EXPEDITION  OF  SANDOVAL.  41 

afforded  a  favorable  opportunity  for  recovering  Chalco. 
He  sent  a  fleet  of  boats,  for  this  purpose,  across  the 
lake,  with  a  numerous  force  under  the  command  of 
some  of  his  most  valiant  chiefs.''  Fortunately,  the 
absent  Chalcans  reached  their  city  before  the  arrival 
of  the  enemy;  but,  though  supported  by  their  Indian 
allies,  they  were  so  much  alarmed  by  the  magnitude  of 
the  hostile  array  that  they  sent  again  to  the  Spaniards, 
invoking  their  aid. 

The  messengers  arrived  at  the  same  time  with  San- 
doval and  his  army.  Cortes  was  much  puzzled  by  the 
contradictory  accounts.  He  suspected  some  negligence 
in  his  lieutenant,  and,  displeased  with  his  precipitate 
return  in  this  unsettled  state  of  the  affair,  ordered  him 
back  at  once,  with  such  of  his  forces  as  were  in  fighting 
condition.  Sandoval  felt  deeply  injured  by  this  pro- 
ceeding, but  he  made  no  attempt  at  exculpation,  and, 
obeying  his  commander  in  silence,  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  his  troops  and  made  a  rapid  countermarch  on 
the  Indian  city.'^ 

Before  he  reached  it,  a  battle  had  been  fought  be- 
tween the  Mexicans  and  the  confederates,  in  which  the 
latter,  who  had  acquired  unwonted  confidence  from 
their  recent  successes,  were  victorious.  A  number  of 
Aztec  nobles  fell  into  their  hands  in  the  engagement, 

«7  The  gallant  Captain  Diaz,  who  affects  a  sobriety  in  his  own  esti- 
mates, which  often  leads  him  to  disparage  those  of  the  chaplain 
Gomara,  says  that  the  force  consisted  of  20,000  warriors  in  2000 
canoes.     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  loc.  cit. 

»8  "  El  Cortes  no  le  quiso  escuchar  d  Sandoual  de  enojo,  creyendo 
que  por  su  culpa,  6  descuido,  recibia  mala  obra  nuestros  amigos  los 
de  Chalco;  y  luego  sin  mas  dilacion,  ni  le  oyr,  le  mando  bjlver." 
Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

-I* 


42        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

whom  they  delivered  to  Sandoval  to  be  carried  off  as 
prisoners  to  Tezcuco.  On  his  arrival  there,  the  cava- 
lier, wounded  by  tlie  unworthy  treatment  he  had  re- 
ceived, retired  to  his  own  quarters  without  presenting 
himself  before  his  chief. 

During  his  absence,  the  inquiries  of  Cortes  had  sat- 
isfied him  of  his  own  precipitate  conduct,  and  of  the 
great  injustice  he  had  done  his  lieutenant.  There  was 
uo  man  in  the  army  on  whose  services  he  set  so  high  a 
value,  as  the  responsible  situations  in  which  he  had 
placed  him  plainly  showed ;  and  there  was  none  for 
whom  he  seems  to  have  entertained  a  greater  personal 
regard.  On  Sandoval's  return,  therefore,  Cortes  in- 
stantly sent  to  request  his  attendance ;  when,  with  a 
soldier's  frankness,  he  made  such  an  explanation  as 
soothed  the  irritated  spirit  of  the  cavalier, — a  matter 
of  no  great  difficulty,  as  the  latter  had  too  generous  a 
nature,  and  too  earnest  a  devotion  to  his  commander 
and  the  cause  in  which  they  were  embarked,  to  harbor 
a  petty  feeling  of  resentment  in  his  bosom. '^ 

During  the  occurrence  of  these  events  the  work  was 
going  forward  actively  on  the  canal,  and  the  brigan- 
tines  were  within  a  fortnight  of  their  completion.  The 
greatest  vigilance  was  required,  in  the  mean  time,  to 
prevent  their  destruction  by  the  enemy,  who  had  already 
made  three  ineffectual  attempts  to  burn  them  on  the 
stocks.  The  precautions  which  Cortes  thought  it 
necessary  to  take  against  the  Tezcucans  themselves 
added  not  a  little  to  his  embarrassment. 

19  Besides  the  authorities  already  quoted  for  Sandoval's  expedition, 
see  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  126, — Ixtlilxochid,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap. 
92, — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  86. 


EXPEDITION  OF  SANDOVAL. 


43 


At  this  time  he  received  embassies  from  different 
Indian  states,  some  of  them  on  the  remote  shores  of 
the  Mexican  Gulf,  tendering  their  allegiance  and  so- 
liciting his  protection.  For  this  he  was  partly  indebted 
to  the  good  offices  of  Ixtlilxochitl,  who,  in  consequence 
of  his  brother's  death,  was  now  advanced  to  the  sov- 
ereignty of  Tezcuco.  This  important  position  greatly 
increased  his  consideration  and  authority  through  the 
country,  of  which  he  freely  availed  himself  to  bring 
the  natives  under  the  dominion  of  the  Spaniards. ''° 

The  general  received  also  at  this  time  the  welcome 
intelligence  of  the  arrival  of  three  vessels  at  Villa  Rica, 
with  two  hundred  men  on  board,  well  provided  with 
arms  and  ammunition,  and  with  seventy  or  eighty 
horses.  It  was  a  most  seasonable  reinforcement. 
From  what  quarter  it  came  is  uncertain  ;  most  prob- 
ably from  Hispaniola.  Cortes,  it  may  be  remembered, 
had  sent  for  supplies  to  that  place  ;  and  the  authori- 
ties of  the  island,  who  had  general  jurisdiction  over 
the  affairs  of  the  colonies,  had  shown  themselves,  on 
more  than  one  occasion,  well  inclined  towards  him, 
probably  considering  him,  under  all  circumstances,  as 
better  fitted  than  any  other  man  to  achieve  the  conquest 
of  the  country.^' 

=*>  "  Ixtlilxochitl  procuraba  siempre  traer  d  la  devocion  y  amistad  de 
los  Cristianos  no  tan  solamente  a  los  de  el  Reyno  de  Tezcuco  sino  aun 
los  de  las  Provincias  remotas,  rogdndoles  que  todos  se  procurasen  dar 
lie  paz  al  Capitan  Cortes,  y  que  aunque  de  las  guerras  pasadas  algunos 
tuviesen  culpa,  era  tan  afable  y  deseaba  tanto  la  paz  que  luego  al  punto 
los  reciviria  en  su  amistad."    Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  92. 

"  Cortes  speaks  of  these  vessels  as  coming  at  the  same  time,  but 
does  not  intimate  from  what  quarter.  (Rel.  Terc.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p. 
ei6.)     Bernal  Diaz,  who  notices  only  one,  says  it  came  from  Ciistile. 


44        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

The  new  recruits  soon  found  their  way  to  Tezcuco ; 
as  the  communications  with  the  port  were  now  open 
and  unobstructed.  Among  them  were  several  cavaliers 
of  consideration,  one  of  whom,  Julian  de  Alderete,  the 
royal  treasurer,  came  over  to  superintend  the  interests 
of  the   crown. 

There  was  also  in  the  number  a  Dominican  friar, 
who  brought  a  quantity  of  pontifical  bulls,  offering 
indulgences  to  those  engaged  in  war  against  the  infidel. 
The  soldiers  were  npt  slow  to  fortify  themselves  with 
the  good  graces  of  the  Church  ;  and  the  worthy  father, 
after  driving  a  prosperous  traffic  with  his  spiritual  wares, 
had  the  satisfaction  to  return  home,  at  the  end  of  a  few 
months,  well  freighted,  in  exchange,  with  the  more 
substantial  treasures  of  the  Indies." 

(Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  143.)  But  the  old  soldier  wrote  long 
after  the  events  he  commemorates,  and  may  have  confused  the  true 
order  of  things.  It  seems  hardly  probable  that  so  important  a  rein- 
forcement should  have  arrived  from  Castile,  considering  that  Cortes 
had  yet  received  none  of  the  royal  patronage,  or  even  sanction,  which 
would  stimulate  adventurers  in  the  mother  country  to  enlist  under  his 
standard. 

22  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  143. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  21. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  i, 
cap.  6. 


CHAPTER    III. 

SECOND  RECONNOITRING  EXPEDITION.  — ENGAGEMENTS 
ON  THE  SIERRA. CAPTURE  OF  CUERNAVACA BAT- 
TLES AT  XOCHIMILCO. — NARROW  ESCAPE  OF  CORTES. 
HE    ENTERS   TACUBA, 

I52I. 

Notwithstanding  the  relief  which  had  been  af- 
forded to  the  people  of  Chalco,  it  was  so  ineffectual 
that  envoys  from  that  city  again  arrived  at  Tezcuco, 
bearing  a  hieroglyphical  chart,  on  which  were  depicted 
several  strong  places  in  their  neighborhood,  garrisoned 
by  the  Aztecs,  from  which  they  expected  annoyance. 
Cortes  determined,  this  time,  to  take  the  affair  into  his 
own  hands,  and  to  scour  the  country  so  effectually  as 
to  place  Chalco,  if  possible,  in  a  state  of  security.  He 
did  not  confine  himself  to  this  object,  but  proposed, 
before  his  return,  to  pass  quite  round  the  great  lakes, 
and  reconnoitre  the  country  to  the  south  of  them,  in 
the  same  manner  as  he  had  before  done  to  the  west. 
In  the  course  of  his  march  he  would  direct  his  arms 
against  some  of  the  strong  places  from  which  the  Mex- 
icans might  expect  support  in  the  siege.  Two  or  three 
weeks  must  elapse  before  the  completion  of  the  brig- 
antines  ;  and,  if  no  other  good  resulted  from  the  expe- 
dition, it  would  give  active  occupation  to  his  troops, 
whose  turbulent  spirits  might  fester  into  discontent  in 
the  monotonous  existence  of  a  camp. 

(45) 


46        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

He  selected  for  the  expedition  thirty  horse  and  three 
hundred  Spanish  infantry,  with  a  considerable  body 
of  TIascalan  and  Tezcucan  warriors.  The  remaining 
garrison  he  left  in  charge  of  the  trusty  Sandoval,  who, 
with  the  friendly  lord  of  the  capital,  would  watch  over 
the  construction  of  the  brigantines  and  protect  them 
from  the  assaults  of  the  Aztecs. 

On  the  fifth  of  April  he  began  his  march,  and  on  the 
following  day  arrived  at  Chalco,  where  he  was  met  byl 
a  number  of  the  confederate  chiefs.  With  the  aid  of 
his  faithful  interpreters,  Dona  Marina  and  Aguilar,  he 
explained  to  them  the  objects  of  his  present  expedi- 
tion, stated  his  purpose  soon  to  enforce  the  blockade 
of  Mexico,  and  required  their  co-operation  with  the 
whole  strength  of  their  levies.  To  this  they  readily 
assented  ;  and  he  soon  received  a  sufficient  proof  of 
their  friendly  disposition  in  the  forces  which  joined 
him  on  the  march,  amounting,  according  to  one  of 
the  army,  to  more  than  had  ever  before  followed  his 
banner.' 

Taking  a  southerly  direction,  the  troops,  after  leav- 
ing Chalco,  struck  into  the  recesses  of  the  wild  sierra, 
which,  with  its  bristling  peaks,  serves  as  a  formidable 
palisade  to  fence  round  the  beautiful  Valley;  while 
within  its  rugged  arms  it  shuts  up  many  a  green  and 
fruitful  pasture  of  its  own.  As  the  Spaniards  passed 
through  its  deep  gorges,  they  occasionally  wound  round 
the  base  of  some  huge  cliff  or  rocky  eminence,  on 

'  "  Vinieron  tantos,  que  en  todas  las  entradas  que  yo  auia  ido,  deb- 
pues  que  en  la  Nueua  Espafia  entre,  nunca  vi  tanta  gente  de  guerra 
rie  nuestros  amigos,  como  aora  fueron  en  nuestra  compania."  Bemal 
Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  144. 


ENGAGEMENTS   ON  THE   SIERRA.  47 

wliich  the  inhabitants  had  built  their  towns,  in  the  same 
manner  as  was  done  by  the  people  of  Europe  in  the 
feudal  ages ;  a  position  which,  however  favorable  to 
the  picturesque,  intimates  a  sense  of  insecurity  as  the 
cause  of  it,  which  may  reconcile  us  to  the  absence  of 
this  striking  appendage  of  the  landscape  in  our  owu 
more  fortunate  country. 

The  occupants  of  these  airy  pinnacles  took  advantage 
of  their  situation  to  shower  down  stones  and  arrows 
on  the  troops  as  they  defiled  through  the  narrow  passes 
of  the  sierra.  Though  greatly  annoyed  by  their  inces- 
sant hostilities,  Cortes  held  on  his  way,  till,  winding 
round  the  base  of  a  castellated  cliff  occupied  by  a 
strong  garrison  of  Indians,  he  was  so  severely  pressed 
that  he  felt  to  pass  on  without  chastising  the  aggressors 
would  imply  a  want  of  strength  which  must  disparage 
him  in  the  eyes  of  his  allies.  Halting  in  the  valley, 
therefore,  he  detached  a  small  body  of  light  troops  to 
scale  the  heights,  while  he  remained  with  the  main 
body  of  the  army  below,  to  guard  against  surprise  from 
the  enemy. 

The  lower  region  of  the  rocky  eminence  was  so  steep 
that  the  soldiers  found  it  no  easy  matter  to  ascend, 
scrambling,  as  well  as  they  could,  with  hand  and  knee. 
But,  as  they  came  into  the  more  exposed  view  of  the 
garrison,  the  latter  rolled  down  hug-e  masses  of  rock, 
which,  bounding  along  the  declivity  and  breaking  into 
fragments,  crushed  the  foremost  assailants  and  mangled 
their  limbs  in  a  frightful  manner.  Still  they  strove  to 
work  their  way  upward,  now  taking  advantage  of  some 
guUey  worn  by  the  winter  torrent,  now  sheltering  them- 
selves behind  a  projecting  cliff,  or  some  straggling  tree 


48        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

anchored  among  the  crevices  of  the  mountain.  It  was 
all  in  vain.  For  no  sooner  did  they  emerge  again 
into  open  view  than  the  rocky  avalanche  thundered  on 
their  heads  with  a  fury  against  which  steel  helm  and 
cuirass  were  as  little  defence  as  gossamer.  All  the 
party  were  more  or  less  wounded.  Eight  of  the  num- 
ber were  killed  on  the  spot, — a  loss  the  little  band 
could  ill  afford, — and  the  gallant  ensign,  Corral,  who 
led  the  advance,  saw  the  banner  in  his  hand  torn 
into  shreds.*  Cortes,  at  length,  convinced  of  the  im- 
practicability of  the  attempt,  at  least  without  a  more 
severe  loss  than  he  was  disposed  to  incur,  commanded 
a  retreat.  It  was  high  time  ;  for  a  large  body  of  the 
enemy  were  on  full  march  across  the  valley  to  attack 
him. 

He  did  not  wait  for  their  approach,  but,  gathering  his 
broken  files  together,  headed  his  cavalry  and  spurred 
boldly  against  them.  On  the  level  plain  the  Spaniards 
were  on  their  own  ground.  The  Indians,  unable  to 
sustain  the  furious  onset,  broke,  and  fell  back -before  it. 
The  flight  soon  became  a  rout,  and  the  fiery  cavaliers, 
dashing  over  them  at  full  gallop,  or  running  them 
through  with  their  lances,  took  some  revenge  for  their 
late  discomfiture.  The  pursuit  continued  for  some 
miles,  till  the  nimble  foe  made  their  escape  into  the 
rugged  fastnesses  of  the  sierra,  where  the  Spaniards  did 
not  care  to  follow.  The  weather  was  sultry,  and,  as 
the  country  was  nearly  destitute  of  water,  the  men  and 
horses  suffered  extremely.  Before  evening  they  reached 
a  spot  overshadowed  by  a  grove  of  wild  mulberry-trees, 

a  "  Todos  descalabrados,  y  corriendo  sangre,  y  las  vanderas  rotas, 
y  ocho  muertos."     Bemal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  ubi  supra. 


ENGAGEMENTS    ON  THE   SIERRA. 


49 


in  which  some  scanty  springs  afforded  a  miserable  sup- 
ply to  the  army. 

Near  the  place  rose  another  rocky  summit  of  the 
sierra,  garrisoned  by  a  stronger  force  than  the  one 
which  they  had  encountered  in  the  former  part  of  the 
day;  and  at  no  great  distance  stood  a  second  fortress 
at  a  still  greater  height,  though  considerably  smaller 
than  its  neighbor.  This  was  also  tenanted  by  a  body 
of  warriors,  who,  as  well  as  those  of  the  adjoining  cliff, 
soon  made  active  demonstration  of  their  hostility  by 
pouring  down  missiles  on  the  troops  below.  Cortes, 
anxious  to  retrieve  the  disgrace  of  the  morning,  ordered 
an  assault  on  the  larger  and,  as  it  seemed,  more  practi- 
cable eminence.  But,  though  two  attempts  were  made 
with  great  resolution,  they  were  repulsed  with  loss  to 
the  assailants.  The  rocky  sides  of  the  hill  had  been 
artificially  cut  and  smoothed,  so  as  greatly  to  increase 
the  natural  difficulties  of  the  ascent.  The  shades  of 
evening  now  closed  around  ;  and  Cortes  drew  off  his 
men  to  the  mulberry-grove,  where  he  took  up  his 
bivouac  for  the  night,  deeply  chagrined  at  having  been 
twice  foiled  by  the  enemy  on  the  same  day. 

During  the  night,  the  Indian  force  which  occupied 
the  adjoining  height  passed  over  to  their  brethren,  to 
aid  them  in  the  encounter  which  they  foresaw  would 
be  renewed  on  the  following  morning.  No  sooner  did 
the  Spanish  general,  at  the  break  of  day,  become  aware 
of  this  manoeuvre,  than,  with  his  usual  quickness, 
he  took  advantage  of  it.  He  detached  a  body  of 
muiiketeers  and  crossbowmen  to  occupy  the  deserted 
eminence,  purposing,  as  soon  as  this  was  done,  to  lead 
the  assault  in  person  against  the  other.  It  was  not 
Vol.  hi.— c  5 


50        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

long  before  the  Castilian  banner  was  seen  streaming 
from  the  rocky  pinnacle,  when  the  general  instantly 
led  up  his  men  to  the  attack.  And,  while  the  garrison 
were  meeting  them  resolutely  on  that  quarter,  the 
detachment  on  the  neighboring  heights  poured  into 
the  place  a  well-directed  fire,  which  so  much  distressed 
the  enemy  that  in  a  very  short  time  they  signified  their 
willingness  to  capitulate. ^ 

On  entering  the  place,  the  Spaniards  found  that  a 
plain  of  some  extent  ran  along  the  crest  of  the  sierra, 
and  that  it  was  tenanted  not  only  by  men,  but  by  women 
and  their  families,  with  their  effects.  ,  No  violence  was 
offered  by  the  victors  to  the  property  or  persons  of  the 
vanquished  ;  and  the  knowledge  of  this  lenity  induced 
the  Indian  garrison,  who  had  made  so  stout  a  resistance 
on  the  morning  of  the  preceding  day,  to  tender  their 
submission.  •♦ 

After  a  halt  of  two  days  in  this  sequestered  region, 
the  army  resumed  its  march  in  a  southwesterly  direction 
on  Huaxtepec,  the  same  city  which  had  surrendered  to 

3  For  the  assault  on  the  rocks,^ — the  topography  of  which  it  is  im- 
possible to  verify  from  the  narratives  of  the  Conquerors, — see  Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  144, — Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap. 
Lorenzana,  pp.  218-221, — Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  127, — I.xtlilxochitl, 
Venidadelos  Espanoles,  pp.  16,  17, — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
lib.  33,  cap.  21. 

<  Cortes,  according  to  Bernal  Diaz,  ordered  the  troops  who  took 
possession  of  the  second  fortress  "  not  to  meddle  with  a  grain  of  maize 
belonging  to  the  besieged."  Diaz,  giving  this  a  very  liberal  interpre- 
tation, proceeded  forthwith  to  load  his  Indian  tamanes  with  everything 
but  maize,  as  fair  booty.  He  was  interrupted  in  his  labors,  however, 
by  the  captain  of  the  detachment,  who  gave  a  more  narrow  construc- 
tion to  his  general's  orders',  much  to  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  latter,  if 
we  ma,Y  trust  the  doughty  chronicler.     Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


ENGAGEMENTS   ON  THE   SIERRA.  51 

Sandoval.  Here  they  were  kindly  received  by  the 
cacique,  and  entertained  in  his  magnificent  gardens, 
which  Cortes  and  his  officers,  who  had  not  before  seen 
them,  compared  witli  the  best  in  Castile. ^  Still  thread- 
ing the  wild  mountain  mazes,  the  army  passed  through 
Jauhtepec  and  several  other  places,  which  were  aban- 
doned at  their  approach.  As  the  inhabitants,  however, 
hung  in  armed  bodies  on  their  flanks  and  rear,  doing 
them  occasionally  some  mischief,  the  Spaniards  took 
their  revenge  by  burning  the  deserted  towns. 

Thus  holding  on  their  fiery  track,  they  descended 
the  bold  slope  of  the  Cordilleras,  which  on  the  south 
are  far  more  precipitous  than  on  the  Atlantic  side. 
Indeed,  a  single  day's  journey  is  sufficient  to  place  the 
traveller  on  a  level  several  thousand  feet  lower  than 
that  occupied  by  him  in  the  morning ;  thus  conveying 
him,  in  a  few  hours,  through  the  climates  of  many 
degrees  of  latitude.  The  route  of  the  army  led  them 
across  many  an  acre  covered  with  lava  and  blackened 
scoricC,  attesting  the  volcanic  character  of  the  region ; 
though  this  was  frequently  relieved  by  patches  of 
verdure,  and  even  tracts  of  prodigal  fertility,  as  if 
Nature  were  desirous  to  compensate  by  these  extraor- 
dinary efforts  for  the  curse  of  barrenness  which  else- 
where had  fallen  on  the  land.  On  the  ninth  day  of 
their  march  the  troops  arrived  before  the  strong  city 
of  Quauhnahuac,  or  Cuernavaca,  as  since  called  by  the 

5  "  Adonde  estaua  la  huerta  que  he  dicho,  que  es  la  major  que  aula 
visto  en  toda  mi  vida,  y  ansi  lo  torno  d  dezir,  que  Cortes,  y  el  Teso- 
rero  .Alderete,  desque  entonces  la  vieron,  ^>r)assearon  algo  de  ella,  sc 
admiraron,  y  dixeron,  que  major  cosa  de  huarta  no  auian  visto  en 
Castilla."     Berual  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  144. 


52        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

Spaniards.*  It  was  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Tlahuicas, 
and  the  most  considerable  place  for  wealth  and  popu- 
lation in  this  part  of  the  country.  It  was  tributary  to 
the  Aztecs,  and  a  garrison  of  this  nation  was  quartered 
within  its  walls.  The  town  was  singularly  situated,  on 
a  projecting  piece  of  land,  encompassed  by  barrancas, 
or  formidable  ravines,  except  on  one  side,  which 
opened  on  a  rich  and  well-cultivated  country.  For, 
though  the  place  stood  at  an  elevation  of  between  five 
and  six  thousand  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  it  had 
a  southern  exposure  so  sheltered  by  the  mountain 
barrier  on  the  north  that  its  climate  was  as  soft  and 
genial  as  that  of  a  much  lower  region. 

The  Spaniards,  on  arriving  before  this  city,  the 
limit  of  their  southerly  progress,  found  themselves 
separated  from  it  by  one  of  the  vast  barrancas  before 
noticed,  which  resembled  one  of  those  frightful  rents 
not  unfrequent  in  the  Mexican  Andes,  the  result,  no 
doubt,  of  some  terrible  convulsion  in  earlier  ages.  The 
rocky  sides  of  the  ravine  sank  perpendicularly  down, 
so  bare  as  scarcely  to  exhibit  even  a  vestige  of  the 
cactus,  or  of  the  other  hardy  plants  with  which  Nature 
in  these  fruitful  regions  so  gracefully  covers  up  her 
deformities.  The  bottom  of  the  chasm,  however, 
showed  a  striking  contrast  to  this,  being  literally 
choked  up  with  a  rich  and  spontaneous  vegetation ;  for 
the  huge  walls  of  rock  which  shut  in  these  barrancas, 

6  This  barbarous  Indian  name  is  tortured  into  all  possible  variations 
by  the  old  chroniclers.  The  town  soon  received  from  the  Spaniards 
the  name  which  it  now  bears,  of  Cuernavaca,  and  by  which  it  is  in- 
dicated on  modern  maps.  "  Prevalse  poi  quello  di  Cueniabaca,  col 
quale  e  presentemente  conosciuta  dagli  Spagnuoli."  Clavigero,  Stor. 
del  Messico,  torn.  iii.  p.  185,  nota. 


CAPTURE    OF  CUERNAVACA. 


53 


while  they  screen  them  from  the  cold  winds  of  the 
Cordilleras,  ref.ect  the  rays  of  a  vertical  sun,  so  as  to 
produce  an  almost  suffocating  heat  in  the  enclosure, 
stimulating  the  soil  to  the  rank  fertility  of  the  iierra 
caliciite.  Under  the  action  of  this  forcing  apparatus, 
— so  to  speak, — the  inhabitants  of  the  towns  on  thei.r 
margin  above  may  with  ease  obtain  the  vegetable  pro- 
ducts which  are  to  be  found  on  the  sultry  level  of  the 
lowlands.* 

At  the  bottom  of  the  ravine  was  seen  a  little  stream, 
which,  oozing  from  the  stony  bowels  of  the  sierra, 
tumbled  along  its  narrow  channel  and  contributed  by 
its  perpetual  moisture  to  the  exuberant  fertility  of  the 
valley.  This  rivulet,  which  at  certain  seasons  of  the 
year  was  swollen  to  a  torrent,  was  traversed  at  some 
distance  below  the  town,  where  the  sloping  sides  of 
the  barranca  afforded  a  more  practicable  passage,  by 
two  rude  bridges,  both  of  which  had  been  broken,  in 
anticipation  of  the  coming  of  the  Spaniards.  The 
latter  had  now  arrived  on  the  brink  of  the  chasm  which 
intervened  between  them  and  the  city.  It  was,  as  has 
been  remarked,  of  no  great  width,  and  the  army  drawn 
up  on  its  borders  was  directly  exposed  to  the  archery 
of  the  garrison,  on  whom  its  own  fire  made  little  im-r 
pression,  protected  as  they  were  by  their  defences. 

The  general,  annoyed  by  his  position,  sent  a  detach- 
ment to  seek  a  passage  lower  down,  by  which  the  trooi-s 
might  be  landed  on  the  other  side.  But,  although  the 
banks  of  the   ravine  became   less  formidable  as   they 


*  ["  The  whole  of  this  description,"  remarks  Alaman,  "agrees  per- 
fectly with  the  present  aspect  of  Cuernavaca  and  the  barrancas  sur- 
rounding it." — Ed.] 


54 


SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 


descended,  they  found  no  means  of  crossing  the  river,  till 
apath  unexpectedly  presented  itself,  on  which,  probably, 
no  one  before  had  ever  been  daring  enough  to  venture. 
From  the  cliffs  on  the  opposite  sides  of  the  barranca, 
two  huge  trees  shot  up  to  an  enormous  height,  and,  in- 
clining towards  each  other,  interlaced  their  boughs  so 
as  to  form  a  sort  of  natural  bridge.  Across  this  avenue, 
in  mid-air,  a  Tlascalan  conceived  it  would  not  be  dif- 
ficult to  pass  to  the  opposite  bank.  The  bold  moun- 
taineer succeeded  in  the  attempt,  and  was  soon  followed 
by  several  others  of  his  countrymen,  trained  to  feats 
of  agility  and  strength  among  their  native  hills.  The 
Spaniards  imitated  their  example.  It  was  a  perilous 
effort  for  an  armed  man  to  make  his  way  over  this  aerial 
causeway,  swayed  to  and  fro  by  the  wind,  where  the 
brain  might  become  giddy,  and  where  a  single  false 
movement  of  hand  or  foot  would  plunge  him  in  the 
abyss  below.  Three  of  the  soldiers  lost  their  hold  and 
fell.  The  rest,  consisting  of  some  twenty  or  thirty 
Spaniards  and  a  considerable  number  of  Tlascalans, 
alighted  in  safety  on  the  other  bank.'  There  hastily 
forming,  they  marched  with  all  speed  on  the  city. 
The  enemy,  engaged  in  their  contest  with  the  Cas- 
tilians  on  the  opposite  brink  of  the  ravine,  were  taken 
by  surprise, — which,  indeed,  could  scarcely  have  been 
exceeded  if  they  had  seen  their  foe  drop  from  the 
clouds  on  the  field  of  battle. 

7  The  stout-hearted  Diaz  was  one  of  those  who  performed  this 
dangerous  feat,  though  his  head  swam  so,  as  he  tells  us,  that  he 
scarcely  knew  how  lie  got  on.  "  Porque  de  mi  digo,  que  verdadeia.- 
mete  quando  passaua,  q  lo  vi  mui  peligroso,  e  malo  de  passar,  y  se 
me  desvanecia  la  cabe9a,  y  todavia  passe  yo,  y  otros  veinte,  6  treinta 
Eoldados,  y  muchos  Tlascaltecas."     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  ubi  supra. 


CAPTURE    OF  CUERNAVACA.  55 

They  made  a  brave  resistance,  however,  when  for- 
tunately the  Spaniards  succeeded  in  repairing  one  of 
the  dilapidated  bridges  in  such  a  manner  as  to  enable 
both  cavalry  and  foot  to  cross  the  river,  though  with 
much  delay.  The  horse,  under  Olid  and  Andres  de 
Tapia.  instantly  rode  up  to  the  succor  of  their  coun- 
trymen. They  were  soon  followed  by  Cortes  at  the 
head  of  the  remaining  battalions,  and  the  enemy, 
driven  from  one  point  to  another,  were  compelled  to 
evacuate  the  city  and  to  take  refuge  among  the  moun- 
tains. The  buildings  in  one  quarter  of  the  town  were 
speedily  wrapt  in  flames.  The  place  was  abandoned 
to  pillage,  and,  as  it  was  one  of  the  most  opulent  marts 
in  the  country,  it  amply  compensated  the  victors  for 
the  toil  and  danger  they  had  encountered.  The  trem- 
bling caciques,  returning  soon  after  to  the  city,  ap- 
peared before  Cortes,  and^  deprecating  his  resentment 
by  charging  the  blame,  as  usual,  on  the  Mexicans,  threw 
themselves  on  his  mercy.  Satisfied  with  their  submis- 
sion, he  allowed  no  further  violence  to  the  inhabitants.^ 

Having  thus  accomplished  the  great  object  of  his  ex- 
pedition across  the  mountains,  the  Spanish  commandei 
turned  his  face  northwards,  to  recross  the  formidable 
barrier  which  divided  him  from  the  Valley.  The  ascent, 
steep  and  laborious,  was  rendered  still  more  difficult  by 
fragments  of  rock  and  loose  stones,  which  encumbered 
the  passes.     The  mountain  sides  and    summits  were 

*  Vox  the  preceding  account  of  the  capture  of  Cuernavaca,  see 
Bernal  Diaz,  ubi  supra, — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  hb.  33,  cap. 
21, — Ixtlilxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  93, — Herrera,  Hist,  general, 
dec.  3,  hb.  I,  cap.  8, — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  hb.  4,  cap.  87, — 
Rel.  Tare,  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  223,  224. 


56        SIEGE   AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO 

shaggy  with  thick  forests  of  pine  and  stunted  oak, 
which  threw  a  melancholy  gloom  over  the  region,  still 
further  heightened  at  the  present  day  by  its  being  a 
favorite  haunt  of  banditti. 

The  weather  was  sultry,  and,  as  the  stony  soil  was 
nearly  destitute  of  water,  the  troops  suffered  severely 
from  thirst.  Several  of  them,  indeed,  fainted  on  the 
road,  and  a  few  of  the  Indian  allies  perished  from 
exhaustion. 9  The  line  of  march  must  have  taken  the 
army  across  the  eastern  shoulder  of  the  mountain,  called 
the  Cruz  del  Ma7'ques,  or  Cross  of  the  Marquess,  from 
a  huge  stone  cross  erected  there  to  indicate  the  bound- 
ary of  the  territories  granted  by  the  Crown  to  Cortes, 
as  Marquis  of  the  Valley.  Much,  indeed,  of  the 
route  lately  traversed  by  the  troops  lay  across  the 
princely  domain  subsequently  assigned  to  the  Con- 
queror." 

The  Spaniards  were  greeted  from  these  heights  with 
a  different  view  from  any  which  they  had  before  had  of 
the  Mexican  Valley,  made  more  attractive  in  their  eyes, 
doubtless,  by  contrast  with  the  savage  scenery  in  which 
they  had  lately  been  involved.  It  was  its  most  pleasant 
and  populous  quarter;  for  nowhere  did  its  cities  and 

9  "  Una  Tierra  de  Finales,  despoblada,  y  sin  ninguna  agua,  la  qual 
y  un  Puerto  pasdmos  con  grandissimo  trabajo,  y  sin  beber:  tanto, 
que  muchos  de  los  Indios  que  iban  con  nosotros  perecieron  de  scd." 
Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  224. 

'°  The  city  of  Cuernavaca  was  comprehended  in  the  patrimony  of 
the  dukes  of  Monteleone,  descendants  and  heirs  of  the  Conquistador. 
— The  Spaniards,  in  their  line  of  march  towards  the  north,  did  not 
deviate  far,  probably,  from  the  great  road  which  now  leads  from  Mexico 
to  Acapulco,  still  exhibiting  in  this  upper  portion  of  it  the  same  char- 
acteristic features  as  at  the  period  of  the  Conquest. 


BATTLES  AT  XOCHIMILCO.  57 

villages  cluster  together  in  such  numbers  as  round  the 
lake  of  sweet  water.  From  whatever  quarter  seen^ 
however,  the  enchanting  region  presented  the  same 
aspect  of  natural  beauty  and  cultivation,  with  its 
flourishing  villas,  and  its  fair  lake  in  the  centre,  whose 
dark  and  polished  surface  glistened  like  a  mirror,  deep 
set  in  the  huge  frame-work  of  porphyry  in  which 
nature  had  enclosed  it. 

The  point  of  attack  selected  by  the  general  was 
Xochimilco,  or  "  the  field  of  flowers,"  as  its  name  im- 
plies, from  the  floating  gardens  which  rode  at  anchor, 
as  it  were,  on  the  neighboring  waters."  It  was  one  of 
the  most  potent  and  wealthy  cities  in  the  Valley,  and 
a  stanch  vassal  of  the  Aztec  crown.  It  stood,  like' the 
capital  itself,  partly  in  the  water,  and  was  approached 
in  that  quarter  by  causeways  of  no  great  length.  The 
town  was  composed  of  houses  like  those  of  most  other 
places  of  like  magnitude  in  the  country,  mostly  of 
cottages  or  huts  made  of  clay  and  the  light  bamboo, 
mingled  with  aspiring  teocalUs,  and  edifices  of  stone, 
belonging  to  the  more  opulent  classes. 

As  the  Spaniards  advanced,  they  were  met  by  skir- 
mishing parties  of  the  enemy,  who,  after  dismissing  a 
light  volley  of  arrows,  rapidly  retreated  before  them. 
As  they  took  the  direction  of  Xochimilco,  Cortes 
inferred  that  they  were  prepared  to  resist  him  in 
considerable  force.     It  exceeded  his  expectations. 

On  traversing  the  principal  causeway,  he  found  it 
occupied  at  the  farther  extremity  by  a  numerous  body 
of  warriors,  who,  stationed  on  the  opposite  side  of  a 
bridge,  which  had  been  broken,  were  prepared  to  dis- 

»»  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  iii.  p.  187,  nota. 
C* 


58        SIEGE  AND   SURREjVDER    OF  MEXICO. 

pute  his  passage.  They  had  constructed  a  temporary 
barrier  of  palisades,  which  screened  them  from  the  fire 
of. the  musketry.  But  the  water  in  its  neighborhood 
was  very  shallow,  and  the  cavaliers  and  infantry, 
plunging  into  it,  soon  made  their  way,  swimming  or 
wading,  as  they  could,  in  face  of  a  storm  of  raissilei, 
to  the  landing  near  the  town.  Here  they  closed  with 
tlie  enemy,  and  hand  to  hand,  after  a  sharp  struggle, 
drove  them  back  on  the  city  ;  a  few,  however,  taking 
the  direction  of  the  open  country,  were  followed  up 
by  the  cavalry,  ^\rhe  great  mass,  hotly  pursued  by  the 
infantry,  were  driven  through  street  and  lane,  without 
much  further  resistance.  Cortes,  with  a  few  followers, 
disengaging  himself  from  the  tumult,  remained  near 
the  entrance  of  the  city.  He  had  not  been  there  long 
when  he  was  assailed  by  a  fresh  body  of  Indians,  who 
suddenly  poured  into  the  place  from  a  neighboring 
dike.  The  general,  with  his  usual  fearlessness,  threw 
himself  into  the  midst,  in  hopes  to  check  their  advance. 
But  his  own  followers  were  too  few  to  support  him,  and 
he  was  overwhelmed  by  the  crowd  of  combatants.  His 
horse  lost  his  footing  and  fell ;  and  Cortes,  who  re- 
ceived a  severe  blow  on  the  head  before  he  could  rise, 
was  seized  and  dragged  off  in  triumph  by  the  Indian^a^ 
At  this  critical  moment,  a  Tlascalan,  who  perceived 
the  general's  extremity,  sprang,  like  one  of  the  wild 
ocelots  of  his  own  forests,  into  the  midst  of  the  assail- 
ants, and  endeavored  to  tear  him  from  their  grasp. 
Two  ^i  the  general's  servants  also  speedily  came  to 
the  rescue,  and  Cortes,  with  their  aid  and  that  of  the 
brave  Tlascalan,  succeeded  in  regaining  his  feet  and 
shaking  off  his  enemies.     To  vault  into  the  saddle  and 


NARROW  ESCAPE    OF  CORTES. 


59 


brandish  his  good  lance  was  but  the  work  of  a  moment. 
Others  of  his  men  quickly  came  up,  and  the  clash  of 
arms  reaching  the  ears  of  the  Spaniards,  who  had  gone 
in  pursuit,  they  returned,  and,  after  a  desperate  con- 
flict, forced  the  enemy  from  the  city.  Their  retreat, 
however,  was  intercepted  by  the  cavalry,  returning 
from  the  country,  and,  thus  hemmed  in  between  the 
opposite  columns,  they  were  cut  to  pieces,  or  saved 
themselves  only  by  plunging  into  the  lake." 

This  was  the  greatest  personal  danger  which  Cortes 
had  yet  encountered.  His  life  was  in  the  power  of  the 
barbarians,  and,  had  it  not  been  for  their  eagerness  to 
cake  him  prisoner,  he  must  undoubtedly  have  lost  it. 
To  the  same  cause  may  be  frequently  attributed  the 
preservation  of  the  Spaniards  in  these  engagements. 
The  next  day  he  sought,  it  is  said,  for  the  Tlascalan 
who  came  so  boldly  to  his  rescue,  and,  as  he  could 
learn  nothing  of  him,  he  gave  the  credit  of  his  pres- 
ervation to  his  patron,  St.  Peter. '^  He  may  well  be 
excused  for  presuming  the  interposition  of  his  good 
Genius  to  shield  him  from  the  awful  doom  of  the  cap- 

•2  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  226. — Herrera,  Hist, 
general,  dec.  3,  lib.  i,  cap.  8. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33, 
cap.  21. — This  is  the  general's  own  account  of  the  matter.  Diaz, 
however,  says  that  he  was  indebted  for  his  rescue  to  a  Castilian,  named 
Ole.i,  supported  by  some  Tlascalans,  and  that  his  preserver  received 
three  severe  wounds  himself  on  the  occasion.  (Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
cap.  i.|5  )  This  was  an  affair,  however,  in  which  Cortes  ought  to  be 
better  informed  than  any  one  else,  and  one,  moreover,  not  likely  to 
slip  his  memory.  The  old  soldier  has  probably  confounded  it  with 
another  and  similar  adventure  of  his  commander. 

13  "  Otro  Dia  busco  Cortes  al  Indio,  que  le  socorrio,  i  muerto,  ni 
vivo  no  parecio ;  i  Cortes,  por  la  devocion  de  San  Pedro,  juzgo  que 
el  le  avia  aiudado."     Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  i,  cap.  8. 


6o        SIEGE   AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

tivc, — a  doom  not  likely  to  be  mitigated  in  his  case. 
That  heart  must  have  been  a  bold  one,  indeed,  which, 
from  any  motive,  could  voluntarily  encounter  such  a 
peril  !  Yet  his  followers  did  as  much,  and  that,  too, 
for  a  much  inferior  reward. 

The  period  which  we  are  reviewing  was  still  the  age 
of  chivalry,  —  that  stirring  and  adventurous  age,  of 
which  we  can  form  little  conception  in  the  present  day 
of  sober,  practical  reality.  The  Spaniard,  with  his 
nice  point  of  honor,  high  romance,  and  proud,  vain- 
glorious vaunt,  was  the  true  representative  of  that  age. 
The  Europeans  generally  had  not  yet  learned  to  ac- 
commodate themselves  to  a  life  of  literary  toil,  or  to 
the  drudgery  of  trade  or  the  patient  tillage  of  the  soil. 
They  left  these  to  the  hooded  inmate  of  the  cloister, 
the  humble  burgher,  and  the  miserable  serf.  Arms 
was  the  only  profession  worthy  of  gentle  blood, — the 
only  career  which  the  high-mettled  cavalier  could  treac 
with  honor.  The  New  World,  with  its  strange  and 
mysterious  perils,  afforded  a  noble  theatre  for  the  exer- 
cise of  his  calling ;  and  the  Spaniard  entered  on  it 
with  all  the  enthusiasm  of  a  paladin  of  romance. 

Other  nations  entered  on  it  also,  but  with  different 
motives.  The  French  sent  forth  their  missionaries  to 
take  up  their  dwelling  among  the  heathen,  who,  in  the 
good  work  of  winning  souls  to  Paradise,  were  content 
to  wear — nay,  sometimes  seemed  to  court — the  crown 
of  martyrdom.  The  Dutch,  too,  had  their  mission, 
but  it  was  one  of  worldly  lucre,  and  they  found  a  rec- 
ompense for  toil  and  suffering  in  their  gainful  traffic 
with  the  natives.  While  our  own  Puritan  fathers,  with 
the  true  Anglo-Saxon  spirit,  left  their  pleasant  homes 


BATTLES  AT  XOCHIMILCO.  6l 

across  the  waters,  and  pitched  their  tents  in  the  howl- 
ing wilderness,  that  they  might  enjoy  the  sweets  of  civil 
and  religious  freedom.  But  the  Spaniard  came  over  to 
the  New  World  in  the  true  spirit  of  a  knight-errant, 
courting  adventure  however  perilous,  wooing  danger, 
as  it  would  seem,  for  its  own  sake.  With  sword  and 
lance,  he  was  ever  ready  to  do  battle  for  the  Faith ; 
and,  as  he  raised  his  old  war-cry  of  "St.  Jago,"  he 
fancied  himself  fighting  under  the  banner  of  the  mili- 
tary apostle,  and  felt  his  single  arm  a  match  for  more 
than  a  hundred  infidels  !  It  was  the  expiring  age  of 
chivalry;  and  Spain,  romantic  Spain,  was  the  land 
where  its  light  lingered  longest  above  the  horizon. 

It  was  not  yet  dusk  when  Cortes  and  his  followers 
re-entered  the  city;  and  the  general's  first  act  was  to 
ascend  a  neighboring  tcocalli  and  reconnoitre  the  sur- 
rounding country.  He  there  beheld  a  sight  which 
might  have  troubled  a  bolder  spirit  than  his.  The 
surface  of  the  salt  lake  was  darkened  with  canoes,  and 
the  causeway,  for  many  a  mile,  with  Indian  squadrons, 
apparently  on  their  march  towards  the  Christian  camp. 
In  fact,  no  sooner  had  Guatemozin  been  apprised  of 
the  arrival  of  the  white  men  at  Xochimilco  than  he 
mustered  his  levies  in  great  force  to  relieve  the  city. 
They  were  now  on  their  march,  and,  as  the  capital  was 
but  four  leagues  distant,  would  arrive  soon  after  night- 
fall. "^ 

Cortes  made  active  preparations  for  the  defence  of 

14  "  Por  el  Agua  a  una  muy  grande  flota  de  Canoas,  que  creo,  que 
pasaban  de  dos  mil ;  y  en  ellas  venian  mas  de  doce  mil  Hombres  de 
Guerra ;  e  por  la  Tierra  llego  tanta  multitud  de  Gente,  que  todos  los 
Campos  cubrian.'      Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  227. 
Vol.  Ill  6 


62        SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

his  quarters.  He  stationed  a  corps  of  pikemen  along 
the  landing  where  the  Aztecs  would  be  likely  to  dis- 
embark. He  doubled  the  sentinels,  and,  with  his  prin- 
cipal officers,  made  the  rounds  repeatedly  in  the  course 
of  the  night.  In  addition  to  other  causes  for  watch 
fulness,  the  bolts  of  the  crossbowmen  were  nearly  ex- 
hausted, and  the  archers  were  busily  employed  in 
preparing  and  adjusting  shafts  to  the  copper  heads, 
of  which  great  store  had  been  provided  for  the  army. 
There  was  little  sleep  in  the  camp  that  night. '^ 

It  passed  away,  however,  without  molestation  from 
the  enemy.  Though  not  stormy,  it  was  exceedingly 
dark.  But,  although  the  Spaniards  on  duty  could  see 
nothing,  they  distinctly  heard  the  sound  of  many  oarb 
in  the  water,  at  no  great  distance  from  the  shore.  Yet 
those  on  board  the  canoes  made  no  attempt  to  land, 
distrusting,  or  advised,  it  may  be,  of  the  preparations 
made  for  their  reception.  With  early  dawn  they  were 
under  arms,  and,  without  waiting  for  the  movement  of 
the  Spaniards,  poured  into  the  city  and  attacked  them 
in  their  own  quarters. 

The  Spaniards,  who  were  gathered  in  the  area  round 
one  of  the  teocallis,  were  taken  at  disadvantage  in  the 
town,  where  the  narrow  lanes  and  streets,  many  of  them 
covered  with  a  smooth  and  slippery  cement,  offered 
obvious  impediments  to  the  manoeuvres  of  cavalry - 
But  Cortes  hastily  formed  his  musketeers  and  cross- 
's "  Y  acordose  que  huviesse  mui  buena  vela  en  todo  nuestro  Real, 
repartida  a  los  puertos,  e  azequias  por  donde  auian  de  venir  d  desem- 
barcar,  y  los  de  acauallo  mui  k  punto  toda  la  noche  ensillados  y 
enfrenados,  aguardando  en  la  cal9ada,  y  tierra  firme,  y  todos  los 
Capitanes,  y  Cortes  con  ellos,  haziendo  vela  y  ronda  toda  la  noche." 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  145, 


BATTLES  AT  XOCHIMILCO.  63 

bowmen,  and  poured  such  a  lively,  well-directed  fire 
into  the  enemy's  ranks  as  threw  him  into  disorder  and 
compelled  him  to  recoil.  The  infantry,  with  their 
long  pikes,  followed  up  the  blow;  and  the  horse, 
charging  at  full  speed  as  the  retreating  Aztecs  emerged 
from  the  city,  drove  them  several  miles  along  the  main 
land. 

At  some  distance,  however,  they  were  met  by  a 
strong  reinforcement  of  their  countrymen,  and,  rally- 
ing, the  tide  of  battle  turned,  and  the  cavaliers,  swept 
along  by  it,  gave  the  rein  to  their  steeds  and  rode  back 
at  full  gallop  towards  the  town.  They  had  not  pro- 
ceeded very  far,  when  they  came  upon  the  main  body 
of  the  army,  advancing  rapidly  to  their  support.  Thus 
strengthened,  they  once  more  returned  to  the  charge, 
and  the  rival  hosts  met  together  in  full  career,  with  the 
shock  of  an  earthquake.  For  a  time,  victory  seemed 
to  hang  in  the  balance,  as  the  mighty  press  reeled  to 
and  fro  under  the  opposite  impulse,  and  a  confused 
shout  rose  up  towards  heaven,  in  which  the  war-whoop 
of  the  savage  was  mingled  with  the  battle-cry  of  the 
Christian, — a  still  stranger  sound  on  these  sequestered 
shores.  But,  in  the  end,  Castilian  valor,  or  rather 
Castilian  arms  and  discipline,  proved  triumphant.  The 
enemy  faltered,  gave  way,  and,  recoiling  step  by  step, 
the  retreat  soon  terminated  in  a  rout,  and  the  Span- 
iards, following  up  the  flying  foe,  drove  them  from  the 
field  with  such  dreadful  slaughter  that  they  made  no 
further  attempt  to  renew  the  battle. 

The  victors  were  now  undisputed  masters  of  the  city. 
It  was  a  wealthy  place,  well  stored  with  Indian  fabrics, 
cotton,  gold,  feather-work,  and  other  articles  of  luxury 


64        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

and  use,  affording  a  rich  booty  to  the  soldiers.  While 
engaged  in  the  work  of  plunder,  a  party  of  the  enemy, 
landing  from  their  canoes,  fell  on  some  of  the  strag- 
glers, laden  v/ith  merchandise,  and  made  four  of  them 
prisoners.  It  created  a  greater  sensation  among  the 
troops  tlian  if  ten  times  that  number  had  fallen  on 
the  field.  Indeed,  it  was  rare  that  a  Spaniard  allowed 
himself  to  be  taken  alive.  In  the  present  instance  the 
unfortunate  men  were  taken  by  surprise.  They  were 
hurried  to  the  capital,  and  soon  after  sacrificed;  when 
their  arms  and  legs  were  cut  off,  by  the  command  of 
the  ferocious  young  chief  of  the  Aztecs,  and  sent  round 
to  the  different  cities,  with  the  assurance  that  this  should 
be  the  fate  of  the  enemies  of  Mexico  !  '* 

From  the  prisoners  taken  in  the  late  engagement, 
Cortes  learned  that  the  forces  already  sent  by  Guate- 
mozin  formed  but  a  small  part  of  his  levies;  that  his 
policy  was  to  send  detachment  after  detachment,  until 
the  Spaniards,  however  victorious  they  might  come 
off  from  the  contest  with  each  individually,  would,  in 
the  end,  succumb  from  mere  exhaustion,  and  thus  be 
vanquished,  as  it  were,  by  their  own  victories. 

The  soldiers  having  now  sacked  the  city,  Cortes  did 

'*  Diaz,  who  had  an  easy  faith,  states,  as  a  fact,  that  the  limbs  of 
the  unfortunate  men  were  cut  off  before  their  sacrifice:  "  Manda 
cortar  pies  y  bra90s  a  los  tristes  nuestros  compaiieros,  y  las  embia  por 
muchos  pu'eblos  nuestros  amigos  de  los  q  nos  auian  venido  de  paz,  y 
les  embia  a  dezir,  que  antes  que  bolvamos  a  Tezcuco,  piensa  no  que- 
dara  ninguno  de  nosotros  d  vida,  y  con  los  coracones  y  sangre  hiw» 
sacrificio  a  sus  idolos."  (Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  ij.^  ^ — This  \-i 
no*,  very  probable.  The  Aztecs  did  not,  like  our  North  AmRrican  In- 
dians, torture  their  enemies  from  mere  cruelty,  but  in  conlormitv  to 
the  prescribed  regulations  of  their  ritual.  The  captive  wa.s  a  r«li^ioua 
victim. 


BATTLES  AT  XOCHIMILCO.  65 

not  care  to  await  further  assaults  from  the  enemy  in  his 
present  quarters.  On  the  fourth  morning  after  his 
arrival,  he  mustered  his  forces  on  a  neighboring  plain. 
They  came,  many  of  them  reeling  under  the  weight 
of  their  plunder.  The  general  saw  this  with  uneasi- 
ness. They  were  to  march,  he  said,  through  a  popu- 
lous country,  all  in  arms  to  dispute  their  passage.  To 
secure  their  safety,  they  should  move  as  light  and  un- 
encumbered as  possible.  The  sight  of  so  much  spoil 
would  sharpen  the  appetite  of  their  enemies,  and  draw 
them  on,  like  a  flock  of  famished  eagles  after  their  prey. 
But  his  eloquence  was  lost  on  his  men,  who  plainly 
told  him  they  had  a  right  to  the  fruit  of  their  victories, 
and  that  what  they  had  won  with  their  swords  they 
knew  well  enough  how  to  defend  with  them. 

Seeing  them  thus  bent  on  their  purpose,  the  general 
did  not  care  to  balk  their  inclinations.  He  ordered 
the  baggage  to  the  centre,  and  placed  a  few  of  the 
cavalry  over  it ;  dividing  the  remainder  between  the 
front  and  rear,  in  which  latter  post,  as  that  most  ex- 
posed to  attack,  he  also  stationed  his  arquebusiers  and 
crossbowmen.  Thus  prepared,  he  resumed  his  march, 
but  first  set  fire  to  the  combustible  buildings  of  Xochi- 
milco,  in  retaliation  for  the  resistance  he  had  met 
there.''  The  light  of  the  burning  city  streamed  high 
into  the  air,  sending  its  ominous  glare  far  and  wide 
across  the  waters,  and  telling  the  inhabitants  on  their 
margin  that  the  fatal  strangers  so  long  predicted  by 

«7  "  Y  al  cabo  dejandola  toda  quemada  y  asolada  nos  partimos;  y 
cierto  era  mucho  para  ver,  porque  tenia  muchas  Casas,  y  Torres  de 
sus  Idolos  de  cal  y  canto."     Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p, 

228. 

6* 


66        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

their  oracles   had  descended  like  a  consuming  flame 
upon  their  borders/^ 

Small  bodies  of  the  enemy  were  seen  occasionally  at 
a  distance,  but  they  did  not  venture  to  attack  the  army 
on  its  march,  which,  before  noon,  brought  them  to 
Cojoliuacan,  a  large  town  about  two  leagues  distant 
from  Xochimilco.  One  could  scarcely  travel  that  dis- 
tance in  this  populous  quarter  of  the  Valley  without 
meeting  with  a  place  of  considerabk  size,  oftentimes 
the  capital  of  what  had  formerly  been  an  independent 
state.  The  inhabitants,  members  of  different  tribes, 
and  speaking  dialects  somewhat  different,  belonged  to 
the  same  great  family  of  nations,  who  had  come  from 
the  real  or  imaginary  region  of  Aztlan,  in  the  far 
Northwest.  Gathered  round  the  shores  of  their  Alpine 
sea,  these  petty  communities  continued,  after  their 
incorporation  with  the  Aztec  monarchy,  to  maintain 
a  spirit  of  rivalry  in  their  intercourse  with  one  another, 
which — as  with  the  cities  on  the  Mediterranean  in  the 

'8  For  other  particulars  of  the  actions  at  Xochimilco,  see  Oviedo, 
Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  23,  cap.  21, — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3, 
lib.  I,  cap.  8,  II, — Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  Espanoles,  p.  18, — Tor- 
quemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  87,  88, — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la 
Conquista,  cap.  145. — The  Conqueror's  own  account  of  these  engage- 
ments has  not  his  usual  perspicuity,  perhaps  from  its  brevity.  A  more 
than  ordinary  confusion,  indeed,  prevails  in  the  different  reports  of 
them,  even  those  proceeding  from  contemporaries,  making  it  extremely 
difficult  to  collect  a  probable  narrative  from  authorities  not  only  con- 
tradicting one  .another,  but  themselves.  It  is  rare,  at  any  time,  that 
two  accounts  of  a  battle  coincide  in  all  respects ;  the  range  of  obser- 
vation for  each  individual  is  necessarily  so  limited  and  different,  and 
it  is  so  difficult  to  make  a  cool  observation  at  all,  in  the  hurry  and  heat 
of  conflict.  Any  one  who  has  conversed  with  the  survivors  will  readily 
comprehend  this,  and  be  apt  to  conclude  that,  wherever  he  may  look 
for  truth,  it  will  hardly  be  on  the  battle-ground. 


BATTLES  AT  XOCHIMILCO. 


67 


feudal  ages  —  quickened  their  mental  energies,  and 
raised  the  Mexican  Valley  higher  in  the  scale  of  civil- 
ization than  most  other  quarters  of  Anahuac. 

The  town  at  which  the  army  had  now  arrived  was 
deserted  by  its  inhabitants;  and  Cortes  halted  two  days 
there  to  restore  his  troops  and  give  the'^needful  atten- 
tion to  the  wounded.''  He  made  use  of  the  time  to 
reconnoitre  the  neighboring  ground,  and,  taking  with 
him  a  strong  detachment,  descended  on  the  causeway 
which  led  from  Cojohuacan  to  the  great  avenue  of 
Iztapalapan.^°  At  the  point  of  intersection,  called 
Xoloc,  he  found  a  strong  barrier,  or  fortification,  be- 
hind which  a  Mexican  force  was  intrenched.  Their 
archery  did  some  mischief  to  the  Spaniards  as  they 

'9  This  place,  recommended  by  the  exceeding  beauty  of  its  situation, 
became,  after  the  Conquest,  a  favorite  residence  of  Cortes,  who  founded 
a  nunnery  in  it,  and  commanded  in  his  will  that  his  bones  should  be 
removed  thither  from  any  part  of  the  world  in  which  he  might  die: 
"  Que  mis  huesos — los  lleven  a  la  mi  Villa  de  Coyoacan,  y  alii  les  den 
tierra  en  el  Monesterio  de  Monjas,  que  mando  hacer  y  edificar  en  la 
dieha  mi  Villa."     Testamento  de  Hernan  Cortes,  MS. 

=°  This,  says  Archbishop  Lorenzana,  was  the  modern  calzada  de  la 
Picdad.  (Rel.  Tare,  de  Cortes,  p.  229,  nota.)  But  it  is  not  easy  to 
reconcile  this  with  the  elaborate  chart  which  M.  de  Humboldt  has 
given  of  the  Valley.  A  short  arm,  which  reached  from  this  city  in  the 
days  of  the  Aztecs,  touched  obliquely  the  great  southern  avenue  by 
which  the  Spaniards  first  entered  the  capital.  As  the  waters  which 
once  entirely  surrounded  Me.xico  have  shrunk  into  their  narrow  basin, 
the  face  of  the  country  has  undergone  a  great  change,  and,  though 
the  foundations  of  the  principal  causeways  are  still  maintained,  it  is 
not  always  easy  to  discern  vestiges  of  the  ancient  avenues.* 


*  ["  La  calzada  de  Iztapalapan,"  says  Alaman,  who  has  made  a 
minute  study  of  the  topography,  "  es  la  de  San  Antonio  Abad,  que 
conduce  d  San  Augustin  de  las  Cuevas  6  Tlalpam." — Ed.] 


6S        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OE  MEXICO. 

came  within  bowshot.  But  the  latter,  marching  m 
trepidly  forward  in  face  of  the  arrowy  shower,  stormed 
tlie  works,  and,  after  an  obstinate  struggle,  drove  the 
enemy  from  their  position.  ='  Cortes  then  advanced 
some  way  on  the  great  causeway  of  Iztapalapan  ;  but 
he  beheld  the  farther  extremity  darkened  by  a  numerous 
array  of  warriors,  and,  as  he  did  not  care  to  engage  in 
unnecessary  hostilities,  especially  as  his  ammunition 
was  nearly  exhausted,  he  fell  back  and  retreated  to  his 
own  quarters. 

The  following  day,  the  army  continued  its  march, 
taking  the  road  toTacuba,  but  a  ^t\v  miles  distant.  On 
the  way  it  experienced  much  annoyance  from  straggling 
parties  of  the  enemy,  who,  furious  at  the  sight  of  the 
booty  which  the  invaders  were  bearing  away,  made 
repeated  attacks  on  their  flanks  and  rear.  Cortes 
retaliated,  as  on  the  former  expedition,  by  one  of  their 
own  stratagems,  but  with  less  success  than  before ;  for, 
pursuing  the  retreating  enemy  too  hotly,  he  fell  with 
his  cavalry  into  an  ambuscade  which  they  had  prepared 
for  him  in  their  turn.  He  was  not  yet  a  match  for 
their  wily  tactics.  The  Spanish  cavaliers  were  en- 
veloped in  a  moment  by  their  subtle  foe,  and  separated 
from  the  rest  of  the  army.  But,  spurring  on  their 
good  steeds,  and  charging  in  a  solid  column  together, 
they  succeeded  in  breaking  through  the  Indian  array, 
and  in  making  their  escape,  except  two  individuals, 

2'  "  W'e  came  to  a  wall  which  they  had  built  across  the  causeway 
and  the  foot-soldiers  began  to  attack  it;  and  though  it  was  very  thick 
and  stoutly  defended,  and  ten  Spaniards  were  wounded,  at  length  they 
gained  it,  killing  many  of  the  enemy,  although  the  musketeers  were 
without  powder  and  the  bowmen  without  arrows."  Rel.  Terc,  ubi 
supra. 


HE  ENTERS    TACUBA.  6q 

who  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands.  They  were  the 
general's  own  servants,  who  had  followed  him  faith- 
fully through  the  whole  campaign,  and  he  was  deeply 
affected  by  their  loss, — rendered  the  more  distressing 
by  the  consideration  of  the  dismal  fate  that  awaited 
them.  When  the  little  band  rejoined  the  army,  which 
had  halted,  in  some  anxiety  at  their  absence,  under 
the  walls  of  Tacuba,  the  soldiers  were  astonished  at  the 
dejected  mien  of  their  commander,  which  too  visibly 
betrayed  his  emotion." 

The  sun  was  still  high  in  the  heavens  when  they 
entered  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Tepanecs.  The  first 
care  of  Cortes  was  to  ascend  the  principal  teocalli  and 
survey  the  surrounding  country.  It  was  an  admirable 
point  of  view,  commanding  the  capital,  which  lay  but 
little  more  than  a  league  distant,  and  its  immediate 
environs.  Cortes  was  accompanied  by  Alderete,  the 
treasurer,  and  some  other  cavaliers,  who  had  lately 
joined  his  banner.  The  spectacle  was  still  new  to 
tliem ;  and,  as  they  gazed  on  the  stately  city,  with  its 
broad  lake  covered  with  boats  and  barges  hurrying  to 
and  fro,  some  laden  with  merchandise,  or  fruits  and 
vegetables,  for  the  markets  of  Tenochtitlan,  others 
crowded  with  warriors,  they  could  not  withhold  their 
admiration  at  the  life  and  activity  of  the  scene,  de- 
claring that  nothing  but  the  hand  of  Providence  could 
have  led  their  countrymen  safe  through  the  heart  of 
this  powerful  empire.  ^^ 

■^''Y  estando  en  esto  viene  Cortes,  con  el  qual  nos  alegramos. 
puesto  que  el  venia  muy  trisle  y  como  lloroso."  Bernal  Diaz,  Ilist. 
de  In  Conquista,  cap.  145. 

»3  "  Pues  qiiando  vieron  la  gran  ciudad  de  Mexico,  y  la  laguna,  y 
tanta  multitud  de  canoas,  que  vnas  ivan  cargadas  con  bastimentos,  y 


70        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

In  the  midst  of  the  admiring  circle,  the  brow  of 
Cortes  alone  was  observed  to  be  overcast,  and  a  sigh, 
which  now  and  then  stole  audibly  from  his  bosom, 
showed  the  gloomy  working  of  his  thoughts.'*  "Take 
comfort,"  said  one  of  the  cavaliers,  approaching  his 
commander,  and  wishing  to  console  him,  in  his  rough 
way,  for  his  recent  loss ;  "  you  must  not  lay  these 
things  so  much  to  heart;  it  is,  after  all,  but  the  fortune 
of  war."  The  general's  answer  showed  the  nature  of 
his  meditations.  "You  are  my  witness,"  said  he, 
"how  often  I  have  endeavored  to  persuade  yonder 
capital  peacefully  to  submit.  It  fills  me  with  grief  when 
I  think  of  the  toil  and  the  dangers  my  brave  followers 
have  yet  to  encounter  before  we  can  call  it  ours.  But 
the  time  is  come  when  we  must  put  our  hands  to  the 
work." '5 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Cortes,  with  every  other 
man  in  his  army,  felt  he  was  engaged  on  a  holy  crusade, 
and  that,  independently  of  personal  considerations,  he 
could  not  serve  Heaven  better  than  by  planting  the 
Cross  on  the  blood-stained  towers  of  the  heathen 
metropolis.      But  it  was  natural   that  he  should  feel 

otras  ivan  a  pescar,  y  otras  valdi'as,  mucho  mas  se  espantdron,  porque 
no  las  auian  visto,  hasta  en  aquella  sa9on :  y  dixeron,  que  nuestra 
venida  en  esta  Nueua  Espana,  que  no  eran  cosas  de  hombres  huma- 
nos,  sino  que  la  gran  misericordia  de  Dies  era  quie  nos  sostenia." 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  145. 

24  "  En  este  instante  suspiro  Cortes  co  vna  muy  gra  tristeza,  mui 
mayor  q  la  q  de  antes  traia."     Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 

'5  "  Y  Cortes  le  dixo,  que  ya  veia  quantas  vezes  auia  embiado  d 
Mexico  a  rogalles  con  la  paz,  y  que  la  tristeza  no  la  tenia  por  sola  vna 
cosa,  sino  en  pensar  en  los  grandes  trabajos  en  que  nos  auiamos  de 
ver,  hasta  tornar  a  senorear ;  y  que  con  la  ayuda  de  Dios  presto  lo 
porniamos  por  la  obra."     Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


HE  ENTERS    TACUBA. 


71 


some  compunction  as  he  gazed  on  the  goodly  scene, 
and  thought  of  the  coming  tempest,  and  how  soon  the 
opening  blossoms  of  civilization  which  there  met  his 
eye  must  wither  under  the  rude  breath  of  War.  It  was 
a  striking  spectacle,  that  of  the  great  Gpnqueror  thus 
brooding  in  silence  over  the  desolation  he  was  about 
to  bring  on  the  land  !  It  seems  to  have  made  a  deep 
impression  on  his  soldiers,  little  accustomed  to  such 
])roofs  of  his  sensibility;  and  it  forms  the  burden  of 
some  of  those  7'oinances,  or  national  ballads,  with  which 
the  Castilian  minstrel,  in  the  olden  time,  delighted  to 
commemorate  the  favorite  heroes  of  his  country,  and 
which,  coming  mid-way  between  oral  tradition  and 
chronicle,  have  been  found  as  imperishable  a  record  as 
chronicle  itself. ^^ 

Tacuba  was  the  point  which  Cortes  had  reached  on 
his  former  expedition  round  the  northern  side  of  the 
Valley.  He  had  now,  therefore,  made  the  entire  cir- 
cuit of  the  great  lake  ;  had  reconnoitred  the  several 
approaches  to  the  capital,  and  inspected  with  his  own 

=*  Diaz  gives  the  opening  redondillas  of  the  romance,  which  I  hf.ve 
not  been  able  to  find  in  any  of  the  printed  collections : 

"  En  Tacuba  esta  Cortes, 
CO  su  esquadron  esfor^ado, 
triste  estaua,  y  muy  penoso, 
triste,  y  con  gran  cuidado, 
la  vna  mano  en  la  mexilla, 
y  la  otra  en  el  costado,"  etc. 

It  may  be  thus  done  into  pretty  literal  doggerel : 

In  Tacuba  stood  Cortes, 

With  many  a  care  opprest. 
Thoughts  of  the  past  came  o'er  him. 

And  he  bowed  his  haughty  crest. 
One  hand  upon  his  cheek  he  laid. 

The  other  on  his  breast, 
While  his  valiant  squadrons  round  hina,  etc. 


72        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

eyes  the  dispositions  made  on  the  opposite  quarters  for 
its  defence.  He  had  no  occasion  to  prolong  his  stay 
in  Tacuba,  the  vicinity  of  which  to  Mexico  must  soon 
bring  on  him  its  whole  warlike  poi)ulation. 

Early  on  the  following  morning  he  resumed  his 
march,  taking  the  route  pursued  in  the  former  expe- 
dition north  of  the  small  lakes.  He  met  with  less  an- 
noyance from  the  enemy  than  on  the  preceding  days  ; 
a  circumstance  -owing  in  some  degree,  perhaps,  to  the 
state  of  the  weather,  which  was  exceedingly  tempest- 
uous. The  soldiers,  with  their  garments  heavy  with 
moisture,  ploughed  their  way  with  difficulty  through 
miry  roads  flooded  by  the  torrents.  On  one  occasion, 
as  their  military  chronicler  informs  us,  the  officers 
neglected  to  go  the  rounds  of  the  camp  at  night,  and 
the  sentinels  to  mount  guard,  trusting  to  the  violence 
of  the  storm  for  their  protection.  Yet  the  fate  of  Nar- 
vaez  might  have  taught  them  not  to  put  their  faith  in 
the  elements. 

At  Acolman,  in  the  Acolhuan  territory,  they  were 
met  by  Sandoval,  with  the  friendly  cacique  of  Tezcuco, 
and  several  cavaliers,  among  whom  were  some  recently 
arrived  from  the  Islands.  They  cordially  greeted  their 
countrymen,  and  communicated  the  tidings  that  the 
canal  was  completed,  and  that  the  brigantines,  rigged 
and  equipped,  were  ready  to  be  launched  on  the  bosom 
of  the  lake.  There  seemed  to  be  no  reason,  therefore, 
for  longer  postponing  operations  against  Mexico. — 
With  this  welcome  intelligence,  Cortes  and  his  vic- 
torious legions  made  their  entry  for  the  last  time  into 
the  Acolhuan  capital,  having  consumed  just  three  weeks 
in  completing  the  circuit  of  the  Valley. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

CONSPIRACY  IN  THE  ARMY. — BRIGANTINES  LAUNCHED. — 
MUSTER  OF  FORCES. — EXECUTION  OF  XICOTENCATL. — 
MARCH  OF  THE  ARMY. — BEGINNING  OF  THE  SIEGE. 

152I. 

At  the  very  time  when  Cortes  was  occupied  with 
reconnoitring  the  Valley,  preparatory  to  his  siege  of 
the  capital,  a  busy  faction  in  Castile  was  laboring  to 
subvert  his  authority  and  defeat  his  plans  of  conquest 
altogether.  The  fame  of  his  brilliant  exploits  had 
spread  not  only  through  the  Isles,  but  to  Spain  and 
many  parts  of  Europe,  where  a  general  admiration  was 
felt  for  the  invincible  energy  of  the  man  who  with  his 
single  arm,  as  it  were,  could  so  long  maintain  a  con- 
test with  the  powerful  Indian  empire.  The  absence 
of  the  Spanish  monarch  from  his  dominions,  and  the 
troubles  of  the  country,  can  alone  explain  the  supine 
indifference  shown  by  the  government  to  the  prosecu- 
tion of  this  great  enterprise.  To  the  same  causes  it 
may  be  ascribed  that  no  action  was  had  in  regard  to 
the  suits  of  Velasquez  and  Narvaez,  backed  as  they 
were  by  so  potent  an  advocate  as  Bishop  Fonseca, 
president  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies.  The  reins  of 
government  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Adrian  of 
Utrecht,  Charles's  preceptor,  and  afterwards  Pope, — a 
man  of  learning,  and  not  without  sagacity,  but  slow 
and  timid  in  his  policy,  and  altogether  incapable  of 
Vol.  III. — D  7  (  73  ) 


74        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

that  decisive  action  which  suited  the  bold  genius  of  his 
predecessor,  Cardinal  Ximenes. 

In  the  spring  of  15  21,  however,  a  number  of  ordi- 
nances passed  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  which  threat- 
ened an  important  innovation  in  the  affairs  of  New 
Spain.  It  was  decreed  that  the  Royal  Audience  of 
Hispaniola  should  abandon  the  proceedings  already 
instituted  against  Narvaez  for  his  treatment  of  the  com- 
missioner Ayllon  ;  that  that  unfortunate  commander 
should  be  released  from  his  confinement  at  Vera  Cruz ; 
and  that  an  arbitrator  should  be  sent  to  Mexico  with 
authority  to  investigate  the  affairs  and  conduct  of  Cortes 
and  to  render  ample  justice  to  the  governor  of  Cuba. 
There  were  not  wanting  persons  at  court  who  looked 
with  dissatisfaction  on  these  proceedings,  as  an  un- 
worthy requital  of  the  services  of  Cortes,  and  who 
thought  the  present  moment,  at  any  rate,  not  the  most 
suitable  for  taking  measures  which  might  discourage 
the  general  and  perhaps  render  him  desperate.  But 
the  arrogant  temper  of  the  bishop  of  Burgos  overruled 
all  objections ;  and  the  ordinances,  having  been  ap- 
proved by  the  Regency,  were  signed  by  that  body, 
April  II,  15 21.  A  person  named  Tapia,  one  of  the 
functionaries  of  the  Audience  at  St.  Domingo,  was 
selected  as  the  new  commissioner  to  be  despatched  to 
Vera  Cruz.  Fortunately,  circumstances  occurred  which 
postponed  the  execution  of  the  design  for  the  present, 
and  permitted  Cortes  to  go  forward  unmolested  in  his 
career  of  conquest.' 

But,  while  thus  allowed  to  remain,  for  the  present  at 

>  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  i,  cap.  15. — Relacion  de  Alonso 
de  Verzara,  Escrivano  Publico  de  Vera  Cruz.  MS.,  dec.  21. 


CONSPIRACY  IN  THE  ARMY.  75 

least,  in  possession  of  authority,  he  was  assailed  by  a 
danger  nearer  home,  which  menaced  not  only  his 
authority,  but  his  life.  This  was  a  conspiracy  in  the 
army,  of  a  more  dark  and  dangerous  character  than 
any  hitherto  formed  there.  It  was  set  on  foot  by  a 
common  soldier,  named  Antonio  Villafana,  a  native  of 
Old  Castile,  of  whom  nothing  is  known  but  his  share 
in  this  transaction.  He  was  one  of  the  troop  of  Nar- 
vaez, — that  leaven  of  disaffection,  which  had  remained 
with  the  army,  swelling  with  discontent  on  every  light 
occasion,  and  ready  at  all  times  to  rise  into  mutiny. 
They  had  voluntarily  continued  in  the  service  after 
the  secession  of  their  comrades  at  Tlascala ;  but  it  was 
from  the  same  mercenary  hopes  with  which  they  had 
originally  embark-ed  in  the  expedition, — and  in  these 
they  were  destined  still  to  be  disappointed.  They  had 
little  of  the  true  spirit  of  adventure  which  distinguished 
the  old  companions  of  Cortes;  and  they  found  the 
barren  laurels  of  victory  but  a  sorry  recompense  for  all 
their  toils  and  sufferings. 

With  these  men  were  joined  others,  who  had  causes 
of  personal  disgust  with  the  general ;  and  others,  again, 
who  looked  with  distrust  on  the  result  of  the  war.  The 
gloomy  fate  of  their  countrymen  who  had  fallen  into 
the  enemy's  hands  filled  them  with  dismay.  They  felt 
themselves  the  victims  of  a  chimerical  spirit  in  their 
leader,  who,  with  such  inadequate  means,  was  urging 
to  extremity  so  ferocious  and  formidable  a  foe ;  and 
they  shrank  with  something  like  apprehension  from 
thus  pursuing  the  enemy  into  his  own  haunts,  where  he 
would  gather  tenfold  energy  from  despair. 

These    men  would    have    willingly  abandoned    the 


76        SIEGE   AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

enterprise  and  returned  to  Cuba;  but  how  could  they 
do  it?  Cortes  had  control  over  the  whole  route  from 
the  city  to  the  sea-coast ;  and  not  a  vessel  could  leave 
its  ports  without  his  warrant.  Even  if  he  were  put 
out  of  the  way,  there  were  others,  his  principal  officers, 
ready  to  step  into  his  place  and  avenge  the  death  of 
their  commander.  It  was  necessary  to  embrace  these, 
also,  in  the  scheme  of  destruction  ;  and  it  was  pro- 
posed, therefore,  together  with  Cortes,  to  assassinate 
Sandoval,  Olid,  Alvarado,  and  two  or  three  others 
most  devoted  to  his  interests.  The  conspirators  would 
then  raise  the  cry  of  liberty,  and  doubted  not  that  they 
should  be  joined  by  the  greater  part  of  the  army,  or 
enough,  at  least,  to  enable  them  to  work  their  own 
pleasure.  They  proposed  to  offer  the  command,  on 
Cortes'  death,  to  Francisco  Verdugo,  a  brother-in-law 
of  Velasquez.  He  was  an  honorable  cavalier,  and  not 
privy  to  their  design.  But  they  had  little  doubt  that 
he  would  acquiesce  in  the  command  thus  in  a  manner 
forced  upon  him,  and  this  would  secure  them  the  pro- 
tection of  the  governor  of  Cuba,  who,  indeed,  from  his 
own  hatred  of  Cortes,  would  be  disposed  to  look  with 
a  lenient  eye  on  their  proceedings. 

The  conspirators  even  went  so  far  as  to  appomt 
the  subordinate  officers,  an  alguacil  mayor  in  place  of 
Sandoval,  a  quartermaster-general  to  succeed  Olid,  and 
some  others.''  The  time  fixed  for  the  execution  of  the 
plot  was  soon  after  the  return  of  Cortes  from  his  ex- 

»  "  Hazia  Alguazil  mayor  e  Alferez,  y  Alcaldes,  y  Regidores,  y  Con- 
tador,  y  Tesorero,  y  Ueedor,  y  otras  cosas  deste  arte,  y  aun  repartido 
entre  ellos  nuestros  bienes,  y  cauallos."  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la 
Conquista,  cap.  146. 


CONSPIRACY  IN  THE  ARMY. 


77 


pedition.  A  parcel,  pretended  to  have  come  by  a  fresh 
arrival  from  Castile,  was  to  be  presested  to  him  while 
at  table,  and,  when  he  was  engaged  in  breaking  open  the 
letters,  the  conspirators  were  to  fall  on  him  and  his 
officers  and  despatch  them  with  their  poniards.  Such 
was  the  iniquitous  scheme  devised  for  the  destruction 
of  Cortes  and  the  expedition.  But  a  conspiracy,  to 
be  successful,  especially  when  numbers  are  concerned, 
should  allow  but  little  time  to  elapse  between  its  con- 
ception and  its  execution. 

On  the  day  previous  to  that  appointed  for  the  per- 
petration of  the  deed,  one  of  the  party,  feeling  a  natural 
compunction  at  the  commission  of  the  crime,  went  to 
the  general's  quarters  and  solicited  a  private  interview 
with  him.  He  threw  himself  at  his  commander's  feet, 
and  revealed  all  the  particulars  relating  to  the  conspir- 
acy, adding  that  in  Villafana's  possession  a  paper  would 
be  found,  containing  the  names  of  his  accomplices. 
Cortes,  thunderstruck  at  the  disclosure,  lost  not  a 
moment  in  profiting  by  it.  He  sent  for  Alvarado, 
Sandoval,  and  one  or  two  other  officers  marked  out  by 
the  conspirator,  and,  after  communicating  the  affair  to 
them,  went  at  once  with  them  to  Villafona's  quarters, 
attended  by  four  alguacils. 

They  found  him  in  conference  with  three  or  four 
triends,  who  were  instantly  taken  from  the  apartment 
and  placed  in  custody.  Villafana,  confounded  at  this 
budden  apparition  of  his  commander,  had  barely  time 
to  snatch  a  paper,  containing  the  signatures  of  the  con- 
federates, from  his  bosom,  and  attempt  to  swallow  it. 
But  Cortes  arrested  his  arm,  and  seized  the  paper.  As 
he  glanced  his  eye  rapidly  over  the  fatal  list,  he  was 
7* 


78        SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

much  moved  at  finding  there  the  names  of  more  than 
one  who  had  some  claim  to  consideration  in  tlie  army. 
He  tore  the  scroll  in  pieces,  and  ordered  Villafafla  to 
be  taken  into  custody.  He  was  immediately  tried  by 
a  military  court  hastily  got  together,  at  which  the  gen- 
eral himself  presided.  There  seems  to  have  been  no 
doubt  of  the  man's  guilt.  He  was  condemned  to  death, 
and,  after  allowing  him  time  for  confession  and  abso- 
lution, the  sentence  was  executed  by  hanging  him  from 
the  window  of  his  own  quarters. ' 

Those  ignorant  of  the  affair  were  astonished  at  the 
spectacle  ;  and  the  remaining  conspirators  were  filled 
with  consternation  when  they  saw  that  their  plot  was 
detected,  and  anticipated  a  similar  fate  for  themselves. 
But  they  were  mistaken.  Cortes  pursued  the  matter 
no  further.  A  little  reflection  convinced  him  that  to 
do  so  would  involve  him  in  the  most  disagreeable,  and 
even  dangerous,  perplexities.  And,  however  much  the 
parties  implicated  in  so  foul  a  deed  might  deserve 
death,  he  could  ill  afford  the  loss  even  of  the  guilty, 
with  his  present  limited  numbers.  He  resolved,  there- 
fore, to  content  himself  with  the  punishment  of  the 
ringleader. 

He  called  his  troops  together,  and  briefly  explained 
to  them  the  nature  of  the  crime  for  which  Villafana 
had  suffered.  He  had  made  no  confession,  he  said, 
and  the  guilty  secret  had  perished  with  him.  He  then 
expressed  his  sorrow  that  any  should  have  been  f  ;und 
in  their  ranks  capable  of  so  base  an  act,  and  stated 
his  own  unconsciousness  of  having  wronged  any  indi- 

3  Bemal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  146. — Oviedo,  Hist.de  las 
fnd.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  48. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  i,  cap.  i. 


CONSPIRACY  IN   THE  ARMY. 


79 


vidual  among  them  \  but.  if  he  had  done  so,  he  in 
vited  them  frankly  to  declare  it,  as  he  was  most  anxious 
to  afford  them  all  the  redress  in  his  power/  But  there 
was  no  one  of  his  audience,  whatever  might  be  his 
grievances,  who  cared  to  enter  his  complaint  at  such 
a  moment ;  least  of  all  were  the  conspirators  willing 
to  do  so,  for  they  were  too  happy  at  having,  as  they 
fancied,  escaped  detection,  ta  stand  forward  now  in 
the  ranks  of  the  malecontents.  The  affair  passed  off, 
therefore,  without  further  consequences. 

The  conduct  of  Cortes  in  this  delicate  conjuncture 
shows  great  coolness,  and  knowledge  of  human  nature. 
Had  he  suffered  his  detection,  or  even  his  suspicion, 
of  the  guilty  parties  to  take  air,  it  would  have  placed 
him  in  hostile  relations  with  them  for  the  rest  of  his 
life.  It  was  a  disclosure  of  this  kind,  in  the  early  part 
of  Louis  the  Eleventh's  reign,  to  which  many  of  the 
troubles  of  his  later  years  were  attributed. ^  The  mask 
once  torn  away,  there  is  no  longer  occasion  to  consult 
even  appearances.  The  door  seems  to  be  closed  against 
reform.  The  alienation,  which  might  have  been  changed 
by  circumstances  or  conciliated  by  kindness,  settles 
into  a  deep  and  deadly  rancor.  And  Cortes  would 
have  been  surrounded  by  enemies  in  his  own  camp 
more  implacable  than  those  in  the  camp  of  the  Aztecs. 

As  it  was,  the  guilty  soldiers  had  suffered  too  serious 

4  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  ubi  supra. 

5  So  says  M.  de  Barante  in  his  picturesque  rifacimento  of  the  ancient 
chronicles :  "  Les  proces  du  connetable  et  de  monsieur  de  Nemours, 
bien  d'autres  revelations,  avaient  fait  eclater  leur  mauvais  vouloir,  ou 
du  moins  leur  peu  de  fidelite  pour  le  roi ;  ils  ne  pouvaient  done  douter 
qu'il  desirat  ou  complotat  leur  ruine."  Hlstoire  des  Dues  de  Bour- 
gogne  (Paris,  1838),  torn.  xi.  p.  169. 


8o        SIEGE   AND   SURRENDER    OE  MEXICO. 

apprehensions  to  place  their  lives  hastily  in  a  similar 
jeopardy.  They  strove,  on  the  contrary,  by  demon- 
strations of  loyalty,  and  the  assiduous  discharge  of  their 
duties,  to  turn  away  suspicion  from  themselves.  Cortes, 
on  his  part,  was  careful  to  preserve  his  natural  de- 
meanor, equally  removed  from  distrust  and — what  was 
perhaps  more  difficult — that  studied  courtesy  which  in- 
tmiates,  quite  as  plainly,  suspicion  of  the  party  who  is 
the  object  of  it.  To  do  this  required  no  little  address. 
Yet  he  did  not  forget  the  past.  He  had,  it  is  true, 
destroyed  the  scroll  containing  the  list  of  the  conspir- 
ators. But  the  man  that  has  once  learned  the  names 
of  those  who  have  conspired  against  his  life  has  no  need 
of  a  written  record  to  keep  them  fresh  in  his  memory. 
Cortes  kept  his  eye  on  all  their  movements,  and  took 
care  to  place  them  in  no  situation,  afterwards,  where 
they  could  do  him  injury.* 

This  attempt  on  the  life  of  their  commander  excited 
a  strong  sensation  in  the  army,  with  whom  his  many 
dazzling  qualities  and  brilliant  military  talents  had 
made  him  a  general  favorite.  They  were  anxious  to 
testify  their  reprobation  of  so  foul  a  deed,  coming  from 
their  own  body,  and  they  felt  the  necessity  of  taking 
some  effectual  measures  for  watching  over  the  safety  of 
one  with  whom  their  own  destinies,  as  well  as  the  fate 
of  the  enterprise,  were  so  intimately  connected.  It 
was  arranged,  therefore,  that  he  should  be  provided 
with  a  guard  of  soldiers,  who  were  placed  under  the 
tlirection  of  a  trusty  cavalier  named  Antonio  de  Qui- 

*  "  Y  desde  alii  adelante,  aunque  mostraua  gran  voluntad  d  las  per- 
sonas  que  eran  en  la  cojuracio,  siempre  se  reztlaua  dellos."  Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  146. 


BRIGANTINES  LAUNCHED.  8 1 

nones.  They  constituted  the  general's  bod> -guard 
during  the  rest  of  the  campaign,  watching  over  him 
day  and  night,  and  protecting  him  from  domestic 
treason  no  less  than  from  the  sword  of  the  enemy. 

As  was  stated  at  the  close  of  the  last  chapter,  the 
Spaniards,  on  their  return  to  quarters,  found  the  con- 
struction of  the  brigantines  completed,  and  that  they 
were  fully  rigged,  equipped,  and  ready  for  service. 
The  canal,  also,  after  having  occupied  eight  thousand 
men  for  nearly  two  months,  was  finished. 

It  was  a  work  of  great  labor ;  for  it  extended  half  a 
league  in  length,  Avas  twelve  feet  wide,  and  as  many 
deep.  The  sides  were  strengthened  by  palisades  of 
wood,  or  solid  masonry.  At  intervals,  dams  and  locks 
were  constructed,  and  part  of  the  opening  was  through 
the  hard  rock.  By  this  avenue  the  brigantines  might 
now  be  safely  introduced  on  the  lake.' 

Cortes  was  resolved  that  so  auspicious  an  event  should 
be  celebrated  with  due  solemnity.  On  the  28th  of 
April,  the  troops  were  drawn  up  under  arms,  and  the 
whole  population  of  Tezcuco  assembled  to  witness  the 
ceremony.  Mass  was  performed,  and  every  man  in 
the  army,  together  with  the  general,  confessed  and 
received  the  sacrament.  Prayers  were  offered  up  by 
Father  Olmedo,  and  a  benediction  invoked  on  the  little 
navy,  the  first — worthy  of  the  name — ever  launched  on 

7  Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  Espanoles,  p.  19. — Rel.  Terc.  de 
Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  234. — "  Obra  grandissima,"  exclaims  the 
Crnqueror,  "  y  mucho  para  ver." — "  Fueron  en  guarde  de  estos  ber- 
gantines,"  adds  Camargo,  "  mas  de  diez  mil  hombres  de  guerra  con 
los  maestros  dellas,  hasta  que  los  armaron  y  echaron  en  el  agua  y 
laguna  de  Mejico,  que  fue  obra  de  mucho  efectopara  tomarse  Mejico." 
Kist.  de  Tlascala,  MS. 


82        SI£GE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

American  waters.'  The  signal  was  given  by  the  firing 
of  a  cannon,  when  the  vessels,  dropping  down  the 
canal,  one  after  another,  reached  the  lake  in  good 
order;  and,  as  they  emerged  on  its  ample  bosom,  with 
music  sounding,  and  the  royal  ensign  of  Castile  proudly 
floating  from  their  masts,  a  shout  of  admiration  arose 
fiom  the  countless  multitudes  of  spectators,  which 
mingled  with  the  roar  of  artillery  and  musketry  from 
the  vessels  and  the  shore  !'  It  was  a  novel  spectacle 
to  the  simple  natives ;  and  they  gazed  with  wonder  on 
the  gallant  ships,  which,  fluttering  like  sea-birds  on 
their  snowy  pinions,  bounded  lightly  over  the  waters, 
as  if  rejoicing  in  their  element.  It  touched  the  stern 
hearts  of  the  Conquerors  with  a  glow  of  rapture,  and, 
as  they  felt  that  Heaven  had  blessed  their  undertaking, 
they  broke  forth,  by  general  accord,  into  the  noble 
anthem  of  the  Te  Deum.  But  there  was  no  one  of 
that  vast  multitude  for  whom  the  sight  had  deeper  in- 
terest than  their  commander.  For  he  looked  on  it  as 
the  work,  in  a  manner,  of  his  own  hands ;  and  his 
bosom  swelled  with  exultation,  as  he  felt  he  was  now 
possessed  of  a  power  strong  enough  to  command  the 
lake,  and  to  shake  the  haughty  towers  of  Tenochtitlan." 

8  The  brigantines  were  still  to  be  seen,  preserved,  as  precious 
memorials,  long  after  the  conquest,  in  the  dock-yards  of  Mexico. 
Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  i,  cap.  i. 

9  "  Dada  la  serial,  solto  la  Presa,  fueron  saliendo  los  Vergantmes, 
sin  tocar  vno  d  otro,  i  apartdndose  por  la  Laguna,  desplegdron  las 
Vanderas,  toco  la  Musica,  dispararon  su  Artilleria,  respondio  la  del 
Exercito,  asi  de  Castellanos,  como  de  Indios."  Herrera,  Hist,  gene- 
ral, dec.  3,  lib.  i,  cap.  6. 

'°  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  234. — 
Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  Espanoles,  p.  19. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  48. — The  last-mentioned  chronicler  indulges 


MUSTER    UF  FORCED.  83 

The  general's  next  step  was  to  muster  his  forces 
in  the  great  square  of  the  capital.  He  found  they 
amounted  to  eighty-seven  horse,  and  eight  hundred 
and  eighteen  foot,  of  which  one  hundred  and  eighteen 
were  arquebusiers  and  crossbowmen.  He  had  three  large 
field-pieces  of  iron,  and  fifteen  lighter  guns  or  falconets 
of  brass."  The  heavier  cannon  had  been  transported 
from  Ver  Cruz  to  Tezcuco,  a  little  while  before,  by  the 
faithful  Tlascalans.  He  was  well  supplied  with  shot 
and  balls,  with  about  ten  hundred-weight  of  powder, 
and  fifty  thousand  copper-headed  arrows,  made  after  a 
pattern  furnished  by  him  to  the  natives.'*  The  number 
and  appointments  of  the  army  much  exceeded  what 
they  had  been  at  any  time  since  the  flight  from  Mexico, 
and  showed  the  good  effects  of  the  late  arrivals  from 
the  Islands.  Indeed,  taking  the  fleet  into  the  account, 
Cortes  had  never  before  been  in  so  good  a  condition 
for  carrying  on  his  operations.  Three  hundred  of 
the  men  were  sent  to  man  the  vessels,  thirteen,  or 
rather  twelve,  in  number,  one  of  the  smallest  having 
been  found,  on  trial,  too  dull  a  sailer  to  be  of  service. 
Half  of  the  crews  were  required  to  navigate  the  ships. 
There  was  some  difficulty  in  finding  hands  for  this, 

in  no  slight  swell  of  exultation  at  this  achievement  of  his  hero,  which 
in  his  opinion  throws  into  shade  the  boasted  exploits  of  the  great  Se- 
sostris.  "  Otras  nuchas  e  notables  cosas,  cuenta  este  actor  que  he 
dicho  de  aqueste  Rey  Sesori,  en  que  no  me  quiero  detener,  ni  las 
tengo  en  tanto  como  esta  tranchea,  6  canja  que  es  dicho,  y  los  Ver- 
gantines  de  que  tratamos,  los  quales  dieron  ocasion  a  que  se  oviesen 
mayores  Thesoros  e  Provincias,  e  Reynos,  que  no  tuvo  Sesori,  para  la 
corona  Real  de  Castilla  por  la  industria  de  Hernando  Cortes."  Ibid., 
lib.  33,  cap.  22. 

"  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  234. 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  147. 


84        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

as  the  men  were  averse  to  the  employment.  Cortes 
selected  those  who  came  from  Palos,  Moguer,  and  other 
maritime  towns,  and,  notwithstanding  their  frequent 
claims  of  exemption,  as  hidalgos,  from  this  menial 
occupation,  he  pressed  them  into  the  service. '^  Each 
vessel  mounted  a  piece  of  heavy  ordnance,  and  was 
placed  under  an  officer  of  respectability,  to  whom 
Cortes  gave  a  general  code  of  instructions  for  the 
government  of  the  little  navy,  of  which  he  proposed 
fo  take  the  command  in  person. 

He  had  already  sent  to  his  Indian  confederates, 
announcing  his  purpose  of  immediately  laying  siege 
to  Mexico,  and  called  on  them  to  furnish  their  prom- 
ised levies  within  the  space  of  ten  days  at  furthest. 
The  Tlascalans  he  ordered  to  join  him  in  Tezcuco  ;  the 
others  were  to  assemble  at  Chalco,  a  more  convenient 
place  of  rendezvous  for  the  operations  in  the  southern 
quarter  of  the  Valley.  The  Tlascalans  arrived  within 
the  time  prescribed,  led  by  the  younger  Xicotencatl, 
supported  by  Chichemecatl,  the  same  doughty  war- 
rior who  had  convoyed  the  brigantines  to  Tezcuco. 
They  came  fifty  thousand  strong,  according  to  Cortes,'^ 

'3  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  ubi  supra. — Hidalg-uia,  besides 
its  legal  privileges,  brought  with  it  some  fanciful  ones  to  its  possessor ; 
if,  indeed,  it  be  considered  a  privilege  to  have  excluded  him  from 
many  a  humble,  but  honest,  calling,  by  which  the  poor  man  might 
have  gained  his  bread.  (For  an  amusing  account  of  these,  see 
Doblado's  Letters  from  Spain,  let.  2.)  In  no  country  has  the  poor 
tfentlcman  afforded  so  rich  a  theme  for  the  satirist,  as  the  writings  of 
Le  Sage,  Cervantes,  and  Lope  de  Vega  abundantly  show. 

»4  "  Y  los  Capitanes  de  Tascaltecal  con  toda  su  gente,  muy  liicida, 
y  bien  armada,  .  .  .  y  segun  la  cuenta,  que  los  Capitanes  nos  dieron, 
pasaban  de  cinquenta  mil  Hombres  de  Guerra."  (Rel.  Terc.  du 
Cortes,  ap.  Loren^ana,  p.  236.)     "  I  toda  la  Gente,"  adds   Herrenv, 


MUSTER    OF  FORCES.  85 

making  a  brilliant  show  with  their  military  finery,  and 
marching  proudly  forward  under  the  great  national 
banner,  emblazoned  with  a  spread  eagle,  the  arms  of 
the  republic. '5  With  as  blithe  and  manly  a  step  as 
if  they  were  going  to  the  battle-ground,  they  defiled 
through  the*gates  of  the  capital,  making  its  walls  ring 
with  the  friendly  shouts  of  "  Castile  and  Tlascala." 

The  observations  which  Cortes  had  made  in  his  late 
tour  of  reconnoissance  had  aetermined  him  to  begin 
the  siege  by  distributing  his  forces  into  three  separate 
camps,  which  he  proposed  to  establish  at  the  extrem- 
ities of  the  principal  causeways.  By  this  arrangement 
the  troops  would  be  enabled  to  move  in  concert  on 
the  capital,  and  be  in  the  best  position  to  intercept 
its  supplies  from  the  surrounding  country.  The  first 
of  these  points  was  Tacuba,  commanding  the  fatal 
causeway  of  the  noche  triste.  This  was  assigned  to 
Pedro  de  Alvarado,  with  a  force  consisting,  according 
to  Cortes'  own  statement,  of  thirty  horse,  one  hundred 
and  sixty-eight  Spanish  infantry,  and  five-and-twenty 
thousand  Tlascalans.  Cristoval  de  Olid  had  command 
of  the  second  army,  of  much  the  same  magnitude, 
which  was  tor  take  up  its  position  at  Cojohuacan,  the 
city,   it  will  be   remembered,   overlooking   the   short 

"  tardo  tres  Dias  en  entrar,  segun  en  sus  Memoriales  dice  Alonso  de 
Ojeda,  ni  con  ser  Tezcuco  tan  gran  Ciudad,  cabian  en  ella."  Hist, 
general,  dec.  3,  lib.  i,  cap.  13. 

'3  "  Y  sus  vilderas  tedidas,  y  el  aue  blaca  q  tienen  por  armas,  q  parecc 
dguila,  con  sus  alas  tendidas."'  (Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
cap.  149.)  A  spread  eagle  of  gold,  Clavigero  considers  as  the  arms 
of  the  republic.  (Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  ii.  p.  145.)  But,  as 
Bernal  Diaz  spealcs  of  it  as  "  white,"  it  may  have  been  the  white  herou, 
which  belonged  to  the  house  of  Xicotencatl. 
Vol.  Hi.  8 


86        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

causeway  connected  with  that  of  Iztapalapan.  Gon- 
zalo  de  Sandoval  had  charge  of  the  third  division,  of 
equal  strength  with  each  of  the  two  preceding,  but 
which  was  to  draw  its  Indian  levies  from  the  forces 
assembled  at  Chalco.  This  officer  was  to  march  on 
Iztapalapan  and  complete  the  destruction  of  that  city, 
begun  by  Cortes  soon  after  his  entrance  into  the  Val- 
ley. It  was  too  formidable  a  post  to  remain  in  the 
rear  of  the  army.  The  general  intended  to  support 
the  attack  with  his  brigantines,  after  which  the  sub- 
sequent movements  of  Sandoval  would  be  determined 
by  circumstances.'^ 

Having  announced  his  intended  dispositions  to  his 
officers,  the  Spanish  commander  called  his  troops  to- 
gether, and  made  one  of  those  brief  and  stirring 
harangues  with  which  he  was  wont  on  great  occasions 
to  kindle  the  hearts  of  his  soldiery.  "I  have  taken 
the  last  step,"  he  said;  "I  have  brought  you  to  the 
goal  for  which  you  have  so  long  panted.  A  it\s  days 
will  place  you  before  the  gates  of  Mexico, — the  capital 
from  which  you  were  driven  with  so  much  ignominy. 
But  we  now  go  forward  under  the  smiles  of  Providence. 
Does  any  one  doubt  it  ?  Let  him  but  compare  our 
present  condition  with  that  in  which  we  found  our- 
selves not  twelve  months  since,  when,  broken  and 
dispirited,  we  sought  shelter  within  the  walls  of  Tlas- 
cala  j  nay,  with  that  in  which  we  were  but  a  few  months 

■*  The  precise  amount  of  each  division,  as  given  by  Cortes,  was, — 
in  that  of  Alvarado,  30  horse,  168  Castihan  infantry,  and  25,000  Tlas- 
calans ;  in  that  of  Olid,  33  horse,  178  infantry,  20,000  Tlascalans  ;  and 
in  Sandoval's,  24  horee,  167  infantry,  30,000  Indians.  (Rel.  Terc,  ap. 
Lorenzana,  p.  236.)  Diaz  reduces  the  number  of  native  troops  to 
one-third.     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  150. 


MUSTER    OF  FORCES.  87 

since,  when  we  took  up  our  quarters  in  Tezcuco.'' 
Since  that  time  our  strength  has  been  nearly  doubled. 
We  are  fighting  the  battles  of  the  Faith,  fighting  for 
our  honor,  for  riches,  for  revenge.  I  have  brought 
you  face  to  face  with  your  foe.  It  is  for  you  to  do 
the  rest."'** 

The  address  of  the  bold  chief  was  answered  by  the 
thundering  acclamations  of  his  followers,  who  declared 
that  every  man  would  do  his  duty  under  such  a  leader  ; 
and  they  only  asked  to  be  led  against  the  enemy.'' 
Cortes  then  caused  the  regulations  for  the  army,  pub- 
lished at  Tlascala,  to  be  read  again  to  the  troops,  with 
the  assurance  that  they  should  be  enforced  to  the  letter. 

It  was  arranged  that  the  Indian  forces  should  pre- 
cede the  Spanish  by  a  day's  march,  and  should  halt 
for  their  confederates  on  the  borders  of  the  Tezcucan 
territory.  A  circumstance  occurred  soon  after  their 
departure  which  gave  bad  augury  for  the  future.     A 

'7  "  Que  se  alegrassen,  y  esforzassen  mucho,  pues  que  veian,  que 
nuestro  Seiior  nos  encaminaba  para  haber  victoria  de  nuestros  Ene- 
inigos  :  porque  bien  sabian,  que  quando  habiamos  entrado  en  Tesaico, 
no  habiamos  trahido  mas  de  quarenta  de  Caballo,  y  que  Dios  nos 
habia  socorrido  mejor,  que  lo  habiamos  pensado."  Rel.  Terc.  de 
Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  235. 

■8  Oviedo  expands  what  he  nevertheless  calls  the  "  brebe  e  sub- 
stancial  oracion"  of  Cortes  into  treble  the  length  of  it  as  found  in 
the  general's  own  pages ;  in  which  he  is  imitated  by  most  of  the  other 
chroniclers.     Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  22. 

•9  "Y  con  estas  ultimas  palabras  ceso ;  y  todos  respondieron  sin 
discrepancia,  e  d  una  voce  dicentes ;  Sirvanse  Dios  y  el  Emperador 
nuestro  Seiior  de  tan  buen  capitan,  y  de  nosotros,  que  asi  lo  haremots 
todos  como  quien  somos,  y  como  se  debe  esperar  de  buenos  Espaiioles, 
y  con  tanta  voluntad,  y  deseo,  dicho  que  parecia  que  caila  hora  les 
era  perder  vn  ano  de  tiempo  por  estar  ya  a  las  manos  con  los  Enenii- 
Ejos."     Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  ubi  supra. 


S8        SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

quarrel  had  arisen  in  the  camp  at  Tezcuco  between  a 
Spanish  soldier  and  a  Tlascalan  chief,  in  which  tne 
latter  was  badly  hurt.  He  was  sent  back  to  Tlascala, 
and  the  matter  was  hushed  up,  that  it  might  not  reach 
the  ears  of  the  general,  who,  it  was  known,  would  not 
pass  it  over  lightly.  Xicotencatl  was  a  near  relative 
of  the  injured  party,  and  on  the  first  day's  halt  he  took 
the  opportunity  to  leave  the  army,  with  a  number  of 
his  followers,  and  set  off  for  Tlascala.  Other  causes 
are  assigned  for-his  desertion.  =°  It  is  certain  that  from 
the  first  he  had  looked  on  the  expedition  Avith  an  evil 
eye,  and  had  predicted  that  no  good  would  come  of  it. 
He  came  into  it  with  reluctance,  as,  indeed,  he  detested 
tlie  Spaniards  in  his  heart. 

His  partner  in  the  command  instantly  sent  informa- 
tion of  the  affair  to  the  Spanish  general,  still  encamped 
at  Tezcuco.  Cortes,  who  saw  at  once  the  mischievous 
consequences  of  this  defection  at  such  a  time,  detached 
a  party  of  Tlascalan  and  Tezcucan  Indians  after  tha 
fugitive,  with  instructions  to  prevail  on  him,  if  possi- 
ble, to  return  to  his  duty.  They  overtook  him  on  the 
road,  and  remonstrated  with  him  on  his  conduct,  con- 
trasting it  with  that  of  his  countrymen  generally,  and 
of  his  own  father  in  particular,  the  steady  friend  of  the 
white  men.  "  So  much  the  worse,"  replied  the  chief- 
tain :  "if  they  had  taken  my  counsel,  they  would  never 
have  become  the  dupes  of  the  perfidious  strangers."'' 

'*'  According  to  Diaz,  the  desire  to  possess  himself  of  the  lands  of 
his  comrade  Chichemecatl,  who  remained  with  the  army  (Hist,  de  la 
Conquista,  cap.  150) ;  according  to  Herrera,  it  was  an  amour  that 
carried  him  home.  (Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  i,  cap.  17.)  Both  and 
all  agree  on  the  chief's  aversion  to  the  Spaniards  and  to  the  war. 

"  "  Y  la  respuesta  que  le  embio  d  dezir  fue,  que  si  el  viejo  de  su 


EXECUTION  OF  XICOTENCATL.  89 

Finding  their  remonstrances  received  only  with  anger 
or  contemptuous  taunts,  the  emissaries  returned  without 
accomplisliing  their  object. 

Cortes  did  not  hesitate  on  the  course  he  was  to  pur- 
sue. "  Xicotencatl,"  he  said,  "had  always  been  the 
enemy  of  the  Spaniards,  first  in  the  field,  and  since  in 
the  council-chamber ;  openly,  or  in  secret,  still  the 
same, — their  implacable  enemy.  There  was  no  use  in 
parleying  with  the  false-hearted  Indian."  He  instantly 
despatched  a  small  body  of  horse  with  an  alguacil  to 
arrest  the  chief  wherever  he  might  be  found,  even 
though  it  were  in  the  streets  of  Tlascala,  and  to  bring 
him  back  to  Tezcuco.  At  the  same  time,  he  sent  in- 
formation of  Xicotencatl's  proceedings  to  the  Tlasealan 
senate,  adding  that  desertion  among  the  Spaniards  was 
punished  with  death. 

The  emissaries  of  Cortes  punctually  fulfilled  his 
orders.  They  arrested  the  fugitive  chief, — whether  in 
Tlascala  or  in  its  neighborhood  is  uncertain, — and 
brought  him  a  prisoner  to  Tezcuco,  where  a  high  gal- 
lows, erected  in  the  great  square,  was  prepared  for  his 
reception.  He  was  instantly  led  to  the  place  of  exe- 
cution ;  his  sentence  and  the  cause  for  which  he  suf- 
fered were  publicly  proclaimed,  and  the  unfortunate 
cacique  expiated  his  offence  by  the  vile  death  of  a  male- 
factor. His  ample  property,  consisting  of  lands,  slaves, 
and  some  gold,  was  all  confiscated  to  the  Castilian 
crown.  =^ 

padre,  y  Masse  Escaci  le  huvieran  creido,  que  no  se  huvieran  senore- 
ado  tanto  dellos,  que  les  haze  hazer  todo  lo  que  quiere  :  y  porno  gastar 
mas  palabras,  dixo,  que  no  queria  venir."  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la 
Conquista,  cap.  150. 

^  So  says  Herrera,  who  had  in  his   possession  the  memoria'  of 


9° 


SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 


Thus  perished  Xicotencatl,  in  the  flower  of  his  age, 
■ — as  dauntless  a  warrior  as  ever  led  an  Indian  army  to 
battle.  He  was  the  first  chief  who  successfully  re- 
sisted the  arms  of  the  invaders ;  and,  had  the  natives 
of  Anahuac,  generally,  been  animated  with  a  spirit  like 
his,  Cortes  would  probably  never  have  set  foot  in  the 
capital  of  Montezuma.  He  was  gifted  with  a  clearer 
insight  into  the  future  than  his  countrymen  ;  for  he 
saw  that  the  European  was  an  enemy  far  more  to  be 
dreaded  than  the  Aztec.  Yet,  when  he  consented  to 
fight  under  the  banner  of  the  white  men,  he  had  no 
right  to  desert  it,  and  he  incurred  the  penalty  pre- 
scribed by  the  code  of  savage  as  well  as  of  civilized 
nations.  It  is  said,  indeed,  that  the  Tlascalan  senate 
aided  in  apprehending  him,  having  previously  an- 
swered Cortes  that  his  crime  was  punishable  with  death 
by  their  own  laws.^^  It  was  a  bold  act,  however,  thus 
to  execute  him  in  the  midst  of  his  people.     For  he 

Ojeda,  one  of  the  Spaniards  employed  to  apprehend  the  chieftsin. 
(Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  i,  cap.  17,  and  Torquemada,  Monarch. 
Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  90.)  Bernal  Diaz,  on  the  other  hand,  says  that  the 
Tlascalan  chief  was  taken  and  executed  on  the  road.  (Hist,  de  la 
Conquista,  cap.  150.)  But  the  latter  chronicler  was  probably  absent 
at  the  time  with  Alvarado's  division,  in  which  he  served.  Solis,  how- 
ever, prefers  his  testimony,  on  the  ground  that  Cortes  would  not  have 
hazarded  the  execution  of  Xicotencatl  before *the  eyes  of  his  own 
troops.  (Conquista,  lib.  5,  cap.  19.)  But  the  Tlascalans  were  already 
well  on  their  way  towards  Tacuba.  A  very  few  only  could  have  re- 
mained in  Tezcuco,  which  was  occupied  by  the  citizens  and  the  Cas- 
tilian  amny, — neither  of  them  very  likely  to  interfere  in  the  prisoner's 
behalf  His  execution  there  would  be  an  easier  matter  than  in  the 
territory  of  Tlascala,  which  he  had  probably  reached  before  his 
appreliension. 

23  Herrera,   Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.   i,  cap.   17. — Torquemada. 
Monarch.  Ind.,  lib  4,  cap.  90. 


MARCH  OF   THE   ARMY. 


91 


was  a  powerful  chief,  heir  to  one  of  the  four  seigniories 
of  the  republic.  His  chivalrous  qualities  made  him 
poi)ular,  especially  with  the  younger  part  of  his  coun- 
trymen ;  and  his  garments  were  torn  into  shreds  at  his 
death  and  distributed  as  sacred  relics  among  them. 
Still,  no  resistance  was  offered  to  the  execution  of  the 
sentence,  and  no  commotion  followed  it.  He  was  the 
only  Tlascalan  who  ever  swerved  from  his  loyalty  to 
the  Spaniards. 

According  to  the  plan  of  operations  settled  by  Cortes, 
Sandoval,  with  his  division,  was  to  take  a  southern 
direction,  while  Alvarado  and  Olid  would  make  the 
northern  circuit  of  the  lakes.  These  two  cavaliers, 
after  getting  possession  of  Tacuba,  were  to  advance  to 
Chapoltepec  and  demolisli  the  great  aqueduct  there, 
which  supplied  Mexico  with  water.  On  the  tenth  of 
May  they  commenced  their  march ;  but  at  Acolman, 
where  they  halted  for  the  night,  a  dispute  arose  be- 
tween the  soldiers  of  the  two  divisions,  respecting  their 
quarters.  From  words  they  came  to  blows,  and  a 
defiance  was  even  exchanged  between  the  leaders,  who 
entered  into  the  angry  feelings  of  their  followers.-''  In- 
telligence of  this  was  soon  communicated  to  Cortes, 
who  sent  at  once  to  the  fiery  chiefs,  imploring  them, 
by  their  regard  for  him  and  the  common  cause,  to  lay 
aside  their  differences,  Avhich  must  end  in  their  own 
ruin  and  that  of  the  expedition.  His  remonstrance 
prevailed,  at  least,  so  far  is  to  establish  a  show  of 
reconciliation  between  the  parties.     But  Olid  was  not 

=4  "  Y  sobre  ello  ya  auiamos  echado  mano  4  las  armas  los  de  nues- 
tra  Capitania  contra  los  de  Christoual  de  Oil,  y  aun  los  Capitanes 
desafiados."     Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  150. 


Q2        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

a  man  to  forget,  or  easily  to  forgive ;  and  Alvarado, 
though  frank  and  liberal,  had  an  impatient  temper 
much  more  easily  excited  than  appeased.  They  were 
never  afterwards  friends."^ 

The  Spaniards  met  with  no  opposition  on  their 
march.  The  principal  towns  were  all  abandoned  by 
the  inhabitants,  who  had  gone  to  strengthen  the  gar- 
rison of  Mexico,  or  taken  refuge  with  their  families 
among  the  mountains.  Tacuba  was  in  like  manner 
deserted,  and  the  troops  once  more  established  them- 
selves in  their  old  quarters  in  the  lordly  city  of  the 
Tepanecs.^* 

Their  first  undertaking  was  to  cut  off  the  pipes  that 
conducted  the  water  from  the  royal  streams  of  Chapol- 
tepec  to  feed  the  numerous  tanks  and  fountains  which 
sparkled  in  the  court-yards  of  the  capital.  The  aque- 
duct, partly  constructed  of  brick-work  and  partly  of 
stone  and  mortar,  was  raised  on  a  strong  though  narrow 
dike,  which  transported  it  across  an  arm  of  the  lake  ; 
and  the  whole  work  was  one  of  the  most  pleasing 
monuments  of  Mexican    civilization.      The    Indian?, 

25  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  150. — Rel.  Terc.  de 
Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  237. — Gomara,  Cionica,  cap.  130. — Oviedo, 
Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  22. 

=*  The  Tepanec  capital,  shorn  of  its  ancient  splendors,  is  now  only 
interesting  from  its  historic  associations.  "  These  plains  of  Tacuba," 
says  the  spirited  author  of  "  Life  in  Mexico,"  "  once  the  theatre  of 
fierce  and  bloody  conflicts,  and  where,  during  the  siege  of  Mexico, 
Alvarado  'of  the  leap'  fixed  his  camp,  now  present  a  very  tranquil 
scene.  Tacuba  itself  is  now  a  small  village  of  mud  huts,  with  some 
fine  old  trees,  a  few  very  old  ruined  houses,  a  ruined  church,  and 

some  traces  of  a  building,  which  assured  us  had  been  the 

palace  of  their  last  monarch  ;  whilst  others  declare  it  to  have  been  the 
site  of  the  Spanish  encampment,"     Vol.  i.  let.  13. 


MARCH   OF   THE  ARMY.  93 

well  aware  of  its  importance,  had  stationed  a  large 
body  of  troops  for  its  protection.  A  battle  followed, 
in  which  both  sides  suffered  considerably,  bu«.  the 
Spaniards  were  victorious.  A  part  of  the  aqueduct 
was  demolished,  and  during  the  siege  no  water  found 
its  way  again  to  the  capital  through  this  channel. 

On  the  following  day  the  combined  forces  descended 
on  the  fatal  causeway,  to  make  themselves  masters,  if 
possible,  of  the  nearest  bridge.  They  found  the  dike 
covered  with  a  swarm  of  warriors,  as  numerous  as  on 
the  night  of  their  disaster,  while  the  surface  of  the  lake 
was  dark  with  the  multitude  of  canoes.  The  intrepid 
Christians  strove  to  advance  under  a  perfect  hurricane 
of  missiles  from  the  water  and  the  land,  but  they  made 
slow  progress.  Barricades  thrown  across  the  causeway 
embarrassed  the  cavalry  and  rendered  it  nearly  useless. 
The  sides  of  the  Indian  boats  were  fortified  with  bul- 
warks, which  shielded  the  crews  from  the  arquebuses 
and  cross-bows;  and,  when  the  warriors  on  the  dike 
were  hard  pushed  by  the  pikemen,  they  threw  them- 
selves fearlessly  into  the  water,  as  if  it  were  their  native 
element,  and,  reappearing  along  the  sides  of  the  dike, 
shot  off  their  arrows  and  javelins  with  fatal  execution. 
After  a  long  and  obstinate  struggle,  the  Christians  were 
compelled  to  fall  back  on  their  own  quarters  with  dis- 
grace, and — including  the  allies — with  nearly  as  much 
damage  as  they  had  inflicted  on  the  enemy.  Olid,  dis- 
gusted with  the  result  of  the  engagement,  inveighed 
against  his  companion  as  having  involved  them  in  it 
by  his  wanton  temerity,  and  drew  off  his  forces  the 
next  morning  to  his  own  station  at  Cojohuacan. 

The  camps,  separated  by  only  two  leagues,  main- 


94 


SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 


tained  an  easy  communication  with  each  other.  They 
found  abundant  employment  in  foraging  the  neighbor- 
ing country  for  provisions,  and  in  repelling  the  active 
sallies  of  the  enemy ;  on  whom  they  took  their  revenge 
by  cutting  off  his  supplies.  But  their  own  position 
was  precarious,  and  they  looked  with  impatience  for 
the  arrival  of  the  brigantines  under  Cortes.  It  was  in 
the  latter  part  of  May  that  Olid  took  up  his  quarters  at 
Cojohuacan  ;  and  from  that  time  may  be  dated  the 
commencement  of  the  siege  of  Mexico.*' 

*7  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  237-239. — Ixtlilxochitl, 
Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  94. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap. 
22. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  50. — Gomara,  Cronica, 
cap.  130. — Clavigero  settles  this  date  at  the  day  of  Corpus  Christi, 
May  30th.  (Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  iii.  p.  196.)  But  the 
Spaniards  left  Tezcuco  May  loth,  according  to  Cortes;  and  three 
weeks  could  not  have  intervened  between  their  departure  and  their 
occupation  of  Cojohuacan.  Clavigero  disposes  of  this  difficulty,  it  is 
true,  by  dating  the  beginning  of  their  march  on  the  20th  insteai  of 
the  loth  of  May ;  following  the  chronology  of  Herrera,  instead  of  that 
of  Cortes.     Surely  the  general  is  the  better  authority  of  the  two. 


CHAPTER    V. 

INDIAN     FLOTILLA     DEFEATED. OCCUPATION     OF     THE 

CAUSEWAYS. DESPERATE    ASSAULTS. FIRING   OF  THE 

PALACES. SPIRIT    OF  THE  BESIEGED. BARRACKS    FOR 

THE    TROOPS. 

I52I. 

No  sooner  had  Cortes  received  intelligence  that  his 
two  officers  had  established  themselves  in  their  re- 
spective posts,  than  he  ordered  Sandoval  to  march  on 
Iztapalapan.  The  cavalier's  route  led  him  through  a 
country  for  the  most  part  friendly  ;  and  at  Chalco  his 
little  body  of  Spaniards  was  swelled  by  the  formidable 
muster  of  Indian  levies  who  awaited  there  his  approach. 
After  this  junction,  he  continued  his  march  Avithout 
opposition  till  he  arrived  before  the  hostile  city,  under 
whose  walls  he  found  a  large  force  drawn  up  to  re- 
ceive him.  A  battle  followed,  and  the  natives,  after 
maintaining  their  ground  sturdily  for  some  time,  were 
compelled  to  give  way,  and  to  seek  refuge  either  on 
the  water,  or  in  that  part  of  the  town  which  hung 
over  it.  The  remainder  was  speedily  occupied  by  the 
Spaniards. 

Meanwhile,  Cortes  had  set  sail  with  his  flotilla, 
intending  to  support  his  lieutenant's  attack  by  water. 
On  drawing  near  the  southern  shore  of  the  lake,  he 
passed  under  the  shadow  of  an  insulated  peak,  since 
named  from  him  the  "Rock  of  the  Marquis."      It 

(95) 


9(5        SIEGE   AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

v\'as  held  by  a  body  of  Indians,  who  saluted  the  fleet,  as 
it  passed,  with  showers  of  stones  and  arrows.  Cortes, 
resolving  to  punish  their  audacity,  and  to  clear  thf* 
lake  of  his  troublesome  enemy,  instantly  landed  with 
a  hundred  and  fifty  of  his  followers.  He  placed  him- 
self at  their  head,  scaled  the  steep  ascent,  in  the  face 
of  ^  driving  storm  of  missiles,  and,  reaching  the  sum- 
mit, put  the  garrison  to  the  sword.  There  was  a  num- 
ber of  women  and  children,  also,  gathered  in  the  place, 
whom  he  spared.' 

On  the  top  of  the  eminence  was  a  blazing  beacon, 
serving  to  notify  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital  when 
the  Spanish  fleet  weighed  anchor.  Before  Cortes  had 
regained  his  brigantine,  the  canoes  znd piraguas  of  the 
enemy  had  left  the  harbors  of  Mexico,  and  were  seen 
darkening  the  lake  for  many  a  rood.  There  were  sev- 
eral hundred  of  them,  all  crowded  with  warriors,  and 
advancing  rapidly  by  means  of  their  oars  over  the  calm 
bosom  of  the  waters.^ 

Cortes,  who  regarded  his  fleet,  to  use  his  own  lan- 
guage, as  "the  key  of  the  war,"  felt  the  importance 
of  striking  a  decisive  blow  in  the  first  encounter  with 
the  enemy. 3     It  was  with  chagrin,  therefore,  that  he 

'  "  It  was  a  beautiful  victory,"  exclaims  the  Conqueror.  "  it  en- 
tramoslos  de  tal  manera,  que  ninguno  de  ellos  se  escape,  e.xcepto  las 
Mugeres,  y  Nines ;  y  en  este  combate  me  hirieron  veinte  y  cinco  Es- 
paiioles,  pero  fue  muy  hermosa  Victoria."  Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Lorenzana, 
p.  241. 

"  About  five  hundred  boats,  according  to  the  general's  own  estimate 
(Ibid.,  loc.  cit.);  but  more  than  four  thousand,  according  to  Bemal 
Diaz  (Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  150) ;  who,  however,  was  not 
present. 

^  "  Y  como  yo  deseaba  mucho,  que  el  primer  reencuentro,  que  con 


INDIAN  FLOTILLA   DEFEATED.  97 

found  his  sails  rendered  useless  by  the  want  of  wind. 
He  calmly  awaited  the  approach  of  the  Indian  squadron, 
which,  however,  lay  on  their  oars  at  something  more 
than  musket-shot  distance,  as  if  hesitating  to  encounter 
tliese  leviathans  of  their  waters.  At  this  moment,  a 
light  air  from  land  rippled  the  surface  of  the  lake  ;  it 
gradually  freshened  into  a  breeze,  and  Cortes,  taking 
advantage  of  the  friendly  succor,  which  he  may  be 
excused,  under  all  the  circumstances,  for  regarding  a"? 
especially  sent  him  by  Heaven,  extended  his  line  of 
battle,  and  bore  down,  under  full  press  of  canvas,  on 
the  enemy.'* 

The  latter  no  sooner  encountered  the  bows  of  their 
formidable  opponents  than  they  were  overturned  and 
sent  to  the  bottom  by  the  shock,  or  so  much  damaged 
that  they  speedily  filled  and  sank.  The  water  was 
covered  with  the  wreck  of  broken  canoes,  and  with 
the  bodies  of  men  struggling  for  life  in  the  waves  and 
vainly  imploring  their  companions  to  take  them  on 
board  their  over-crowded  vessels.  The  Spanish  fleet, 
as  it  dashed  through  the  mob  of  boats,  sent  off  its 
volleys  to  the  right  and  left  with  a  terrible  effect, 
completing  the  discomfiture  of  the  Aztecs.  The  latter 
made  no  attempt  at  resistance,  scarcely  venturing  a 
single  flight  of  arrows,  but  strove  with  all  their  strength 
to  regain  the  port  from  which  they  had  so  lately  issued. 

ellos  obiessemos,  fuesse  de  mucha  victoria;  y  se  hiciesse  de  manera, 
que  ellos  cobrassen  mucho  temor  de  los  bergantines,  porque  la  Have 
de  toda  la  Guerra  estaba  en  alios."  Rel.  Tare.,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp. 
241,  242. 

*  "  Plugo  d  nuestro  Senor,  que  estdndonos  mirando  los  unos  i.  los 
otros,  vino  iin  viento  de  la  Tierra  muy  favorable  para  embestir  con 
ellos."     Ibid.,  p.  242. 

Vol..  III.— E  y 


98        SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

Tliey  were  no  match  in  the  chase,  any  more  than  in  the 
fight,  for  their  terrible  antagonist,  who,  borne  on  the 
wings  of  the  wind,  careered  to  and  fro  at  his  pleasure, 
dealing  death  widely  around  him,  and  making  the 
shores  ring  with  the  thunders  of  his  ordnance.  A  few 
only  of  the  Indian  flotilla  succeeded  in  recovering  the 
port,  and,  gliding  up  the  canals,  found  a  shelter  in  the 
bosom  of  the  city,  where  the  heavier  burden  of  the 
brigantines  made  it  impossible  for  them  to  follow. 
This  victory,  more  complete  than  even  the  sanguine 
temper  of  Cortes  had  prognosticated,  proved  the  supe- 
riority of  the  Spaniards,  and  left  them,  henceforth, 
undisputed  masters  of  the  Aztec  sea.s 

It  was  nearly  dusk  when  the  squadron,  coasting 
along  the  great  southern  causeway,  anchored  off  the 
point  of  junction,  called  Xoloc,  where  the  branch  from 
Cojohuacan  meets  the  principal  dike.  The  avenue 
widened  at  this  point,  so  as  to  afford  room  for  two 
towers,  or  turreted  temples,  built  of  stone,  and  sur- 
rounded by  walls  of  the  same  material,  which  presented 
altogether  a  position   of  some  strength,   and,   at  the 

S  Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Lorenzana,  loc.  cit. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
lib.  33,  cap.  48. — Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap. 
32. — I  may  be  e.xcused  for  again  quoting  a  few  verses  from  a  beautiful 
description  in  "  Madoc,"  and  one  as  pertinent  as  it  is  beautiful: 

"  Their  thousand  boats,  and  the  ten  thousand  oars, 
From  whose  broad  bowls  the  waters  fall  and  flash, 
And  twice  ten  thousand  feathered  helms,  and  shields. 
Glittering  with  gold  and  scarlet  plumery. 
Onward  they  come  with  song  and  swelling  horn; 

On  the  other  side 

Adv.ince  the  British  barks  ;  the  freshening  breeze 
Fills  the  broad  sail ;  around  the  rushing  keel 
The  waters  sing,  while  proudly  they  sail  on. 
Lords  of  the  water." 

Madoc,  Part  2,  canto  25. 


OCCUPATION  OF   THE    CAUSEWAYS.  99 

present  moment,  was  garrisoned  by  a  body  of  Aztecs. 
They  were  not  numerous,  and  Cortes,  landing  with  his 
soldiers,  succeeded  without  much  difificulty  in  dis- 
lodging the  enemy  and  in  getting  possession  of  the 
works. 

It  seems  to  have  been  originally  the  general's  design 
to  take  up  his  own  quarters  with  Olid  at  Cojohuacan. 
But,  if  so,  he  now  changed  his  purpose,  and  wisely 
fixed  on  this  spot  as  the  best  position  for  his  encamp- 
ment. It  was  but  half  a  league  distant  from  the  capi- 
tal, and,  while  it  commanded  its  great  southern  avenue, 
had  a  direct  communication  with  the  garrison  at  Cojo- 
huacan, through  which  he  might  receive  supplies  from 
the  surrounding  country.  Here,  then,  he  determined 
to  establish  his  headquarters.  He  at  once,  caused  his 
heavy  iron  cannon  to  be  transferred  from  the  brigan- 
tines  to  the  causeway,  and  sent  orders  to  Olid  to  join 
him  with  half  his  force,  while  Sandoval  was  instructed 
to  abandon  his  present  quarters  and  advance  to  Cojo- 
huacan, whence  he  was  to  detach  fifty  picked  men  of 
his  infantry  to  the  camp  of  Cortes.  Having  made 
these  arrangements,  the  general  busily  occupied  him- 
self with  strengthening  the  works  at  Xoloc  and  putting 
them  in  the  best  posture  of  defence. 

During  the  first  five  or  six  days  after  their  encamp- 
ment the  Spaniards  experienced  miich  annoyance  from 
the  enemy,  who  too  late  endeavored  to  prevent  their 
taking  up  a  position  so  near  the  capital,  and  whic.h, 
had  they  known  much  of  the  science  of  war,  they  would 
have  taken  better  care  themselves  to  secure.  Contrary 
to  their  usual  practice,  the  Indians  made  their  attacks 
by  night  as  well  _as  by  day.     The  water  swarmed  with 


lOO    ■  SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

canoes,  which  hovered  at  a  distance  in  terror  of  the 
brigantines,  but  still  approached  near  enough,  especially 
under  cover  of  the  darkness,  to  send  showers  of  arrows 
into  the  Christian  camp,  that  fell  so  thick  as  to  hide 
the  surface  of  the  ground  and  impede  the  movements 
of  the  soldiers.  Others  ran  along  the  western  side 
of  the  causeway,  unprotected  as  it  was  by  the  Spanish 
fleet,  and  plied  their  archery  with  such  galling  effect 
that  the  Spaniards  were  forced  to  make  a  temporary 
breach  in  the  dike,  wide  enough  to  admit  two  of  their 
own  smaller  vessels,  which,  passing  through,  soon 
obtained  as  entire  command  of  the  interior  basin  as 
they  before  had  of  the  outer.  Still,  the  bold  bar- 
barians, advancing  along  the  causeway,  marched  up 
within  bow-shot  of  the  Christian  ramparts,  sending 
forth  such  yells  and  discordant  battle-cries  that  it 
seemed,  in  the  words  of  Cortes,  "as  if  heaven  and 
earth  were  coming  together."  But  they  were  severely 
punished  for  their  temerity,  as  the  batteries,  which 
commanded  the  approaches  to  the  camp,  opened  a 
desolating  fire,  that  scattered  the  assailants  and  drove 
them  back  in  confusion  to  their  own  quarters.' 

The  two  principal  avenues  to  Mexico,  those  on  the 
south  and  the  west,  were  now  occupied  by  the  Chris- 
tians. There  still  remained  a  third,  the  great  dike  of 
Tepejacac,  on  the  north,  which,  indeed,  taking  up  the 
principal  street,  that  passed  in  a  direct  line  through  the 

*  "  Y  era  tanta  la  multitud,"  says  Cortes,  "  que  por  el  Agua,  y  poi 
la  Tierra  no  viamos  sine  Gente,  y  daban  tantas  gritas,  y  alaridos,  que 
parecia  que  se  hundia  el  Mundo."  Rel.  Terc,  p.  245. — Oviedo,  Hist, 
de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  23. — I.xtlilxochid,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS. 
cap.  95. — Saliagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  32. 


DESPERATE  ASSAUr.TS.  loi 

heart  of  the  city,  might  be  regarded  as  a  continuation 
of  the  dike  of  Iztapalapan.  By  this  northern  route  a 
means  of  escape  was  still  left  open  to  the  besieged,  and 
they  availed  themselves  of  it,  at  present,  to  maintain 
their  communications  with  the  country  and  to  su])ply 
themselves  with  provisions.  Alvarado,  who  observed 
this  from  his  station  at  Tacuba,  advised  his  commander 
of  it,  and  the  latter  instructed  Sandoval  to  take  up  his 
position  on  the  causeway.  That  officer,  though  Suffer- 
ing at  the  time  from  a  severe  wound  received  from  a 
lance  in  one  of  the  late  skirmishes,  hastened  to  obey, 
and  thus,  by  shutting  up  its  only  communication  with 
the  surrounding  country,  completed  the  blockade  of  the 
capital. 7 

But  Cortes  was  not  content  to  wait  patiently  the 
effects  of  a  dilatory  blockade,  which  might  exhaust  the 
patience  of  his  allies  and  his  own  resources.  He  de- 
termined to  support  it  by  such  active  assaults  on  the 
city  as  should  still  further  distress  the  besieged  and 
hasten  the  hour  of  surrender.  For  this  purpose  he 
ordered  a  simultaneous  attack,  by  the  two  commanders 
at  the  other  stations,  on  the  quarters  nearest  their 
encampments. 

On  the  day  appointed,  his  forces  were  under  arms 
with  the  dawn.  Mass,  as  usual,  was  performed  ;  and 
the  Indian  confederates,  as  they  listened  with  grave 
attention  to  the  stately  and  imposing  service,  regarded 
with  undisguised  admiration  the  devotional  reverence 
shown  by  the  Christians,  whom,  in  their  simplicity, 

7  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  246,  247. — Bernal  Dinz. 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  150.— Herrera,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  dec.  3 
lib.  I,  cap.  17. — Defensa,  MS.,  cap.  28. 

rv* 


I02      SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

they  looked  upon  as  little  less  than  divinities  them- 
selves.* The  Spanish  infantry  marched  in  the  van,  led 
on  by  Cortes,  attended  by  a  number  of  cavaliers,  dis- 
mounted like  himself.  They  had  not  moved  far  upon 
the  causeway,  when  they  were  brought  to  a  stand  by 
one  of  the  open  breaches,  that  had  formerly  been  trav- 
ersed by  a  bridge.  On  the  farther  sii'e  a  solid  rampart 
of  stone  and  lime  had  been  erected,  and  behind  this 
a  strong  body  of  Aztecs  were  posted,  who  discharged 
on  the  Spaniards,  as  they  advanced,  a  thick  volley  of 
arrows.  The  latter  vainly  endeavored  to  dislodge  them 
with  their  fire-arms  and  cross-bows ;  they  were  too  well 
secured  behind  their  defences. 

Cortes  then  ordered  two  of  the  brigantines,  which 
had  kept  along,  one  on  each  side  of  the  causeway,  in 
order  to  co-operate  with  the  army,  to  station  them- 
selves so  as  to  enfilade  the  position  occupied  by  the 
enemy.  Thus  placed  between  two  well-directed  fires, 
the  Indians  were  compelled  to  recede.  The  soldiers 
on  board  the  vessels,  springing  to  land,  bounded  like 
deer  up  the  sides  of  tlie  dike.  They  were  soon  fol- 
lowed by  their  countrymen  under  Cortes,  who,  throw- 
ing themselves  into  the  water,  swam  the  undefended 
chasm  and  joined  in  pursuit  of  the  enem)\  The  Mex- 
icans fell  back,  however,  in  something  like  order,  till 
they  reached  another  opening  in  the  dike,  like  the 
former,  dismantled  of  its  bridge,  and  fortified  in  the 

^  "  Asi  como  futi  de  dia  se  dixo  vna  misa  de  Espiritu  Santo,  que 
todos  los  Christianos  oyeron  con  niuclia  devocion ;  e  aun  los  Indies, 
conio  simples,  e  no  entendientes  de  tan  alto  misterio,  con  admiracion 
estaban  atentos  notando  el  silencio  de  los  catholicos  y  el  acatamiento 
que  al  altar,  y  al  sacerdote  los  Christianos  tovieron  hasta  recevir  la 
beoedicion."     Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  24. 


DESPERATE  ASSAULTS. 


103 


same  manner  by  a  bulwark  of  stone,  behind  which  the 
retreating  Aztecs,  swimming  across  the  chasm,  and 
reinforced  by  fresh  bodies  of  their  countrymen,  again 
took  shelter. 

They  made  good  their  post,  till,  again  assailed  by 
the  cannonade  from  the  brigan tines,  they  were  com- 
pelled to  give  way.  In  this  manner  breach  after  breach 
was  carried ;  and  at  every  fresh  instance  of  success  a 
shout  went  up  from  the  crews  of  the  vessels,  which, 
answered  by  the  long  files  of  the  Spaniards  and  their 
confederates  on  the  causeway,  made  the  Valley  echo  to 
its  borders. 

Cortes  had  now  reached  the  end  of  the  great  avenue, 
where  it  entered  the  suburbs.  There  he  halted  to  give 
time  for  the  rear-guard  to  come  up  with  him.  It  was 
detained  by  the  labor  of  filling  up  the  breaches  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  make  a  practicable  passage  for  the 
artillery  and  horse  and  to  secure  one  for  the  rest  of 
the  army  on  its  retreat.  This  important  duty  was  in- 
trusted to  the  allies,  who  executed  it  by  tearing  down 
the  ramparts  on  the  margins  and  throwing  them  into 
the  chasms,  and,  when  this  was  not  sufficient, — for  the 
water  was  deep  around  the  southern  causeway, — by 
dislodging  the  great  stones  and  rubbish  from  the  dike 
itself,  which  was  broad  enough  to  admit  of  it,  and 
adding  them  to  the  pile,  until  it  was  raised  above  the 
level  of  the  water. 

The  street  on  which  the  Spaniards  now  entered  was 
the  great  avenue  that  intersected  the  town  from  north 
to  south,  and  the  same  by  which  they  had  first  visited 
the  capital.'     It  was  broad  and  perfectly  straight,  and, 

»  [This  street,  which  is  now  called  the  Calle  del  Rastro,  and  traverses 


104      SIEGE  AND   bUKRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

in  the  distance,  dark  masses  of  warriors  might  be  seen 
gathering  to  the  support  of  their  countrymen,  who 
were  prepared  to  dispute  the  further  progress  of  the 
Spaniards.  The  sides  were  lined  with  buildings,  the 
terraced  roofs  of  which  were  also  crowded  with  com- 
batants, who,  as  the  army  advanced,  poured  doAvn  a 
pitiless  storm  of  missiles  on  their  heads,  which  glanced 
liarmless,  indeed,  from  the  coat  of  mail,  but  too  often 
found  their  way  through  the  more  common  escaiipil  of 
the  soldier,  already  gaping  with  many  a  ghastly  rent. 
Cortes,  to  rid  himself  of  this  annoyance  for  the  future, 
ordered  his  Indian  pioneers  to  level  the  principal  build- 
ings as  they  advanced  ;  in  which  v.-ork  of  demolition, 
no  less  than  in  the  repair  of  the  breaches,  they  proved 
of  inestimable  service." 

The  Spaniards,  meanwhile,  were  steadily,  but  slowly, 
advancing,  as  the  enemy  recoiled  before  the  rolling 
fire  of  musketry,  though  turning,  at  intervals,  to  dis- 
charge their  javelins  and  arrows  against  their  pursuers. 
In  this  way  they  kept  along  the  great  street  until  their 
course  was  interrupted  by  a  wide  ditch  or  canal,  once 
traversed  by  a  bridge,  of  which  only  a  few  planks  now 
remained.      These  were  broken  by  the  Indians   the 

the  uhole  city  from  north  to  south,  leading  from  the  Calle  del  Relox 
to  the  causeway  of  Guadalupe  or  Tepeyacac,  was  known  at  the  period 
immediately  following  the  Conquest  as  the  Calle  de  Iztapalapa,  which 
name  was  given  to  it  through  its  whole  extent.  In  the  time  of  the 
ancient  Mexicans  its  course  was  intercepted  by  the  great  temple,  the 
piincipal  door  of  which  fronted  upon  it.  After  this  edifice  had  been 
demolish  ;d,  the  street  was  opened  from  one  end  to  the  other.  Con- 
quista  de  Mejico  (trad,  de  Vega),  torn.  ii.  p.  157.] 

'o  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espaiia,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  32. —  Ixtlil- 
xochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  95. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
lib.  33,  cap.  23. —  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  247,  248. 


DESPERATE  ASSAULTS. 


105 


moment  they  had  crossed,  and  a  formidable  array  of 
spears  was  instantly  seen  bristling  over  the  summit  of  a 
solid  rampart  of  stone,  which  protected  the  opposite 
side  of  the  canal.  Cortes  was  no  longer  supported  by 
his  brigantines,  which  the  shallowness  of  the  canals 
prevented  from  penetrating  into  the  suburbs.  He 
brought  forward  his  arquebusiers,  who,  protected  by 
the  targets  of  their  comrades,  opened  a  fire  on  the 
enemy.  But  the  balls  fell  harmless  from  the  bulwarks 
of  stone  \  while  the  assailants  presented  but  too  easy  a 
mark  to  their  opponents. 

The  general  then  caused  the  heavy  guns  to  be  brought 
up,  and  opened  a  lively  cannonade,  which  soon  cleared 
a  breach  in  the  works,  through  which  the  musketeers 
and  crossbowmen  poured  in  their  volleys  thick  as  hail. 
The  Indians  now  gave  way  in  disorder,  after  having 
held  their  antagonists  at  bay  for  two  hours."  The 
latter,  jumping  into  the  shallow  water,  scaled  the  oppo- 

'"■  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ubi  supra. — Ixtlilxocliitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS., 
cap.  95. — Here  terminates  the  work  last  cited  of  the  Tezcucan  chroni- 
cler ;  who  has  accompanied  us  from  the  earliest  period  of  our  narrative 
down  to  this  point  in  the  final  siege  of  the  capital.  Whether  the  con- 
cluding pages  of  the  manuscript  have  been  lost,  or  whether  he  was 
interrupted  by  death,  it  is  impossible  to  say.  But  the  deficiency  is  sup- 
plied by  a  brief  sketch  of  the  principal  events  of  the  siege,  which  he  has 
left  in  another  of  his  writings.  He  had,  undoubtedly,  uncommon 
sources  of  information  in  his  knowledge  of  the  Indian  languages  and 
picture-writing,  and  in  the  oral  testimony  which  he  was  at  pains  to  col- 
lect from  the  actors  in  the  scenes  he  describes.  All  these  advantages 
are  too  often  counterbalanced  by  a  singular  incapacity  for  discriminating 
— I  will  not  say,  between  historic  truth  and  falsehood  (for  what  is 
truth?) — but  between  the  probable,  or  rather  the  possible,  and  the 
impossible.  One  of  the  generation  of  primitive  converts  to  the 
Romish  faith,  he  lived  in  a  state  of  twilight  civilization,  when,  if  mira- 
cles were  not  easily  wrought,  it  was  at  least  easy  to  believe  them. 
E* 


lo6      SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

site  Lank  without  further  resistance,  and  drove  the 
enemy  along  the  street  towards  the  square,  where  the 
sacred  pyramid  reared  its  colossal  bulk  high  over  the 
other  edifices  of  the  city. 

It  was  a  spot  too  familiar  to  the  Spaniards.  On  one 
side  stood  the  palace  of  Axayacatl,  their  old  quarters, 
the  scene  to  many  of  them  of  so  much  suffering." 
Opposite  was  the  pile  of  low,  irregular  buildings  once 
the  residence  of  the  unfortunate  Montezuma  ;'3  while 
a  third  side  of  the  square  was  flanked  by  the  Coate- 
pantli,  or  Wall  of  Serpents,  which  encompassed  the 
great  teocalli  with  its  little  city  of  holy  edifices.'*  The 
Spaniards  halted  at  the  entrance  of  the  square,  as  if 
oppressed,  and  for  the  moment  overpowered,  by  the 
bitter  recollections  that  crowded  on  their  minds.  But 
their  intrepid  leader,  impatient  at  their  hesitation, 
loudly  called  on  them  to  advance  before  the  Aztecs 
had  time  to  rally;  and,  grasping  his  target  in  one 
hand,  and  waving  his  sword  high  above  his  head  with 
the  other,  he  cried  his  war-cry  of  "St.  Jago,"  and 
led  them  at  once  against  the  enemy. '^ 

"  [In  the  street  of  Santa  Teresa.  Conquista  de  Mejico  (trad,  de 
Vega),  torn.  ii.  p.  158.] 

>3  [Which  forms  now  what  is  called  "  El  Empedradillo."     Ibid.] 

•4  [This  wall,  adorned  with  serpents,  and  crowned  with  the  heads, 
strung  together  on  stakes,  of  the  human  victims  sacrificed  in  the  temple, 
formed  the  front  of  the  Plaza  on  the  south  side,  extending  from  the 
corner  of  the  Calle  de  Plateros  east,  towards  the  chains  that  enclose 
the  cemetery  of  the  cathedral.     Ibid.] 

»5  "  I  con  todo  eso  no  se  determinaban  los  Christianos  de  entrar  en 
la  Pla9a;  por  lo  qual  diciendo  Hernando  Cortes,  que  no  era  tiempo 
de  mostrar  cansancio,  ni  cobardia,  con  vna  Rodela  en  la  mano,  apelli- 
dando  Santiago,  arremetio  el  primero."  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec. 
3,  lib.  I,  cap.  i3. 


DESPERATE   ASSAULTS.  I07 

The  Mexicans,  intimidated  by  the  presence  of  their 
detested  foe,  who,  in  spite  of  all  their  efforts,  had 
again  forced  his  way  into  the  heart  of  their  city,  made 
no  further  resistance,  but  retreated,  or  rather  fled,  for 
refuge  into  the  sacred  enclosure  of  the  teocalli,  where 
the  numerous  buildings  scattered  over  its  ample  area 
afforded  many  good  points  of  defence.  A  few  priests, 
(.lad  in  their  usual  wild  and  blood-stained  vestments, 
were  to  be  seen  lingering  on  the  terraces  which  wound 
round  the  stately  sides  of  the  pyramid,  chanting  h)aiins 
in  honor  of  their  god,  and  encouraging  the  warriors 
below  to  battle  bravely  for  his  altars.'^ 

The  Spaniards  poured  through  the  open  gates  into 
the  area,  and  a  small  party  rushed  up  the  winding  cor- 
ridors to  its  summit.  No  vestige  now  remained  there 
of  the  Cross,  or  of  any  other  symbol  of  the  pure  faith 
to  which  it  had  been  dedicated.  A  new  effigy  of  the 
Aztec  war-god  had  taken  the  place  of  the  one  demol- 
ished by  the  Christians,  and  raised  its  fantastic  and 
hideous  form  in  the  same  niche  which  had  been  occu- 
pied by  its  predecessor.  The  Spaniards  soon  tore  away 
its  golden  mask  and  the  rich  jewels  with  which  it  was 
bedizened,  and,  hurling  the  struggling  priests  down 
the  sides  of  the  pyramid,  made  the  best  of  their  way 
to  their  comrades  in  the  area.     It  was  full  time.'' 

>*  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  32. 

»•/  Ixtlilxochitl,  in  his  Thirteenth  Relacion,  embracing  among  other 
things  a  brief  notice  of  the  capture  of  Mexico,  of  whicli  an  edition 
has  been  given  to  the  world  by  the  industrious  Bustamante,  bestows 
the  credit  of  this  exploit  on  Cortes  himself.  "  En  la  capilla  mayor 
dcnde  estaba  Huitzilopoxctli,  que  llegaron  Cortes  e  Ixtlilxuchitl  a  un 
tiempo,  y  ambos  embistieron  con  el  idolo.  Cortes  co^io  Li  mascara  de 
oro  que  tenia  puesta  este  idolo  con  oiertas  piedras  preciosas  que  estiban 
engastadas  en  ella."     Venida  de  los  Espanoles,  p.  29. 


lo8      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OE  MEXICO. 

The  Aztecs,  indignant  at  the  sacrilegious  outrage 
perpetrated  before  their  eyes,  and  gathering  courage 
from  the  inspiration  of  the  place,  under  the  very  pres- 
ence of  their  deities,  raised  a  yell  of  horror  and  vin- 
dictive fury,  as,  throwing  themselves  into  something 
like  order,  they  sprang,  by  a  common  impulse,  on  the 
Spaniards.  The  latter,  who  had  halted  near  the  en- 
trance, though  taken  by  surprise,  made  an  effort  to 
maintain  their  position  at  the  gateway.  But  in  vain  ; 
for  the  headlong  rush  of  the  assailants  drove  them  at 
once  into  the  square,  where  they  were  attacked  by 
other  bodies  of  Indians,  pouring  in  from  the  neigh- 
boring streets.  Broken,  and  losing  their  presesype  of 
mind,  the  troops  made  no  attempt  to  rally,  but,  cross- 
ing the  square,  and  abandoning  the  cannon,  planted 
there,  to  the  enemy,  they  hurried  down  the  great 
street  of  Iztapalapan.  Here  they  were  soon  mingled 
with  the  allies,  who  choked  up  the  way,  and  who, 
catching  the  panic  of  the  Spaniards,  increased  the 
confusion,  while  the  eyes  of  the  fugitives,  blinded  bv 
the  missiles  that  rained  on  them  from  the  azoteas,  were 
scarcely  capable  of  distinguishing  friend  from  foe.  In 
vain  Cortes  endeavored  to  stay  the  torrent,  and  to 
restore  order.  His  voice  was  drowned  in  the  wild  up- 
roar, as  he  was  swept  away,  like  drift-wood,  by  the 
fury  of  the  current. 

All  seemed  to  be  lost ; — when  suddenly  sounds  wert; 
heard  in  an  adjoining  street,  like  the  distant  tramp  ot 
horses  galloping  rapidly  over  the  pavement.  They 
drew  nearer  and  nearer,  and  a  body  of  cavalry  soon 
emerged  on  the  great  square.  Though  but  a  handful 
in  number,  they  plunged  boldly  into  the  thick  of  the 


DESPERATE  ASSAULTS. 


log 


enemy.  We  have  often  had  occasion  to  notice  the 
superstitious  dread  entertained  by  the  Indians  of  the 
horse  and  his  rider.  And,  although  the  long  residence 
of  the  cavalry  in  the  capital  had  familiarized  the  na- 
tives in  some  measure  with  their  presence,  so  long  a 
time  had  now  elapsed  since  tliey  had  beheld  them 
that  all  their  former  mysterious  terrors  revived  i.n  full 
force  ;  and,  when  thus  suddenly  assailed  in  flank  by 
the  formidable  apparition,  they  were  seized  with  a 
panic  and  fell  into  confusion.  It  soon  spread  to  the 
leading  files,  and  Cortes,  perceiving  his  advantage, 
turned  with  the  rapidity  of  lightning,  and,  at  this 
time  supported  by  his  followers,  succeeded  in  driving 
the  enemy  with  some  loss  back  into  the  enclosure. 

It  was  now  the  hour  of  vespers,  and,  as  night  must 
soon  overtake  them,  he  made  no  further  attempt  to 
pursue  his  advantage. ..  Ordering  the  trumpets,  there- 
fore, to  sound  a  retreat,  he  drew  off  his  forces  in  good 
order,  taking  with  him  the  artillery  which  had  been 
abandoned  in  the  square.  The  allies  first  went  off  the 
ground,  followed  by  the  Spanish  infantry,  while  the 
rear  was  protected  by  the  horse,  thus  reversing  the. 
order  of  march  on  their  entrance.  The  Aztecs  hung 
on  the  closing  files,  and,  though  driven  back  by  fre- 
quent charges  of  the  cavalry,  still  followed  in  the  dis- 
tance, shooting  off  their  ineffectual  missiles,  and  filling 
the  air  with  wild  cries  and  bowlings,  like  a  herd  of 
ravenous  wolves  disappointed  of  their  prey.  It  was 
late  before  the  army  reached  its  quarters  at  Xoloc.'^ 

»s  "  Los  de  Caballo  revolvian  sobre  ellos,  que  siempre  alanceab.in, 
6  mataban  algunos ;  e  como  la  Ca;lle  era  muy  larga,  hubo  lugar  de 
hacerse  esto  quatro,  6  cinco  veces.     6  aunque  los   Enemigos  vian 
Vol.  III.  lo 


no      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

Coites  had  been  well  supported  by  Alvarado  and 
Sandoval  in  this  assault  on  the  city;  though  neither 
of  these  commanders  had  penetrated  the  suburbs, 
deterred,  perhaps,  by  the  difficulties  of  the  passage, 
which  in  Alvarado's  case  were  greater  than  those  pre- 
sented to  Cortes,  froiv  the  greater  number  of  breaches 
with  which  the  dike  in  iiis  quarter  was  intersected. 
Something  was  owing,  too,  to  the  want  of  brigantines, 
until  Cortes  supplied  the  deficiency  by  detaching  half 
of  his  little  navy  to  the  support  of  his  officers.  With- 
out their  co-operation,  however,  the  general  himself 
could  not  have  advanced  so  far,  nor,  perhaps,  have 
succeeded  at  all  in  setting  foot  within  the  city.  The 
success  of  this  assault  spread  consternation  not  only 
among  the  Mexicans,  but  their  vassals,  as  they  saw  that 
the  formidable  preparations  for  defence  were  to  avail 
little  against  the  white  man,  who  had  so  soon,  in  spite 
of  them,  forced  his  way  into  the  very  heart  of  the 
capital.  Several  of  the  neighboring  places,  in  conse- 
quence, now  showed  a  willingness  to  shake  off  their 
allegiance,  and  claimed  the  protection  of  the  Span- 
iards. Among  these  were  the  territory  of  Xochimilco, 
so  roughly  treated  by  the  invaders,  and  some  tribes  of 
Otomies,  a  rude  but  valiant  people,  who  dwelt  on  the 
western  confines  of  the  Valley.''     Their  support  was 

que  rccibian  dano,  venian  los  Perros  tan  rabiosos,  que  en  ninguna 
maiiera  los  podiamos  detener,  ni  que  nos  dejassen  de  seguir."  Rel. 
Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  250. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec. 
3,  lib.  I,  cap.  18. — Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espaiia,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap. 
32. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  23. 

'9  The  great  mass  of  the  Otomies  were  an  untamed  race,  who  roamed 
ovei  the  broad  tracks  of  the  plateau,  far  away  to  the  north.  But 
many  of  them,  who  found  their  way  into  the  Valley,  became  blended 


DESPERATE  ASSAULTS.  Ill 

valuable,  not  so  much  from  the  additional  reinforce- 
nients  which  it  brought,  as  from  the  greater  security 
it  gave  to  the  army,  whose  outposts  were  perpetually 
menaced  by  these  warlike  barbarians.™ 

The  most  important  aid  which  the  Spaniards  received 
at  this  time  was  from  Tezcuco,  whose  prince,  Ixtlilxo- 
chitl,  gathered  the  whole  strength  of  his  levies,  to  the 
number  of  fifty  thousand,  if  we  are  to  credit  Cortes, 
and  leci  them  in  person  to  the  Christian  camp.  By  the 
general's  orders,  they  were  distributed  among  the  three 
divisions  of  the  besiegers.^' 

Thus  strengthened,  Cortes  prepared  to  make  another 
attack  upon  the  capital,  and  that  before  it  should  have 
time  to  recover  from  the  former.  Orders  were  given 
to  his  lieutenants  on  the  other  causeways  to  march  at 
the  same  time,  and  co-operate  with  him,  as  before,  in 
the  assault.     It  was  conducted  in  precisely  the  same 

with  the  Tezcucan,  and  even  with  the  Tlascalan  nation,  making  some 
of  the  best  soldiers  in  their  armies. 

20  [The  Otoniies  inhabited  all  the  country  of  Tula  on  the  west, 
where  their  language  is  well  preserved.  Conquista  de  Mejico  (trad, 
de  Vega),  tom.  ii.  p.  i6i.] 

"  "  Istrisuchil  [Ixtlilxochitl],  que  es  de  edad  de  veinte  y  tres,  6 
veinte  y  quatro  aiios,  muy  esforzado,  amado,  y  temido  de  todos." 
(Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  251.)  The  greatest  obscurity 
prevails  among  historians  in  respect  to  this  prince,  whom  they  seem 
to  have  confounded  very  often  with  his  brother  and  predecessor  on 
the  throne  of  Tezcuco.  It  is  rare  that  either  of  them  is  mentioned 
by  any  other  than  his  baptismal  name  of  Hernando;  and,  if  Herrera 
is  correct  in  the  assertion  that  this  name  was  assumed  by  both,  it  may 
explain  in  some  degree  the  confusion.  (Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  i, 
cap.  18.)  I  have  conformed  in  the  main  to  the  old  Tezcucan  chroni- 
cler, who  gathered  his  account  of  his  kinsman,  as  he  tells  us,  from  the 
records  of  his  nation,  and  from  the  oral  testimony  of  the  contempo- 
raries of  the  prince  himself.     Venida  de  los  Espanoles,  pp.  30,  31. 


112      SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO 

manner  as  on  the  previous  entry,  the  infantry  taking 
the  van,  and  the  allies  and  cavalry  following.  But,  to 
the  great  dismay  of  the  Spaniards,  they  found  two- 
thirds  of  the  breaches  restored  to  their  former  state, 
and  the  stones  and  other  materials,  with  which  thej 
had  been  stopped,  removed  by  the  indefatigable  enemy. 
They  were  again  obliged  to  bring  up  the  cannon,  the 
brigantines  ran  alongside,  and  the  enemy  was  dis- 
lodged, and  driven  from  post  to  post,  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  on  the  preceding  attack.  In  short,  the  whole 
work  was  to  be  done  over  again.  It  was  not  till  an 
hour  after  noon,  that  the  army  had  won  a  footing  in 
the  suburbs. 

Here  their  progress  was  not  so  difficult  as  before ; 
for  the  buildings,  from  the  terraces  of  wliich  they  had 
experienced  the  most  annoyance,  had  been  swept  away. 
Still,  it  was  only  step  by  step  that  they  forced  a  passage 
in  face  of  the  Mexican  militia,  who  disputed  their 
advance  with  the  same  spirit  as  before.  Cortes,  who 
would  willingly  have  spared  the  inhabitants,  if  he 
could  have  brought  them  to  terms,  saw  them  with 
regret,  as  he  says,  thus  desperately  bent  on  a  war  of 
extermination.  He  conceived  that  there  would  be  no 
way  more  likely  to  affect  their  minds  than  by  destroy- 
ing at  once  some  of  the  principal  edifices,  which  they 
were  accustomed  to  venerate  as  the  pride  and  ornament 
of  the  city." 

=^  "  Daban  ocasion,  y  nos  forzaban  d  que  totalmente  les  destruy 
essemos.  6  de  esta  postrera  tenia  mas  sentimiento,  y  me  pesaba  eii 
el  alma,  y  pensaba  que  forma  ternia  para  los  atemorizar,  de  manera, 
que  viniessen  en  conocimiento  de  su  yerro,  y  dc  el  dano,  que  podian 
recibir  de  nosotros,  y  no  hacia  sino  quemalles,  y  derrocalles  las  Torres 
de  sus  Idolos.y  susCasas."  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,p.  25.;. 


FIRING    OF  THE  PALACES. 


1^3 


Marching  into  the  great  square,  he  selected,  as  the 
first  to  be  destroyed,  the  old  palace  of  Axayacatl,  his 
former  barracks.  The  ample  range  of  low  buiUlings 
was,  it  is  true,  constructed  of  stone ;  but  the  interior, 
as  well  as  the  outworks,  the  turrets,  and  roofs,  was 
of  wood.  The  Spaniards,  whose  associations  with  the 
pile  were  of  so  gloomy  a  character,  sprang  to  the  work 
of  destruction  with  a  satisfaction  like  that  which  the 
French  mob  may  have  felt  in  the  demolition  of  the 
Bastile.  Torches  and  firebrands  were  thrown  about  in 
all  directions;  the  lower  parts  of  the  building  were 
speedily  on  fire,  which,  running  along  the  inflammable 
hangings  and  Avood-work  of  the  interior,  rapidly  spread 
to  the  second  floor.  There  the  element  took  freer 
range,  and,  before  it  was  visible  from  without,  sent  up 
from  every  aperture  and  crevice  a  dense  column  of 
vapor,  that  hung  like  a  funereal  pall  over  the  city.  This 
was  dissipated  by  a  bright  sheet  of  flame,  which  envel- 
oped all  the  upper  regions  of  the  vast  pile,  till,  the 
supporters  giving  way,  the  wide  range  of  turreted 
chambers  fell,  amidst  clouds  of  dust  and  ashes,  with  an 
appalling  crash,  that  for  a  moment  stayed  the  Spaniards 
in  the  work  of  devastation. ^^ 

It  was  but  for  a  moment.  On  the  other  side  of  the 
square,  adjoining  Montezuma's  residence,  were  several 
buildings,  as  the  reader  is  aware,  appropriated  to  ani- 
mals.    One  of  these  was  now  marked  for  destruction, 

■■'3  [The  ruins  of  tliis  building  were  brought  to  light  in  the  process 
of  laying  the  foundations  of  the  houses  recently  constructed  on  the 
southern  side  of  the  street  of  Santa  Teresa,  adjoining  the  convent  of 
the  Conception.  Conquista  de  Mejico  (trad,  de  Vega),  torn.  ii.  n. 
162.] 

10* 


ri4 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 


■ — the  House  of  Birds,  filled  with  specimens  of  all  the 
painted  varieties  which  swarmed  over  the  wide  forests 
of  Mexico.  It  was  an  airy  and  elegant  building,  after 
the  Indian  fashion,  and,  viewed  in  connection  with  its 
object,  was  undoubtedly  a  remarkable  proof  of  refine- 
ment and  intellectual  taste  in  a  barbarous  monarch. 
Its  light,  combustible  materials,  of  wood  and  bamboo, 
formed  a  striking  contrast  to  the  heavy  stone  edifices 
around  it,  and  made  it  obviously  convenient  for  the 
present  purpose  of  the  invaders.  The  torches  were 
applied,  and  the  fanciful  structure  was  soon  wrapped 
in  flames,  that  sent  their  baleful  splendors  far  and  wide 
over  city  and  lake.  Its  feathered  inhabitants  either 
perished  in  the  fire,  or  those  of  stronger  wing,  bursting 
the  burning  lattice-work  of  the  aviary,  soared  high  into 
the  air,  and,  fluttering  for  a  while  over  the  devoted 
city,  fled  with  loud  screams  to  their  native  forests  be- 
yond the  mountains. 

The  Aztecs  gazed  with  inexpressible  horror  on  this 
destruction  of  the  venerable  abode  of  their  monarchs 
and  of  the  monuments  of  their  luxury  and  splendor. 
Their  rage  was  exasperated  almost  to  madness  as  they 
beheld  their  hated  foes  the  Tlascalans  busy  in  the  work 
of  desolation,  and  aided  by  the  Tezcucans,  their  own 
allies,  and  not  unfrequently  their  kinsmen.  They 
vented  their  fury  in  bitter  execrations,  especially  on 
the  young  prince  Ixtlilxochitl,  who,  marching  side  by 
side  with  Cortes,  took  his  full  share  in  the  dangers  of 
the  day.  The  warriors  from  the  house-tops  poured  the 
most  opprobrious  epithets  on  him  as  he  passed,  de- 
nouncing him  as  a  false-hearted  traitor;  false  to  his 
country   and   his   blood, — reproaches    not   altogether 


SPIRIT   OF   THE  BESIEGED.  115 

unmerited,  as  his  kinsman,  who  chronicles  the  circum- 
stance, candidly  confesses.^'*  He  gave  little  heed  to 
their  taunts,  however,  holding  on  his  way  with  the 
dogged  resolution  of  one  true  to  the  cause  in  which  he 
was  embarked;  and,  when  he  entered  the  great  square, 
he  grappled  with  the  leader  of  the  Aztec  forces, 
wrenched  a  lance  from  his  grasp,  won  by  the  latter 
from  the  Christians,  and  dealt  him  a  blow  with  his 
mace,  or  viaquahuitl,  which  brought  him  lifeless  to  the 
ground. °s 

The  Spanish  commander,  having  accomplished  the 
Avork  of  destruction,  sounded  a  retreat,  sending  on  the 
Indian  allies,  who  blocked  up  the  way  before  him.  The 
Mexicans,  maddened  by  their  losses,  in  wild  transports 
of  fury  hung  close  on  his  rear,  and,  though  driven  back 
by  the  cavalry,  still  returned,  throwing  themselves  des- 
perately under  the  horses,  striving  to  tear  the  riders 
from  their  saddles,  and  content  to  throw  away  their 
own  lives  for  one  blow  at  their  enemy.  Fortunately, 
the  greater  part  of  their  militia  was  engaged  with  the 
assailants  on  the  opposite  quarters  of  the  city,  but,  thus 
crippled,  they  pushed  the  Spaniards  under  Cortes  so 
vigorously  that  few  reached  the  camp  that  night  with- 
out bearing  on  their  bodies  some  token  of  the  desperate 
conflict.^* 

=!■»  "  Y  desde  las  azoteas  deshonrarle  llamdndole  de  traidor  contra  su 
patria  y  deudos,  y  otras  razones  pesadas,  que  a  la  verdad  li  cllos  les 
so!n:dni  la  razoii ;  mas  Ixtlilxuchitl  callaba  y  peleaba,  que  mas  csti- 
maha  la  amistad  y  salud  de  los  Cristianos  que  todo  esto."  Venida  de 
los  Espanoles,  p.  32. 

=5  Ibid.,  p.  29. 

^  For  the  preceding  pages  relating  to  this  second  assault,  see  Rel. 
Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.   254-256, — Sahagun,   Hist,  de 


Ii6      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

On  the  following  day,  and,  indeed,  on  several  d.  /s 
following,  the  general  repeated  his  assaults  with  as 
little  care  for  repose  as  if  he  and  his  men  had  been 
made  of  iron.  On  one  occasion  he  advanced  some 
way  down  the  street  of  Tacuba,  in  which  he  carried 
three  of  the  bridges,  desirous,  if  possible,  to  open  a 
communication  with  Alvarado,  posted  on  the  contigu- 
ous causeway.  But  the  Spaniards  in  that  quarter  had 
not  penetrated  beyond  the  suburbs,  still  impeded  by 
the  severe  character  of  the  ground,  and  wanting,  it 
may  be,  somewhat  of  that  fiery  impetuosity  which  the 
soldier  feels  who  fights  under  the  eye  of  his  chief. 

In  each  of  these  assaults  the  breaches  were  found 
more  or  less  restored  to  their  original  state  by  the  per- 
tinacious Mexicans,  and  the  materials,  which  had  been 
deposited  in  them  with  so  much  labor,  again  removed. 
It  may  seem  strange  that  Cortes  did  not  take  measures 
to  guard  against  the  repetition  of  an  act  which  caused 
so  much  delay  and  embarrassment  to  his  operations. 
He  notices  this  in  his  Letter  to  the  Emperor,  in  which 
he  says  that  to  do  so  would  have  required  either  that 
he  should  have  established  his  quarters  in  the  city 
itself,  which  would  have  surrounded  him  with  enemies 
and  cut  off  his  communications  with  the  country,  or 
that  he  should  have  posted  a  sufficient  guard  of  Span- 
iards— for  the  natives  were  out  of  the  question — to 
protect  the  breaches  by  night,  a  duty  altogether  beyond 
the  strength  of  men  engaged  in  so  arduous  service 
through  the  day.=' 

Kueva-Espaiia,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  33, — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS., 
lib.  33,  cap.  24, — Defensa,  MS.,  cap.  28. 
"7  Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  259. 


SPIRIT  OF   THE   BESIEGED. 


117 


Yet  this  was  the  course  adopted  by  Alvarado ;  wlio 
stationed  at  night  a  guard  of  forty  soldiers  for  the 
defence  of  the  opening  nearest  to  the  enemy.  This 
was  relieved  by  a  similar  detachment,  in  a  few  hours, 
and  this  again  by  a  third,  the  two  former  still  lying  on 
their  post;  so  that  on  an  alarm  a  body  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty  soldiers  was  ready  on  the  spot  to  repel  an 
attack.  Sometimes,  indeed,  the  whole  division  took 
u})  their  bivouac  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  breach, 
resting  on  their  arms,  and  ready  for  instant  action.''' 

But  a  life  of  such  incessant  toil  and  vigilance  was 
almost  too  severe  even  for  the  stubborn  constitutions 
of  the  Spaniards.  "  Through  the  long  night,"  exclaims 
Diaz,  who  served  in  Alvarado's  division,  "we  kept 
our  dreary  watch ;  neither  wind,  nor  wet,  nor  cold 
availing  anything.  There  we  stood,  smarting  as  we 
were  from  the  wounds  we  had  received  in  the  fight  of 
the  preceding  day."  '''  It  was  the  rainy  season,  which 
continues  in  that  country  from  July  to  September ;  3° 
and  the  surface  of  the  causeways,  flooded  by  the  storms, 

28  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  151. — According  to 
Herrera,  Alvarado  and  Sandoval  did  not  conceal  their  disapprobation 
of  the  course  pursued  by  their  commander  in  respect  to  the  breaclies: 
"  I  Alvarado,  i  Sandoval,  por  su  parte,  tambien  lo  hicieron  mui  bien, 
culpando  a  Hernando  Cortes  por  estas  retiradas,  queriendo  muchos 
que  se  quedara  en  lo  ganado,  por  no  bolver  tantas  veces  d  ello."  Hist, 
general,  dec.  3,  lib.  i,  cap.  19. 

^=9  "  Porque  como  era  de  noche,  no  agnardauan  mucho,  y  desta 
manera  que  he  dicho  velauamos,  que  ni  porque  llouiesse,  ni  vientos, 
ni  frios,  y  aunque  estauamos  metidos  en  medio  de  grandes  lodos,  y 
heridos,  alH  auiamos  de  estar."     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  151. 

3"  [Tliat  is  to  say,  the  more  violent  part  of  the  rainy  season,  which 
lasts,  in  fact,  from  May  or  June  to  October.  Conquista  de  Mejico 
(trad,  de  Vega),  torn.  ii.  p.  165.] 


Il8      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

and  broken  up  by  the  constant  movement  of  such  large 
bodies  of  men,  was  converted  into  a  marsh,  or  rather 
quagmire,  which  added  inconceivably  to  the  distresses 
of  the  army. 

The  troops  under  Cortes  were  scarcely  in  a  better 
situation.  But  few  of  them  could  find  shelter  in  the 
rude  towers  that  garnished  the  works  of  Xoloc.  The 
greater  part  were  compelled  to  bivouac  in  the  open  air, 
exposed  to  all  the  inclemency  of  the  weather.  Every 
man,  unless  his  wounds  prevented  it,  was  required  by 
the  camp  regulations  to  sleep  on  his  arms ;  and  they 
were  often  roused  from  their  hasty  slumbers  by  the 
midnight  call  to  battle.  For  Guatemozin,  contrary 
to  the  usual  practice  of  his  countrymen,  frequently 
selected  the  hours  of  darkness  to  aim  a  blow  at  the 
enemy.  "In  short,"  exclaims  the  veteran  soldier 
above  quoted,  "  so  unintermitting  were  our  engage- 
ments, by  day  and  by  night,  during  the  three  months 
in  which  we  lay  before  the  capital,  that  to  recount 
them  all  would  but  exhaust  the  reader's  patience,  and 
make  him  fancy  he  was  perusing  the  incredible  feats 
of  a  knight-errant  of  romance.  "3' 

The  Aztec  emperor  conducted  his  operations  on  a 
systematic  plan,  which  showed  some  approach  to  mili- 
tary science.  He  not  unfrequently  made  simultaneous 
attacks  on  the  three  several  divisions  of  the  Spaniards 
established  on  the  causeways,  and  on  the  garrisons  at 

3*  "  Porque  nouenta  y  tres  dias  estnuimos  sobre  esta  tan  fuerte  ciu- 
dad,  cada  dia  e  de  noche  teniamos  guerras,  y  combates ;  e  no  lo  pongo 
aqui  por  capitulos  lo  que  cada  dia  haziamos,  porque  me  parece  que 
seria  gran  proligidad,  e  seria  cosa  para  nunca  acabar,.y  pareceria  a 
los  libros  de  Amadis,  e  de  otros  corros  de  caualleros."  Hist,  de  la 
Conquista,  ubi  supra. 


SPIRIT  OF  THE  BESIEGED.  119 

their  extremities.  To  accomplish  this,  he  enforced 
the  service  nV)t  merely  of  his  own  militia  of  the  capi- 
tal, but  of  the  great  towns  in  the  neighborhood,  who 
all  moved  in  concert, --at  the  well-known  signal  of  the 
beacon-fire,  or  of  the  luige  drum  struck  by  the  priests 
on  the  summit  of  the  temple.  One  of  these  general 
attacks,  it  was  observed,  whether  from  accident  or  de- 
sign, took  place  on  the  eve  of  St.  John  the  Baptist, 
the  anniversary  of  the  day  on  which  the  Spaniards 
made  their  second  entry  into  the  Mexican  capital. ^^ 

Notwithstanding  the  severe  drain  on  his  forces  by 
this  incessant  warfare,  the  young  monarch  contrived 
to  relieve  them  in  some  degree  by  different  detach- 
ments, which  took  the  place  of  one  another.  This  was 
apparent  from  the  different  uniforms  and  military 
badges  of  the  Indian  battalions  that  successively  came 
and  disappeared  from  the  field.  At  night  a  strict 
guard  was  maintained  in  the  Aztec  quarters,  a  thing 
not  common  with  the  nations  of  the  plateau.  The 
outposts  of  the  hostile  armies  were  stationed  within 
sight  of  each  other.  That  of  the  Mexicans  was  usually 
placed  in  the  neighborhood  of  some  wide  breach,  and 
its  position  was  marked  by  a  large  fire  in  front.  The 
hours  for  relieving  guard  were  .intimated  by  the  shrill 
Aztec  whistle,  while  bodies  of  men  might  be  seen 
moving  behind  the  flame,  which  threw  a  still  ruddier 
glow  over  the  cinnamon -colored  skins  of  the  war- 
riors. 

While  thus  active  on  land,  Guatemozin  Jvas  not  idle 
on  the  water.     He  was  too  wise,  indeed,  to  cope  with 

32  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  ubi  supra. — Sahagun,  Hist,  de 
Nueva-Espaiia,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  33. 


I20      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

the  Spanish  navy  again  in  open  battle;  but  he  resorted 
to  stratagem,  so  much  more  congenial  to  Indian  war- 
fare. He  placed  a  large  number  of  canoes  in  ambus- 
cade among  the  tall  reeds  which  fringed  the  southern 
shores  of  the  lake,  and  caused  piles,  at  the  same  time, 
to  be  driven  into  the  neighboring  shallows.  Several 
piraguas,  or  boats  of  a  larger  size,  then  issued  forth, 
and  rowed  near  the  spot  where  the  Spanish  brigantines 
were  moored.  Two  of  the  smallest  vessels,  supposing 
the  Indian  barks  were  conveying  provisions  to  the 
besieged,  instantly  stood  after  them,  as  had  been  fore- 
seen. The  Aztec  boats  fled  for  shelter  to  the  reedy 
thicket  where  their  companions  lay  in  ambush.  The 
Spaniards,  following,  were  soon  entangled  among  the 
palisades  under  the  water.  They  were  instantly  sur- 
rounded by  the  whole  swarm  of  Indian  canoes,  most 
of  the  men  were  wounded,  several,  including  the  two 
commanders,  slain,  and  one  of  the  brigantines  fell — a 
useless  prize — into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  Among 
the  slain  was  Pedro  Barba,  captain  of  the  crossbow- 
men,  a  gallant  officer,  who  had  highly  distinguished 
himself  in  the  Conquest.  This  disaster  occasioned 
much  mortification  to  Cortes.  It  was  a  salutary  lesson, 
that  stood  him  in  good  stead  during  the  remainder  of 
the  war." 

Thus  the  contest  was  waged  by  land  and  by  water, — 
on  the  causeway,  the  city,  and  the  lake.  Whatever 
else  might  fail,  the  capital  of  the  Aztec  empire  was 
true  to  itself,  and,  mindful  of  its  ancient  renown,  op- 
posed a  bold  front  to  its  enemies  in  every  direction. 

33  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  151. — Sahagun,  Hist,  de 
Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  34. 


SPIRIT  OF   THE   BESIEGED.  121 

As  in  a  body  whose  extremities  have  been  struck  with 
death,  life  still  rallied  in  the  heart,  and  seemed  to  beat 
there,  for  the  time,  with  even  a  more  vigorous  pulsa- 
tion than  ever. 

It  may  appear  extraordinary  that  Guatemozin  should 
have  been  able  to  provide  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
crowded  population  now  gathered  in  the  metropolis, 
especially  as  the  avenues  were  all  in  the  possession  of 
the  besieging  army. 3*  But,  independently  of  the  pre- 
parations made  with  this  view  before  the  siege,  and  of 
the  loathsome  sustenance  daily  furnished  by  the  victims 
for  sacrifice,  supplies  were  constantly  obtained  from 
tlie  surrounding  country  across  the  lake.  This  was  so 
conducted,  for  a  time,  as  in  a  great  measure  to  escape 
observation ;  and  even  when  the  brigantines  were  com- 
manded to  cruise  day  and  night,  and  sweep  the  waters 
of  the  boats  employed  in  this  service,  many  still  con- 
trived, under  cover  of  the  darkness,  to  elude  the  vigi- 
lance of  the  cruisers,  and  brought  their  cargoes  into 
port.  It  was  not  till  the  great  towns  in  the  neighbor- 
hood cast  off  their  allegiance  that  the  supply  began  to 
fail,  from  the  failure  of  its  sources.  This  defection 
was  more  frequent,  as  the  inhabitants  became  con- 
vinced that  the  government,  incompetent  to  its  own 
defence,  must  be  still  more  so  to  theirs;  and  the  Aztec 
metropolis  saw  its  great  vassals  fall  off  one  after  an- 
other, as  the  tree  over  which  decay  is  stealing  parts 
with  its  leaves  at  the  first,  blast  of  the  tempest,  ^s 

34  I  recollect  meeting  with  no  estimate  of  their  numbers ;  nor,  in  the 
loose  arithmetic  of  the  Conquerors,  would  it  be  worth  much.  Thev 
must,  I'owever,  have  been  very  great,  to  enable  them  to  meet  the  as- 
sailants so  promptly  and  efficiently  on  every  point. 

35  Defensa,  MS.,  cap.  28. — Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS., 
Vol.  III.— f  1 1 


122      SIEGE   AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

The  cities  which  now  claimed  the  Spanish  general's 
protection  supplied  the  camp  with  an  incredible  num- 
ber of  warriors ;  a  number  which,  if  we  admit  Cor- 
tes' own  estimate,  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand,'' 
could  have  only  served  to  embarrass  his  operations 
on  the  long  extended  causeways.  Yet  it  is  true  that 
the  Valley,  teeming  with  towns  and  villages,  sv.urmcd 
with  a  population — and  one,  too,  in  which  every 
man  was  a  warrior — greatly  exceeding  that  of  the 
present  day.  These  levies  were  distributed  among  the 
three  garrisons  at  the  terminations  of  the  causeways; 
and  many  found  active  employment  in  foraging  the 
country  for  provisions,  and  yet  more  in  carrying 
on  hostilities  against  the  places  still  unfriendly  to  the 
Spaniards. 

Cortes  found  further  occupation  for  them  in  the  con- 
struction of  barracks  for  his  troops,  who  suffered  greatly 
from  exposure  to  the  incessant  rains  of  the  season, 
which  were  observed  to  fall  more  heavily  by  night  than 
by  day.  Quantities  of  stone  and  timber  were  obtained 
from  the  buildings  that  had  been  demolished  in  the 
city.  They  were  transported  in  the  brigantines  to  the 
causeway,  and  from  these  materials  a  row  of  huts  or 
barracks  was  constructed,  extending  on  either  side  of 
the  works  of  Xoloc.  It  may  give  some  idea  of  the 
great  breadth  of  the  causeway  at  this  place,  one  of  the 
deepest  parts  of  the  lake,  to  add  that,  although  the 
barracks  were  erected  in  parallel  lines  on  the  opposite 

lib.  12,  cap.  34. — The  principal  cities  were  Mexicaltiinco,  Ciiitlahuac, 
Iztap.ilap.m,  Mizquiz,  Huitzilopochco,  Colhuacaii. 

3*  "  Y  como  aquel  dia  llevabanios  mas  de  cieiuo  y  cincuenta  mil 
Hombres  de  Guerra."     Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  280. 


BARRACKS  FOR    THE    TROOPS. 


123 


sides  of  it,  there  still  remained  space  enough  for  the 
army  to  defile  between. ^^ 

By  this  arrangement,  ample  accommodations  were 
furnished  for  the  Spanisli  troops  and  their  Indian  at- 
tendants, amounting  in  all  to  about  two  thousand.  The 
great  body  of  the  allies,  with  a  small  detachment  of 
horse  and  infantry,  were  quartered  at  the  neighboring 
post  of  Cojohuacan,  which  served  to  protect  the  rear 
of  the  encampment  and  to  maintain  its  communications 
with  the  country.  A  similar  disposition  of  forces  took 
place  in  the  other  divisions  of  the  army,  under  Alva- 
rado  and  Sandoval,  though  the  accommodations  pro- 
vided for  the  shelter  of  the  troops  on  their  causeways 
were  not  so  substantial  as  those  for  the  division  of 
Cortes. 

The  Spanish  camp  was  supplied  with  provisions  fiv»m 
the  friendly  towns  in  the  neighborhood,  and  especially 
from  Tezcuco.3^  They  consisted  of  fish,  the  fruits 
of  the  country,  particularly  a  sort  of  fig  borne  by  the 
titua  {cactus  opiintia),  and  a  species  of  cherry,  or  some- 
thing much  resembling  it,  which  grew  abundantly  at  this 

37  "  Y  vea  Vuestra  Magestad,"  says  Cortes  to  the  emperor,  "  que 
tan  ancha  puede  ser  la  Calzada,  que  va  por  lo  mas  hondo  de  la  La- 
guna,  que  de  la  una  parte,  y  de  la  otra  iban  estas  Casas,  y  quedaba  en 
medio  hecha  Calle,  que  muy  a  placer  a  pie,  y  a  caballo  ibamos.  y 
veniamos  por  ella."     Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  260. 

38  The  greatest  difficulty  under  which  the  troops  labored,  according 
to  Diaz,  was  that  of  obtaining  the  requisite  medicaments  for  their 
wounds.  But  this  was  in  a  great  degree  obviated  by  a  Catalan  soldier, 
who  by  virtue  of  his  prayers  and  incantations  wrought  wonderful  cures 
both  on  the  Spaniards  and  their  allies.  The  latter,  as  the  more  igno- 
rant flocked  in  crowds  to  the  tent  of  this  military  .-Esculapius,  whose 
success  was  doubtless  in  a  direct  ratio  to  the  faith  of  his  patients.  Hist, 
de  la  Conquista,  ubi  supra. 


124      ^lEGE   AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

season.  But  their  principal  food  was  the /<7r//7/(7j-,  cakes 
of  Indian  meal,  still  common  in  Mexico,  for  which 
bake-houses  were  established,  under  the  care  of  the 
natives,  in  the  garrison  towns  commanding  the  cause- 
ways.^' The  allies,  as  appears  too  probable,  reinforced 
their  frugal  fare  with  an  occasional  banquet  on  human 
flesh,  for  which  the  battle-field  unhappily  afforded  them 
too  much  facility,  antl  which,  however  shocking  to  the 
feelings  of  Cortes,  he  did  not  consider  himself  in  a 
situation,  at  that  moment,  to  prevent.*" 

Thus  the  tempest,  which  had  been  so  long  mustering, 

39  Diaz  mourns  over  this  unsavory  diet.  (Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  loc. 
cit.)  Yet  the  Indian  fig  is  an  agreeable,  nutritious  fruit;  and  the  tor- 
tilla, made  of  maize  flour,  with  a  slight  infusion  of  lime,  though  not 
precisely  a  morceau  friand,  might  pass  for  very  tolerable  camp  fare. 
According  to  the  lively  Author  of  "  Life  in  Mexico,"  it  is  made  now 
precisely  as  it  was  in  the  days  of  the  Aztecs.  If  so,  a  cooking  receipt 
is  almost  the  only  thing  that  has  not  changed  in  this  country  of 
revolutions. 

40  "Quo  strages,"  says  Martyr,  "erat  crudelior,  eo  magis  copiose  ac 
o;)ipare  ccenabant  Guazuzingui  &  Tascaltecani,  caeterique  prouincialcs 
auxiliarii,  qui  soliti  sunt  hostes  in  proelio  cadentes  intra  suos  ventres 
sepelire ;  nee  vetare  ausus  fuisset  Cortesius."  (De  Orbe  Novo,  dec. 
5,  cap.  8.)  "  Y  los  otros  les  mostraban  Tos  de  su  Ciudad  hechos 
pedazos,  diciendoles,  que  los  habian  de  cenar  aquella  noche,  y  ahnor- 
zar  otro  dia,  como  de  hecho  lo  hacian."  (Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  np. 
Lorenzana,  p.  256.)  Yet  one  may  well  be  startled  by  the  assertion  of 
Oviedo,  that  the  carnivorous  monsters  fished  up  the  bloated  bodies  of 
those  drowned  in  the  lake  to  swell  their  repast !  "  Ni  podian  ver  los 
ojos  de  los  Christianos,  e  Catholicos,  mas  espantable  e  aboriecida 
cosa,  que  ver  en  el  Real  de  los  Amigos  confederados  el  continuo  exer- 
cicio  de  comer  came  asada,  6  cocida  de  los  Indios  enemigos,  e  aun 
de  los  que  mataban  en  las  canoas,  6  se  ahogaban,  e  despues  el  agua 
los  echaba  en  la  superficie  de  la  laguna,  6  en  la  costa,  no  los  dexaban 
de  pescar,  e  ajiosentar  en  sus  vientres."  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib, 
33,  cap.  24. 


BARRACKS  FOR    THE    TROOPS.  125 

broke  at  length,  in  all  its  fury,  on  the  Aztec  capital. 
Its  unhappy  inmates  beheld  the  hostile  regions  en- 
compassing them  about,  with  their  glittering  files 
stretching  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach.  They  saw 
themselves  deserted  by  their  allies  and  vassals  in  their 
utmost  need  ;  the  fierce  stranger  penetrating- into  their 
secret  places,  violating  their  temples,  plundering  their 
palaces,  wasting  the  fair  city  by  day,  firing  its  suburbs  by 
night,  and  intrenching  himself  in  solid  edifices  under 
their  walls,  as  if  determined  never  to  withdraw  his  foot 
while  one  stone  remained  upon  another.  All  this  they 
saw ;  yet  their  spirits  were  unbroken ;  and,  though  famine 
and  pestilence  were  beginning  to  creep  over  them,  they 
still  showed  the  same  determined  front  to  their  enemies. 
Cortes,  who  would  gladly  have  spared  the  town  and 
its  inhabitants,  beheld  this  resolution  with  astonish- 
ment. He  intimated  more  than  once,  by  means  of  the 
prisoners  whom  he  released,  his  willingness  to  grant 
them  fair  terms  of  capitulation.  Day  after  day  he 
fully  expected  his  proffers  would  be  accepted.  But 
day  after  day  he  was  disappointed.'"  He  had  yet  to 
learn  how  tenacious  was  the  memory  of  the  Aztecs, 
and  that,  whatever  might  be  the  horrors  of  their  present 
situation,  and  their  fears  for  the  future,  they  were  all 
forgotten  in  their  hatred  of  the  white  man. 

*•  "  I  confidently  expected  both  on  that  and  the  ]3receding  day  that 
they  would  come  with  proposals  of  peace,  as  1  had  myself,  whetlier 
victorious  or  otherwise,  constantly  made  overtures  to  that  end.  Bui 
on  their  part  we  never  perceived  a  sign  of  such  intention."  Rel.  Terc. 
de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  261. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

r.KNERAL     ASSAULT     ON     THE     CITY. DEFEAT    OF    THE 

bl'ANIARDS. THEIR    DISASTROUS    CONDITION. SACRI- 

f  ICE    OF    THE    CAPTIVES. DEFECTION    OF  THE  ALLIES. 

—  CONSTANCY    OF   THE   TROOPS. 

I52I. 

Fajiine  was  now  gradually  working  its  way  into  the 
heart  of  the  beleaguered  city.  It  seemed  certain  that, 
with  this  strict  blockade,  the  crowded  population  must 
in  the  end  be  driven  to  capitulate,  though  no  arm 
should  be  raised  against  them.  But  it  required  time; 
and  the  Spaniards,  though  constant  and  enduring  by 
nature,  began  to  be  impatient  of  hardships  scarcely 
inferior  to  tliose  experienced  by  the  besieged.  In  some 
respects  their  condition  was  even  worse,  exposed  as 
they  were  to  the  cold,  drenching  rains,  which  fell  with 
little  intermission,  rendering  their  situation  dreary  and 
disastrous  in  the  extreme. 

In  this  state  of  things,  there  were  many  who  would 
willingly  have  shortened  their  sufferings  and  taken  the 
chance  of  carrying  the  place  by  a  coup  de  main.  Others 
thought  it  would  be  best  to  get  possession  of  the  greal 
market  of  Tlatelolco,  which,  from  its  situation  in  the 
northwestern  part  of  the  city,  might  afford  the  means 
of  communication  with  the  camps  of  both  Alvarado 
and  Sandoval.  This  place,  encompassed  by  spacious 
porticoes,  would  furnish  accommodations  for  a  nunier- 
(126) 


GENERAL   ASSAULT  ON  THE    CITY.         137 

ous  host ;  and,  once  established  in  the  capital,  the 
Spaniards  would  be  in  a  position  to  follow  up  the  blow 
with  far  more  effect  than  at  a  distance. 

These  arguments  were  pressed  by  several  of  the 
officers,  particularly  by  Alderete,  the  royal  treasurer,  a 
person  of  much  consideration,  not  only  from  his  rank, 
but  from  the  capacity  and  zeal  he  had  shown  in  tlie 
service.  In  deference  to  their  wishes,  Cortes  sum- 
moned a  council  of  war,  and  laid  the  matter  before  it. 
Tlie  treasurer's  views  were  espoused  by  most  of  the 
high-mettled  cavabers,  who  looked  with  eagerness  to 
any  change  of  their  present  forlorn  and  wearisome 
life  ;  and  Cortes,  thinking  it,  probably,  more  prudent  to 
adopt  the  less  expedient  course  than  to  enforce  a  cold 
and  reluctant  obedience  to  his  own  opinion,  suffered 
himself  to  be  overruled.' 

A  day  was  fixed  for  the  assault,  which  was  to  be  made 
simultaneously  by  the  two  divisions  under  Alvarado 
and  the  commander-in-chief.  Sandoval  was  instructed 
to  draw  off  the  greater  part  of  his  forces  from  the 
northern  causeway  and  to  unite  himself  with  Alvarado, 
while  seventy  picked  soldiers  were  to  be  detached  to 
•^he  support  of  Cortes. 

On  the  appointed  morning,  the  two  armies,  after 
the  usual  celebration  of  mass,  advanced  along  their 
respective  causeways  against  the  city.^   They  were  sup- 

'  Such  is  the  account  expUcitly  given  by  Cortes  to  the  emjjcror. 
(Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Lorenznna,  p.  264.)  Bernal  Diaz,  on  the  contraiy, 
S])eaks  of  the  assault  as  first  conceived  by  the  general  himself.  ( 1  list,  de 
la  Conquista,  cap.  151.)  Yet  Diaz  had  not  the  best  means  of  knowing  ; 
and  Cortes  would  hardly  have  sent  home  a  palpable  misstatcruent  that 
coukl  have  been  so  easily  exposed. 

'  This  punctual  performance  of  mass  by  the  army,  in  storm  and  in 


128      SIEGE   AXD   SURRENDER    OE  MEXICO. 

ported,  ill  addition  to  the  brigantines,  by  a  numerous 
fleet  of  Indian  boats,  which  were  to  force  a  passage  up 
the  canals,  and  by  a  countless  multitude  of  allies, 
whose  very  numbers  served  in  the  end  to  embarrass 
their  operations.  After  clearing  the  suburbs,  three 
avenues  presented  themselves,  which  all  terminated  in 
the  square  of  Tlatelolco.  The  principal  one,  being 
of  much  greater  width  than  the  other  two,  might  rather 
be  called  a  causeway  than  a  street,  since  it  was  flanked 
by  deep  canals  on  either  side.  Cortes  divided  his  force 
into  three  bodies.  One  of  them  he  placed  under  Al- 
derete,  with  orders  to  occupy  the  principal  street.  A 
second  he  gave  in  charge  to  Andres  de  Tapia  and 
Jorge  de  Alvarado ;  the  former  a  cavalier  of  courage 
and  capacity,  the  latter  a  younger  brother  of  Don 
Pedro,  and  possessed  of  the  intrepid  spirit  \yhich  be- 
longed to  that  chivalrous  family.  These  were  to  pene- 
trate by  one  of  the  parallel  streets,  while  the  general 
himself,  at  the  head  of  the  third  division,  was  to  oc- 
cupy the  other.  A  small  body  of  cavalry,  with  two 
or  three  field-pieces,  was  stationed  as  a  reserve  in  front 
of  the  great  street  of  Tacuba,  which  was  designated  as 
the  rallying-point  for  the  different  divisions.^ 

sunshine,  by  day  and  by  night,  among  friends  and  enemies,  draws 
forth  a  warm  eulogium  from  the  archiepiscopal  editor  of  Cortes :  "  En 
el  Campo,  en  una  Calzada,  entre  Enemigos,  trabajando  dia,  y  noche, 
nunca  se  oniitia  la  Missa,  paraque  toda  la  obra  se  atribuyesse  i.  Dios, 
y  mas  en  unos  Meses,  en  que  incomodan  las  Aguas  de  el  Cielo;  y 
encima  del  Agua  las  Habitaciones,  6  malas  Tiendas."  Lorenzana,  p. 
266,  nota. 

3  In  the  treasurer's  division,  according  to  the  general's  Letter,  there 
were  70  Spanish  foot,  7  or  8  horse,  and  15,000  or  20,000  Indians;  in 
Tapia's,  80  foot,  and  10,000  allies;  and  in  his  own,  8  horse,  100  in- 
fantry, and  "  an  infinite  number  of  allies."     (Ibid.,  ubi  supra.)     The 


GENERAL   ASSAULT  ON  THE    CITY. 


129 


Cortes  gave  the  most  positive  instructions  to  his 
captains  not  to  advance  a  step  without  securing  the 
means  of  retreat  by  carefully  filling  up  the  ditches  and 
the  openings  in  the  causeway.  The  neglect  of  this 
precaution  by  Alvarado,  in  an  assault  which  he  had 
made  on  the  city  but  a  few  days  before,  had  been  at- 
tended with  such  serious  consequences  to  his  army  that 
Cortes  rode  over,  himself,  to  his  officer's  quarters,  for 
the  purpose  of  publicly  reprimanding  him  for  his  dis- 
obedience of  orders.  On  his  arrival  at  the  camp,  how- 
ever, he  found  that  his  offending  captain  had  conducted 
the  affair  with  so  much  gallantry,  that  the  intended 
reprimand  —  though  well  deserved  —  subsided  into  a 
mild  rebuke."* 

The  arrangements  being  completed,  the  three  di- 
visions marched  at  once  up  the  several  streets.  Cortes, 
dismounting,  took  the  van  of  his  own  squadron,  at  the 
head  of  his  infantry.  The  Mexicans  fell  back  as  he 
advanced,  making  less  resistance  than  usual.  The 
Spaniards  pushed  on,  carrying  one  barricade  after 
another,  and  carefully  filling  up  the  gaps  with  rubbish, 
so  as  to  secure  themselves  a  footing.  The  canoes 
supported  the  attack,  by  moving  along  the  canals  and 
grappling  with  those  of  the  enemy ;  while  numbers  of 
the  nimble-footed  Tlascalans,  scaling  the  terraces, 
passed  on  from  one  house  to  another,  where  they  were 
connected,  hurling  the  defenders  into  the  streets  below. 

looseness  of  the  language  sliows  that  a  few  thousands  more  or  lesi 
were  of  no  great  moment  in  the  estimate  of  the  Indian  forces. 

*  "  Otro  dia  de  mafiana  acorde  de  ir  a  su  Real  para  le  reprehender 
lo  pasado.  .  .  .  Y  visto,  no  les  impute  tanta  culpa,  como  antes  parecia 
tener,  y  platicado  cerca  de  lo  que  habia  de  hacer,  yo  me  bolvi  a  nuestro 
Real  aquel  dia."     Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  263,  264. 


130 


SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 


The  enemy,  taken  apparently  by  surprise,  seemed  in- 
capable of  withstanding  for  a  moment  the  fury  of  the 
assault ;  and  the  victorious  Christians,  cheered  on  by 
the  shouts  of  triumph  which  arose  from  their  com- 
panions in  the  adjoining  streets,  were  only  the  more 
eager  to  be  first  at  the  destined  goal. 

Indeed,  the  facility  of  his  success  led  the  general  to 
suspect  tliat  he  might  be  advancing  too  fast ;  that  it 
might  be  a  device  of  the  enemy  to  draw  them  into  the 
heart  of  the  city  and  then  surround  or  attack  them  in 
the  rear.  He  had  some  misgivings,  moreover,  lest  his 
too  ardent  officers,  in  the  heat  of  the  chase,  should, 
notwithstanding  his  commands,  have  overlooked  the 
necessary  precaution  of  filling  up  the  breaches.  He 
accordingly  brought  his  squadron  to  a  halt,  prepared 
to  baffle  any  insidious  movement  of  his  adversary. 
Meanwhile  he  received  more  than  one  message  from 
Alderete,  informing  him  that  he  had  nearly  gained 
the  market.  This  only  increased  the  general's  appre 
hension  that,  in  the  rapidity  of  his  advance,  he  might 
have  neglected  to  secure  the  ground.  He  determined 
to  trust  no  eyes  but  his  own,  and,  taking  a  small  body 
of  troops,  proceeded  at  once  to  reconnoitre  the  route 
followed  by  thfe  treasurer. 

He  had  not  proceeded  far  along  the  great  street,  or 
causeway,  when  his  progress  was  arrested  by  an  open- 
ing ten  or  twelve  paces  wide,  and  filled  with  water,  at 
least  two  fathoms  deep,  by  which  a  communication 
was  formed  between  the  canals  on  the  opposite  sides. 
A  feeble  attempt  had  been  made  to  stop  the  gap  with 
the  rubbish  of  the  causeway,  but  in  too  careless  a  man- 
ner to  be  of  the  least  service ;  and  a  few  straggling 


i 


GENERAL   ASSAULT  ON   THE    CITY.         131 

Stones  and  pieces  of  timber  only  showed  that  the  work 
liad  been  abandoned  ahnost  as  soon  as  begun. ^  To 
add  to  his  consternation,  the  general  observed  that  the 
sides  of  the  causeway  in  this  neighborhood  had  been 
pared  off,  and,  as  was  evident,  very  recently.  He  saw 
in  all  this  the  artifice  of  the  cunning  enemy,  and  had 
little  doubt  that  his  hot-headed  officer  had  rushed  into 
a  snare  deliberately  laid  for  him.  Deeply  alarmed,  he 
set  about  repairing  the  iiiischief  as  fast  as  possible,  by 
ordering  his  men  to  fill  up  the  yawning  chasm. 

But  they  had  scarcely  begun  their  labors,  when  the 
hoarse  echoes  of  conflict  in  the  distance  were  succeeded 
by  a  hideous  sound  of  mingled  yells  and  war-whoops, 
that  seemed  to  rend  the  very  heavens.  This  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  rushing  noise,  as  of  the  tread  of  thronging 
multitudes,  showing  that  the  tide  of  battle  was  turned 
back  from  its  former  course,  and  was  rolling  on  to- 
wards the  spot  where  Cortes  and  his  little  band  of 
cavaliers  were  planted. 

His  conjecture  proved  too  true.  Alderete  had  fol- 
lowed the  retreating  Aztecs  with  an  eagerness  which 
increased  with  every  step  of  his  advance.  He  had 
carried  the  barricades  which  had  defended  the  breach, 
without  much  difficulty,  and,  as  he  swept  on,  gave 
orders  that  the  opening  should  be  stopped.  But  the 
blood  of  the  high-spirited  cavaliers  was  warmed  by  the 

s  "  Y  halle,  que  habian  pasado  una  quebrada  de  la  Calle,  que  era 
Je  diez,  6  doce  pasos  de  ancho ;  y  el  Agua,  que  por  ella  pasab.i,  era 
dc  hondura  de  mas  de  dos  estados,  y  al  tiempo  que  la  pasaron  habian 
echado  en  ella  madera,  y  canas  de  carrizo,  y  como  pasaban  pocos  d 
pocos,  y  con  tiento,  no  se  habia  hundido  la  madera  y  canas."  Rel. 
Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  268. — See  also  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  48. 


132 


SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 


chase,  and  no  one  cared  to  be  detained  by  the  ignoble 
occupation  of  filling  up  the  ditches,  while  he  could 
gather  laurels  so  easily  in  the  fight ;  and  they  all  pressed 
on,  exhorting  and  cheering  one  another  with  the  assur- 
ance of  being  the  first  to  reach  the  square  of  Tlate- 
lolco.  In  this  way  they  suffered  themselves  to  be 
decoyed  into  the  heart  of  the  city;  when  suddenly  the 
horn  of  Guatemozin — the  sacred  symbol,  heard  only  in 
seasons  of  extraordinary  peril  —  sent  forth  a  long  and 
piercing  note  from  the  summit  of  a  neighboring  teocalli. 
In  an  instant,  the  flying  Aztecs,  as  if  maddened  by 
the  blast,  wheeled  about,  and  turned  on  their  pursuers. 
At  the  same  time,  countless  swarms  of  warriors  from 
the  adjoining  streets  and  lanes  poured  in  upon  the 
flanks  of  the  assailants,  filling  the  air  with  the  fierce, 
unearthly  cries  which  had  reached  the  ears  of  Cortes, 
and  drowning,  for  a  moment,  the  wild  dissonance  which 
reigned  in  the  other  quarters  of  the  capital.' 

The  army,  taken  by  surprise,  and  shaken  by  the 
fury  of  the  assault,  was  thrown  into  the  utmost  dis- 
order. Friends  and  foes,  white  men  and  Indians,  were 
mingled  together  in  one  promiscuous  mass.  Spears, 
swords,  and  war-clubs  were  brandished  together  in  the 
air.      Blows  fell  at   random.      In   their  eagerness   to 

*  Gomara,  Cronica,  cap,  138. — Ixtlilxochitl,  Venidadelos  Espaiioles, 
p.  37. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  26. — Guatemozin's 
horn  rang  in  the  ears  of  Bernal  Diaz  for  many  a  day  after  the  battle. 
*'  Guatemuz,  y  manda  tocar  su  cometa,  q  era  vna  senal  q  quando 
oquella  se  tocasse,  era  q  auian  de  pelear  sus  Capitanes  de  ni.anera,  q 
liizi^3sen  presa,  6  inorir  sobre  ello ;  y  retumbaua  el  sonido,  q  se  metia 
en  los  oidos,  y  de  q  lo  oyero  aquellos  sus  esquadrones,  y  Capitane^: 
saber  yo  aqui  dezir  aora,  con  q  rabia,  y  esfuer90  se  metian  entre 
nosotros  d  nos  echar  mano,  es  cosa  de  espanto."  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  cap.  152. 


1 


DEFEAT  OF   THE   SPANIARDS. 


"^12, 


escape,  they  trod  down  one  another.  Blinded  by  the 
missiles  which  now  rained  on  them  from  the  azoteas, 
they  staggered  on,  scarcely  knowing  in  what  direction, 
or  fell,  struck  down  by  hands  which  they  could  not 
see.  On  they  came,  like  a  rushing  torrent  sweeping 
along  some  steep  declivity,  and  rolling  in  one  confused 
tide  towards  the  open  breach,  on  the  farther  side  of 
which  stood  Cortes  and  his  companions,  horror-struck 
at  the  sight  of  the  approaching  ruin.  The  foremost 
files  soon  plunged  into  the  gulf,  treading  one  another 
under  the  flood,  some  striving  ineffectually  to  swim, 
other-s,  with  more  success,  to  clamber  over  the  heaps 
of  their  suffocated  comrades.  Many,  as  they  attempted 
to  scale  the  opposite  sides  of  the  slippery  dike,  fell 
into  the  water,  or  were  hurried  off  by  the  warriors  in 
the  canoes,  who  added  to  the  horrors  of  the  rout  by 
the  fresh  storm  of  darts  and  javelins  which  they  poured 
on  the  fugitives. 

Cortes,  meanwhile,  with  his  brave  followers,  kept 
his  station  undaunted  on  the  other  side  of  the  breach. 
"  I  had  made  up  my  mind,"  he  says,  "to  die,  rather 
than  desert  my  poor  followers  in  their  extremity!"' 
With  outstretched  hands  he  endeavored  to  rescue  as 
many  as  he  could  from  the  watery  grave,  and  from  the 
more  appalling  fate  of  captivity.  He  as  vainly  tried 
to  restore  something  like  presence  of  mind  and  order 
among  the  distracted  fugitives.  His  person  was  too 
well  known  to  the  Aztecs,  and  his  position  now  made 
him  a  conspicuous  mark  for  their  Aveapons.      Darts, 

7  "  E  como  el  negocio  fue  tan  de  supito,  y  vi  que  matabnn  la  Gente, 
determine  de  me  quedar  alii,  y  morir  peleando."  Rel.  Terc,  ap 
Lorenzana,  p.  268. 

Vol.  hi.  12 


'34 


SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 


Stones,  and  arrows  fell  around  him  thick  as  hail,  bin 
glanced  harmless  from  his  steel  helmet  and  armoi  of 
proof.  At  length  a  cry  of  "  Malinche,"  "  Malincbe," 
arose  among  the  enemy  ;  and  six  of  their  number, 
strong  and  athletic  warriors,  rushing  on  him  at  once, 
made  a  violent  effort  to  drag  him  on  board  their  boat. 
In  tiie  struggle  he  received  a  severe  wound  in  the  leg, 
which,  for  the  time,  disabled  it.  There  seemed  to  be 
no  hope  for  him ;  when  a  faithful  follower,  Criotoval 
de  Olea,  perceiving  his  general's  extremity,  threw  him- 
self on  the  Aztecs,  and  with  a  blow  cut  off  the  arm  of 
one  savage,  and  then  plunged  his  sword  in  the  body 
of  another.  He  was  quickly  supported  by  a  comrade 
named  Lerma,  and  by  a  Tlascalan  chief,  who,  fighting 
over  the  prostrate  body  of  Cortes,  despatched  three 
more  of  the  assailants;  though  the  heroic  Olea  paid 
dearly  for  his  self-devotion,  as  he  fell  mortally  wounded 
by  the  side  of  his  general.^ 

8  Ixtlilxochitl,  who  would  fain  make  his  royal  kinsman  a  sort  of 
residuary  legatee  for  all  unappropriated,  or  even  doubtful,  acts  of 
heroism,  puts  in  a  sturdy  claim  for  him  on  this  occasion.  A  painting, 
he  says,  on  one  of  the  gates  of  a  monastery  of  Tlatelolco,  long  re- 
corded the  fact  that  it  was  the  Tezcucan  chief  who  saved  the  life  of 
Cortes.  (Venida  de  los  Espanoles,  p.  38.)  But  Camargo  gives  the 
lull  credit  of  it  to  Olea,  on  the  testimony  of  "  a  famous  Tlascalan 
warrior,"  present  in  the  action,  who  rep)orted  it  to  him.  (Hist,  de 
Tiascala,  MS.)  The  same  is  stoutly  maintained  by  Bernal  Diaz,  the 
townsman  of  Olea,  to  whose  memory  he  pays  a  hearty  tribute,  as  one 
of  the  best  men  and  bravest  soldiers  in  the  army.  (Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  cap.  152,  204.)  Saavedra,  the  poetic  chronicler, — something 
mori-  of  chronicler  than  poet, — who  came  on  the  stage  before  all  that " 
had  I'orne  arms  in  the  Conquest  had  left  it,  gives  the  laurel  also  to 
Olea,  whose  fate  he  commemorates  in  verses  that  at  least  aspire  to 
historic  fidelity: 

"  Tuvole  con  las  nianos  abra^.ido, 
V  Francisco  de  Olea  el  valerosj. 


DEFEAT  OF   THE   SPANIARDS.  135 

The  report  soon  spread  among  the  soldiers  that  their 
commander  was  taken  ;  and  Quinones,  the  captain  of 
his  guard,  with  several  others,  pouring  in  to  the  rescue, 
succeeded  in  disentangling  Cortes  from  the  grasp  of 
his  enemies,  who  were  struggling  with  him  in  the 
water,  and,  raising  him  in  their  arms,  placed  him  again 
on  the  causeway.  One  of  his  pages,  meanwhile,  had 
advanced  some  way  through  the  press,  leading  a  horse 
for  his  master  to  mount.  But  the  youth  received  a 
wound  in  the  throat  from  a  javelin,  which  prevented 
him  from  effecting  his  object.  Another  of  his  attend- 
ants was  more  successful.  It  was  Guzman,  his  cham- 
berlain ;  but,  as  he  held  the  bridle  while  Cortes  was 
assisted  inlo  the  saddle,  he  was  snatched  away  by  the 
Aztecs,  and,  with  the  swiftness  of  thought,  hurried  off 
by  their  canoes.  The  general  still  lingered,  unwilling 
to  leave  the  spot  while  his  presence  could  be  of  the 
least  service.  But  the  faithful  Quinones,  taking  his 
horse  by  the  bridle,  turned  his  head  from  the  breach, 
exclaiming,  at  the  same  time,  that  "his  master's  life  was 
too  important  to  the  army  to  be  thrown  away  there."' 

Vn  valiente  Espanol,  y  su  criado, 
Le  tiro  vn  tajo  brauo  y  riguroso  : 
Las  dos  manos  a  cercen  le  ha  cortado, 

Y  el  le  libro  del  trance  trabajoso. 
Huuo  muy  gran  rumor,  porque  dezian. 
Que  ya  en  prision  amarga  le  tenian. 

"  Llegaron  otros  Indies  arriscados, 

Y  a  Olea  mataron  en  vn  punto, 
Cercaron  a  Cortes  por  todos  lados, 

Y  al  miserable  cuerpo  ya  difunto  : 
y  viendo  sus  sentidos  rerobrados, 
Puso  niano  a  la  espada  y  daga  junto. 
Antonio  de  Quiiiones  llego  Uiego, 
Capitan  de  la  giiarda  ardiendo  en  fuego." 

El  Peregrino  Indiano,  Canto  20. 
«  "  £  aquel  Capitan  que  estaba  con  el  General,  que  se  decia  Antonio 


136      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

Yet  it  was  no  easy  matter  to  force  a  passage  through 
the  press.  The  surface  of  the  causeway,  cut  up  by  the 
feet  of  men  and  horses,  was  knee-deep  in  mud,  and  in 
some  parts  was  so  much  broken  that  the  water  from  the 
canals  flowed  over  it.  The  crowded  mass,  in  their 
efforts  to  extricate  themselves  from  their  perilous  posi- 
tion, staggered  to  and  fro  like  a  drunken  man.  These 
on  the  flanks  were  often  forced  by  the  lateral  pressure 
of  their  comrades  down  the  slippery  sides  of  the  dike, 
where  they  were  picked  up  by  the  canoes  of  the  enemy, 
whose  shouts  of  triumph  proclaimed  the  savage' joy  with 
which  they  gathered  in  every  new  victim  for  the  sacri- 
fice. Two  cavaliers,  riding  by  the  general's  side,  lost 
their  footing,  and  rolled  down  the  declivity  into  the 
water.  One  was  taken  and  his  horse  killed.  The 
other  was  happy  enough  to  escape.  The  valiant  en- 
sign. Corral,  had  a  similar  piece  of  good  fortune.  He 
slipped  into  the  canal,  and  the  enemy  felt  sure  of  their 
prize,  when  he  again  succeeded  in  recovering  the  cause- 
way, with  the  tattered  banner  of  Castile  still  flying 
above  his  head.  The  barbarians  set  up  a  cry  of  dis- 
appointed rage  as  they  lost  possession  of  a  trophy  to 
which  the  people  of  Anahuac  attached,  as  we  have 
seen,  the  highest  importance,  hardly  inferior  in  their 
eyes  to  the  capture  of  the  commander-in-chief  him- 
self." 

Cortes  at  length  succeeded   in  regaining  the  firm 

de  Quiiiones,  dixole  :  Vamos,  Senor,  de  aqui,  y  salvemos  vuestra  Per- 
sona, pues  que  ya  esto  esta  de  manera,  que  es  morir  desesperado  aten- 
dcr ;  e  sin  vos,  ninguno  de  nosotros  puede  escapar,  que  no  es  esfuerzo, 
sino  poquedad,  porfiar  aqui  otra  cosa."  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind., 
MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  26. 

""  It  may  have  been  the  same  banner  which   is  noticed  by  Mr.. 


DEFEAT  OF   THE   SPANIARDS.  137 

ground,  and  reaching  the  open  place  before  the  great 
street  of  Tacuba.  Here,  under  a  sharp  fire  of  the 
artillery,  he  rallied  his  broken  scjuadrons,  and,  charging 
at  the  head  of  the  little  body  of  horse,  which,  not 
having  been  brought  into  action,  were  still  fresh,  he 
beat  off  the  enemy.  He  then  commanded  the  retreat 
of  the  two  other  divisions.  The  scattered  forces  again 
united;  and  the  general,  sending  forward  his  Indian 
confederates,  took  the  rear  with  a  chosen  body  of  cav- 
alry to  cover  the  retreat  of  the  army,  which  was  effected 
with  but  little  additional  loss." 

Andres  de  Tapia  was  despatched  to  the  western 
causeway  to  acquaint  Alvarado  and  Sandoval  with  the 
failure  of  the  enterprise.  Meanwhile  the  two  captains 
had  penetrated  far  into  the  city.  Cheered  by  the 
triumphant  shouts  of  their  countrymen  in  the  adjacent 
streets,  they  had  pushed  on  with  extraordinary  vigor, 
that  they  might  not  be  outstripped  in  the  race  of  glory. 
They  had  almost  reached  the  market-place,  which  lay 
nearer  to  their  quarters  than  to  the  general's,  when 
they  heard  the  blast  from  the  dread  horn  of  Guate- 
mozin,"  followed  by  the  overpowering  yell  of  the  bar- 

Rullock  as  treasured  up  in  the  Hospital  of  Jesus,  "where,"  says  he, 
"  we  beheld  the  identical  embroidered  standard  under  which  the  great 
captain  wrested  this  immense  empire  from  the  unfortunate  Monte- 
zuma."    Six  Months  in  Mexico,  vol.  i.  chap.  10. 

"  For  this  disastrous  affair,  besides  the  Letter  of  Cortes,  and  the 
Ct-.ronicle  of  Diaz,  so  often  quoted,  see  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva- 
Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  33, — Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS., — 
Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  138, — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,lib.  4,  cap. 
94, — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  26,  48. 

"  "  El  resonido  de  la  corneta  de  Guatemu/..  " — .Xstijiioi  magic  horn 
was  not  more  terrible  : 


X38     SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER   OF  MEXICO. 

baiians,  which  had  so  startled  the  ears  of  Cortes ;  till 
at  length  the  sounds  of  the  receding  conflict  died  away 
in  the  distance.  The  two  captains  now  understood 
that  the  day  must  have  gone  hard  with  their  country- 
men. They  soon  had  further  proof  of  it,  when  the 
victorious  Aztecs,  returning  from  the  pursuit  of  Cortes, 
j. lined  their  forces  to  those  engaged  with  Sandoval  and 
Alvarado,  and  fell  on  them  with  redoubled  fury.  At 
the  same  time  they  rolled  on  the  ground  two  or  three 
of  the  bloody  heads  of  the  Spaniards,  shouting  the 
name  of  "Malinche."  The  captains,  struck  with 
horror  at  the  spectacle, — though  they  gave  little  credit 
to  the  words  of  the  enemy, — instantly  ordered  a  re- 
treat. Indeed,  it  was  not  in  their  power  to  maintain 
their  ground  against  the  furious  assaults  of  the  besieged, 
who  poured  on  them,  swarm  after  swarm,  with  a  des- 
peration of  which,  says  one  who  was  there,  "although 
it  seems  as  if  it  were  now  present  to  my  eyes,  I  can 
give  but  a  faint  idea  to  the  reader.  God  alone  co'ild 
have  brought  us  off  safe  from  the  perils  of  that  day."  " 
The  fierce  barbarians  followed  up  the  Spaniards  to 
their  very  intrenchments.      But  here  they  were  met, 

"  Dico  che  "l  corno  e  di  si  orribil  suono, 
Ch'  oviinque  s'  oda,  fa  fuggir  la  gente. 
Non  pu6  trovarsi  al  mondo  un  cor  si  buono, 
Che  possa  noii  fuggir  come  lo  sente. 
Rumor  di  vento  e  di  trtmuoto,  e  "1  tuono, 
A  par  del  suon  di  questo,  era  niente." 

Oklando  Fukioso,  Canto  15,  si.  15. 

•3  "  Por  q  yo  no  lo  se  aqui  escriuir  q  aora  q  me  pongo  a  pensar  en 
cUo.  es  como  si  visibleniente  lo  vicsse,  mas  bueluo  a  dezir,  y  ansi  es 
vcrdacl,  q  si  Dies  no  nos  diera  esfuercjo,  segiin  estaiiamos  todos  hcri- 
dos :  el  nos  saluo,  q  de  otra  nianera  no  nos  podiamos  llegar  a  nuestros 
•  %;;hos."     Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  152. 


I 


THEIR   DISASTROUS   CONDITION. 


139 


first  by  the  cross-fire  of  the  brigantines,  which,  clashing 
through  the  palisades  planted  to  obstruct  their  move- 
ments, completely  enfiladed  the  causeway,  and  next  by 
that  of  the  small  battery  erected  in  front  of  the  camp, 
which,  under  the  management  of  a  skilful  engineer, 
named  Medrano,  swept  the  whole  length  of  the  defile. 
Thus  galled  in  front  and  on  flank,  the  shattered  columns 
of  the  Aztecs  were  compelled  to  give  way  and  take 
shelter  under  the  defences  of  the  city. 

The  greatest  anxiety  now  prevailed  in  the  camp  re- 
garding the  fate  of  Cortes;  for  Tapia  had  been  detained 
on  the  road  by  scattered  parties  of  the  enemy,  whom 
Guatemozin  had  stationed  there  to  interrupt  the  com- 
munication between  the  camps.  He  arrived  at  length, 
however,  though  bleeding  from  several  wounds.  His 
intelligence,  while  it  reassured  the  Spaniards  as  to  the 
general's  personal  safety,  was  not  calculated  to  allay 
their  uneasiness  in  other  respects. 

Sandoval,  in  particular,  was  desirous  to  acquaint 
himself  with  the  actual  state  of  things  and  the  further 
intentions  of  Cortes.  Suffering  as  he  Avas  from  three 
wounds,  which  he  had  received  in  that  day's  fight,  he 
resolved  to  visit  in  person  the  quarters  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief. It  was  mid-day — for  the  busy  scenes 
of  the  morning  had  occupied  but  a  few  hours — when 
Sandoval  remounted  the  good  steed  on  whose  strength 
and  speed  he  knew  he  could  rely.  It  was  a  noble  ani- 
mal, well  known  throughout  the  army,  and  worthy  of 
its  gallant  rider,  whom  it  had  carried  safe  through  all 
the  long  marches  and  bloody  battles  of  the  Conquest.'* 

'^  This  renowned  steed,  who  might  rival  the  Babieca  of  the  Cid,  was 
named   Motilla,  and,  when  one  would  pass  unqualified  praise  on  a 


I40      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

On  the  way  he  fell  in  with  Guatemozin's  scouts,  who 
gave  him  chase,  and  showered  around  him  volleys  of 
missiles,  which,  fortunately,  found  no  vulnerable  \  oint 
in  his  own  harness  or  that  of  his  well-barbed  charter. 

On  arriving  at  the  camp,  he  found  the  troops  there 
much  worn  and  dispirited  by  the  disaster  of  the  morn- 
ing. They  had  good  reason  to  be  so.  Besides  the 
killed,  and  along  file  of  wounded,  sixty-two  Spaniards, 
with  a  multitude  of  allies,  had  fallen  alive  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy, — an  enemy  who  was  never  known 
to  spare  a  captive.  The  loss  of  two  field-pieces  and 
seven  horses  crowned  their  own  disgrace  and  the  tri- 
umph of  the  Aztecs.  This  loss,  so  insignificant  in 
European  warfare,  was  a  great  one  here,  where  both 
horses  and  artillery,  the  most  powerful  arms  of  war 
against  the  barbarians,  were  not  to  be  procured  without 
the  greatest  cost  and  difficulty. '^ 

Cortes,  it  was  observed,  had  borne  himself  through- 
out this  trying  day  with  his  usual  intrepidity  and  cool- 
ness. The  only  time  he  was  seen  to  falter  was  when 
the  Mexicans  threw  down  before  him  the  heads  of  sev- 
eral Spaniards,  shouting,  at  the  same  time,  "Sando- 

horse,  he  would  say,  "  He  is  as  good  as  Motilla."  So  says  that  prince 
of  chroniclers,  Diaz,  who  takes  care  that  neither  beast  fior  man  shall 
be  defrauded  of  his  fair  guerdon  in  tliese  campaigns  against  the  infidel. 
He  was  of  a  chestnut  color,  it  seems,  with  a  star  in  his  forehead,  and, 
luckily  for  his  credit,  with  only  one  foot  white.  See  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  cap.  152,  205. 

»S  Tlie  cavaliers  might  be  excused  for  not  wantonly  venturing  their 
horses,  if,  as  Diaz  asserts,  they  could  only  be  replaced  at  an  e.K]iense 
of  eight  hundred  or  a  thousand  dollare  apiece  :  "  Porque  costaua  en 
aquella  sazon  vn  cauallo  ochocientos  pesos,  y  aun  algunos  costauan  i. 
mas  de  mil."  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  151.  See,  also,  anti.  Book 
H.  chap.  3,  note  14. 


THEIR  DISASTROUS   CONDITION.  141 

val,"  "Tonatiuh,"  the  well-known  epithet  of  Alva- 
rado.  At  the  sight  of  the  gory  trophies  he  grew 
deadly  pale ;  but,  in  a  moment  recovering  his  usual 
confidence,  he  endeavored  to  cheer  up  the  drooping 
spirits  of  his  followers.  It  was  with  a  cheerful  coun- 
tenance that  he  now  received  his  lieutenant ;  but  a 
shade  of  sadness  was  visible  through  this  outward  com- 
posure, showing  how  the  catastrophe  of  th.e:  puente  cui- 
dada,  "  the  sorrowful  bridge,"  as  he  mournfully  called 
it,  lay  heavy  at  his  heart. 

To  the  cavalier's  anxious  inquiries  as  to  the  cause  of 
the  disaster,  he  replied,  "It  is  for  my  sins  that  it  has 
befallen  me,  son  Sandoval;"  for  such  was  the  affec- 
tionate epithet  with  which  Cortes  often  addressed  his 
best -beloved  and  trusty  officer.  He  then  explained  to 
him  the  immediate  cause,  in  the  negligence  of  the 
treasurer.  Further  conversation  followed,  in  which 
the  general  declared  his  purpose  to  forego  active  hos- 
tilities for  a  few  days.  "You  must  take  my  place," 
he  continued,  "  for  I  am  too  much  crippled  at  present 
to  discharge  my  duties.  You  must  watch  over  the 
safety  of  the  camps.  Give  especial  heei  to  Alvarado's. 
He  is  a  gallant  soldier,  I  know  it  well;  but  I  doubt 
the  Mexican  hounds  may,  some  hour,  take  him  at  dis- 
advantage."'*  These  few  words  showed  the  general's 
own  estimation  of  his  two  lieutenants ;  both  equally 
brave  and  chivalrous,  but  the  one  uniting  with  these 

»*  "  Mira  pues  veis  que  yo  no  piiedo  ir  a  todas  partes,  d  vos  os  en- 
comiendo  estos  trabajos,  pues  veis  q  estoy  herido  y  coxo ;  ruego  os 
jjongais  cobro  en  estos  tres  reales;  bien  se  q  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  y 
bus  Capitanes,  y  sold  idos  auran  batallado,  y  hecho  como  caualleros, 
mas  temo  el  gian  poderdestosperros  no  lesayan  desbaratado."  Bernal 
Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conqu:sta,  cap.  152. 


142      SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

qualities  the  circumspection  so  essential  to  success  in 
perilous  enterprises,  in  which  the  other  was  signally 
deficient.  The  future  conqueror  of  Guatemala  had  to 
gather  wisdom,  as  usual,  from  the  bitter  fruits  of  his 
own  errors.  It  was  under  the  training  of  Cortes  that 
he  learned  to  be  a  soldier.  The  general,  having  con- 
cluded his  instructions,  affectionately  embraced  his 
lieutenant,  and  dismissed  him  to  his  quarters. 

It  was  late  in  the  afternoon  when  he  reached  them ; 
but  the  sun  was  still  lingering  above  the  western  hills, 
and  poured  his  beams  wide  over  the  Valley,  lighting 
up  the  old  towers  and  temples  of  Tenochtitlan  with  a 
mellow  radiance,  that  little  harmonized  with  the  dark 
scenes  of  strife  in  which  the  city  had  so  lately  been 
involved.  The  tranquillity  of  the  hour,  however,  was 
on  a  sudden  broken  by  the  strange  sounds  of  the  great 
drum  in  the  temple  of  the  war-god, — sounds  which 
recalled  the  noche  triste,  with  all  its  terrible  images,  to 
the  minds  of  the  Spaniards,  for  that  was  the  only 
occasion  on  which  they  had  ever  heard  them.''  They 
intimated  some  solemn  act  of  religion  within  the  un- 
hallowed precincts  of  the  teocalli ;  and  the  soldiers, 
startled  by  the  mournful  vibrations,  which  might  be 
heard  for  leagues  across  the  Valley,  turned  their  eyes 
to  the  quarter  whence  they  proceeded.  They  there 
beheld  a  long  procession  winding  up  the  huge  sides  of 
the  pyramid  \  for  the  camp  of  Alvarado  was  pitched 
scarcely  a  mile  from  the  city,  and  objects  are  distinctly 
visible  at  a  great  distance  in  the  transparent  atmosphere 
of  the  table-land. 

«7  "  Vn  atambor  de  muy  triste  sonido,  enfin  como  instrumento  de 
denionios,  y  retumbaua  tanto,  que  se  oia  dos,  6  tres  leguas."  Beriial 
Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  loc.  cit. 


SACRIFICE    OF  THE   CAPTIVES. 


U3 


As  tlie  long  file  of  priests  and  warriors  reached  the 
flat  summit  of  the  tcocalli,  the  Spaniards  saw  the  figures 
of  several  men  stripped  to  their  waists,  some  of  whom, 
by  the  whiteness  of  their  skins,  they  recognized  as 
their  own  countrymen.  They  were  the  victims  for 
sacrifice.  Their  heads  were  gaudily  decorated  with 
coronals  of  plumes,  and  they  carried  fans  in  their 
hands.  They  were  urged  along  by  blows,  and  com- 
pelled to  take  part  in  the  dances  in  honor  of  the  Aztec 
war-god.  The  unfortunate  captives,  then  stripped  of 
their  sad  finery,  were  stretched,  one  after  another,  on 
the  great  stone  of  sacrifice.  On  its  convex  surface 
♦^heir  breasts  were  heaved  up  conveniently  for  the  dia- 
bolical purpose  of  the  priestly  executioner,  who  cut 
asunder  the  ribs. by  a  strong  blow  with  his  sharp  razor 
of  itztU,  and,  thrusting  his  hand  into  the  wound,  tore 
away  tlie  heart,  which,  hot  and  reeking,  was  deposited 
on  tlie  golden  censer  before  the  idol.  The  body  of 
the  slaughtered  victim  was  then  hurled  down  the  steep 
stairs  of  the  pyramid,  which,  it  may  be  remembered, 
were  placed  at  the  same  angle  of  the  pile,  one  flight 
below  another ;  and  the  mutilated  remains  were  gath-' 
ered  up  by  the  savages  beneath,  who  soon  jjrepared 
with  them  the  cannibal  repast  which  completed  the 
work  of  abomination  !  '* 

»<*  Bcrnal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  ubi  supra'. — Ovicdo.  Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  48. — "  Sac;'indolcs  los  corazones,  sobre  una 
picdra  que  era  como  un  pilar  cortado,  tan  grueso  como  un  homhre  y 
alt;o  mas,  y  tan  alto  como  medio  estadio ;  alli  :i  cada  uno  echado  de 
espaldas  sobre  acpiellapiedra,  que  se  llama  Techcatl,  uno  le  tiraba  por 
un  brazo,  y  otro  por  el  otro,  y  tambien  por  las  piernas  otros  dos,  y 
venia  uno  de  aqviellos  Sdtrapas,  con  un  pedcrnal,  como  un  hicrro  de 
lanza  enhastudo,  en  un  palo  de  dos  palmos  de  largo,  le  daba  un  golpe 


144     SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

We  may  imagine  with  what  sensations  the  stupefied 
Spaniards  must  have  gazed  on  this  horrid  spectacle,  so 
near  that  they  could  almost  recognize  the  persons  of 
their  unfortunate  friends,  see  the  struggles  and  writh 
ing  of  their  bodies,  hear — or  fancy  that  they  heard — 
their  screams  of  agony !  yet  so  far  removed  that  they 
could  render  them  no  assistance.  Their  limbs  trembled 
beneath  them,  as  they  thought  what  might  one  day  be 
their  own  fate ;  and  the  bravest  among  them,  who  had 
hitherto  gone  to  battle  as  careless  and  light-hearted  as 
to  the  banquet  or  the  ball-room,  were  unable,  from 
this  time  forward,  to  encounter  their  ferocious  enemy 
without  a  sickening  feeling,  much  akin  to  fear,  coming 
over  them.'' 

Such  was  not  the  effect  produced  by  this  spectacle 

con  ambas  manos  en  el  pecho  ;  y  sacando  aquel  pedernal,  por  la  misma 
llaga  metia  la  mano,  y  arrancabale  el  corazon,  y  luego  fregaba  con  el 
la  boca  del  Idolo  ;  y  echaba  a  rodar  el  cuerpo  por  las  gradas  abajo, 
que  serian  come  cinquenta  6  sesenta  gradas,  por  alH  abajo  iba  que- 
brando  las  piernas  y  los  brazos,  y  dando  cabezasos  con  la  cabeza, 
hasta  que  llegaba  abajo  aun  vivo."  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana, 
MS.,  lib.  X2,  cap.  35.  • 

19  At  least,  such  is  the  honest  confession  of  Captain  Diaz,  as  stout- 
hearted a  soldier  as  any  in  the  army.  He  consoles  himself,  however, 
with  the  reflection  that  the  tremor  of  his  limbs  intimated  rather  an 
excess  of  courage  than  a  want  of  it,  since  it  arose  from  a  lively  sense 
of  the  great  dangers  into  which  his  daring  spirit  was  about  to  hurry 
him  !  The  passage  in  the  original  affords  a  good  specimen  of  the  in- 
imitable ndivete  of  the  old  chronicler :  "  Digan  agora  todos  aquellos 
cauallcros,  que  desto  del  militar  entienden,  y  se  han  hallado  en  trances 
peligrosos  de  muerte,  a  que  fin  echaran  mi  temor,  si  es  a  mucha  fla- 
queza  de  animo,  6  a  mucho  esfuer90,  porque  como  he  dicho,  sentia 
yo  en  mi  pensamiento,  que  aula  de  poner  por  mi  persona,  batallando 
en  parte  que  por  fuer9a  aula  de  temer  la  muerte  mas  que  otras  vezes, 
V  por  esto  me  temblaua  el  cora9on,  y  temia  la  muerte."  Hist,  de  la 
Conquista,  cap.  156. 


SACRIFICE    OF   THE    CAPTIVES. 


145 


on  the  Mexican  forces,  gathered  at  the  end  of  the 
causeway.  Like  vultures  maddened  by  the  smell  of 
distant  carrion,  they  set  up  a  piercing  cry,  and,  as 
they  shouted  that  "such  should  be  the  fate  of  all  their 
enemies,"  swept  along  in  one  fierce  torrent  over  the 
dike.  But  the  Spaniards  were  not  to  be  taken  by 
surprise ;  and,  before  the  barbarian  horde  had  come 
within  their  lines,  they  opened  such  a  deadly  fire  from 
their  battery  of  heavy  guns,  supported  by  tlie  musketry 
and  cross-bows,  that  the  assailants  were  compelled  to 
fall  back  slowly,  but  fearfully  mangled,  to  their  former 
position. 

The  five  following  days  passed  away  in  a  state  of  in- 
action, except,  indeed,  sq  far  as  was  necessary  to  repel 
the  sorties  made  from  time  to  time  by  the  militia  of 
the  capital.  The  Mexicans,  elated  with  their  success, 
meanwhile,  abandoned  themselves  to  jubilee  ;  singing, 
dancing,  and  feasting  on  the  mangled  relics  of  their 
wretched  victims.  Guatemozin  sent  several  heads  of 
the  Spaniards,  as  well  as  of  the  horses,  round  the 
country,  calling  on  his  old  vassals  to  forsake  the  ban- 
ners of  the  white  men,  unless  they  would  share  the 
doom  of  the  enemies  of  Mexico.  The  priests  now 
cheered  the  young  monarch  and  the  people  with  the 
declaration  that  the  dread  Huitzilopochtli,  their  of- 
fended deity,  appeased  by  the  sacrifices  offered  up  on 
his  altars,  would  again  take  the  Aztecs  under  his  pro- 
'lection,  and  deliver  their  enemies,  before  the  expira- 
tion of  eight  days,  into  their  hands. '^ 

^  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  2,  cap.  20. — Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida 
de  los  Espafioles,  pp.  41,  42. — "  Y  nos  dezian,  que  de  ai  d  ocho  dias 
no  auia  de  quedar  ninguno  de  nosotros  a  vida,  porquc  assi  se  lo  auian 
Vol..  III. — G  13 


146      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

This  comfortable  prediction,  confidently  believed 
by  the  Mexicans,  was  thundered  in  the  ears  of  the 
besieging  army  in  tones  of  exultation  and  defiance. 
However  it  may  have  been  contemned  by  the  Span- 
iards, it  had  a  very  different  effect  on  their  allies, 
niie  latter  had  begun  to  be  disgusted  with  a  service  so 
full  of  peril  and  suffering  and  already  protracted  far 
beyond  the  usual  term  of  Indian  hostilities.  They 
had  less  confidence  than  before  in  the  Spaniards.  Ex- 
perience had  shown  that  they  were  neither  invincible 
nor  immortal,  and  their  recent  reverses  made  them 
even  distrust  the  ability  of  the  Christians  to  reduce  the 
Aztec  metropolis.  They  recalled  to  mind  the  ominous 
words  of  Xicotencatl,  that  "so  sacrilegious  a  war  could 
come  to  no  good  for  the  people  of  Anahuac."  They 
felt  that  their  arm  was  raised  against  the  gods  of  their 
country.  The  prediction  of  the  oracle  fell  heavy  on 
their  hearts.  They  had  little  doubt  of  its  fulfilment, 
and  were  only  eager  to  turn  away  the  bolt  from  their 
own  heads  by  a  timely  secession  from  the  cause. 

They  took  advantage,  therefore,  of  the  friendly  cover 
of  night  to  steal  away  from  their  quarters.  Company 
after  company  deserted  in  this  manner,  taking  the 
direction  of  their  respective  homes.  Those  belonging 
to  the  great  towns  of  the  Valley,  whose  allegiance  was 
the  most  recent,  were  the  first  to  cast  it  off.  Their 
example  was  followed  by  the  older  confederates,  the 
militia  of  Cholula,  Tepeaca,  Tezcuco,  and  even  the 
faithful  Tlascala.  There  were,  it  is  true,  some  excep- 
tions to  these,  and  among  them  Ixtlilxochitl,  the  young 

prometido  la  noche  antes  sus  Dioses."     Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Cou- 
quista,  cap.  153. 


DEFECTION  OF  THE  ALLIES. 


147 


lord  of  Tezcuco,  and  Chichemecatl,  the  valiant  Tlas- 
calan  chieftain,  who,  with  a  few  of  their  immediate 
followers,  still  remained  true  to  the  banner  under  which 
they  had  enlisted.  But  their  number  was  insignificant. 
The  Spaniards  beheld  with  dismay  the  mighty  array, 
on  which  they  relied  for  support,  thus  silently  tnelting 
away  before  the  breath  of  superstition.  Cortes  alone 
maintained  a  cheerful  countenance.  He  treated  the 
prediction  with  contempt,  as  an  invention  of  the 
priests,  and  sent  his  messengers  after  the  retreating 
squadrons,  beseeching  them  to  postpone  their  depart- 
ure, or  at  least  to  halt  on  the  road,  till  the  time,  which 
would  soon  elapse,  should  show  the  falsehood  of  the 
prophecy. 

The  affairs  of  the  Spaniards  at  this  crisis  must  be 
confessed  to  have  worn  a  gloomy  aspect.  Deserted  by 
their  allies,  with  their  ammunition  nearly  exhausted, 
cut  off  from  the  customary  supplies  from  the  neighbor- 
hood, harassed  by  unintermitting  vigils  and  fatigues, 
smarting  under  wounds,  of  which  every  man  in  the 
army  had  his  share,  with  an  unfriendly  country  in  their 
rear  and  a  mortal  foe  in  front,  they  might  well  be 
excused  for  faltering  in  their  enterprise.  They  found 
abundant  occupation  by  day  in  foraging  the  country, 
and  in  maintaining  their  position  on  the  causeways 
against  the  enemy,  now  made  doubly  daring  by  suc- 
cess and  by  the  promises  of  their  priests  ;  while  at 
night  their  slumbers  were  disturbed  by  the  beat  of  the 
melancholy  drum,  the  sounds  of  which,  booming  far 
over  the  waters,  tolled  the  knell  of  their  murdered  com- 
rades. Night  after  night  fresh  victims  were  led  \\\)  to 
the  great  altar  of  sacrifice ;  and,  while  the  city  blazed 


148      SIEGE  AND   SURREXDER    OF  MEXICO. 

with  the  ilkimination  of  a  thousand  bonfires  on  the 
terraced  roofs  of  the  dwellings  and  in  the  areas  of  the 
temples,  the  dismal  pageant,  showing  through  the  fiery 
glare  like  the  work  of  the  ministers  of  hell,  was  dis- 
tinctly visible  from  the  camp  below.  One  of  the  last 
of  the  sufferers  was  Guzman,  the  unfortunate  cham- 
berlain of  Cortes,  who  lingered  in  captivity  eighteen 
days  before  he  met  his  doom.^' 

Yet  in  this  hour  of  trial  the  Spaniards  did  not  falter. 
Had  they  faltered,  they  might  have  learned  a  lesson  of 
fortitude  from  some  of  their  own  wives,  who  continued 
with  them  in  the  camp,  and  who  displayed  a  heroism, 
on  this  occasion,  of  which  history  has  preserved  several 
examples.  One  of  these,  protected  by  her  husband's 
armor,  would  frequently  mount  guard  in  his  place  when 
he  was  wearied.  Another,  hastily  putting  on  a  sol- 
dier's escaiipii 3iWd  seizing  a  sword  and  lance,  was  seen, 
on  one  occasion,  to  rally  their  retreating  countrymen 
and  lead  them  back  against  the  enemy.  Cortes  would 
have  persuaded  these  Amazonian  dames  to  remain  at 

»  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Xueva-Espaiia,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  36. — I.xtlil- 
xochitl,  Venida  de  los  Espanoles,  pp.  41,  42. — The  Castilian  scholar 
will  see  that  I  have  not  drawn  on  my  imagination  for  the  picture  of 
these  horrors:  "  Digamos  aora  lo  que  los  Mexicanos  hazian  de  noche 
en  sus  grandes,  y  altos  Cues;  y  es,  q  tanian  su  maldito  atambor,  que 
dixe  otra  vez  que  era  el  de  mas  maldito  sonido,  y  mas  triste  q  so  podia 
inuetar,  y  sonaua  muy  lexos  ;  y  taiiian  otros  peores  instrumentos.  En 
fin,  cosas  diabolicas,  y  tenia  grandes  lumbres,  y  daua  gradissinios 
gritos,  y  siluos,  y  en  aquel  instate  estauan  sacrificando  de  nuestros 
copaneros,  de  los  q  tomaro  a  Cortes,  que  supirnos  q  sacrificaron  diez 
dias  arreo,  hasta  que  los  acabaron,  y  el  postrero  dexaro  a  Christoual 
de  Guzman,  q  viuo  lo  tuuieron  diez  y  ocho  dias,  segim  dixero  tres 
Capitanes  Mexicanos  q  predimos."  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Coa- 
quista,  cap.  153. 


CONSTANCY  OF   THE  SPANIARDS. 


149 


Tlascala;  but  they  proudly  replied,  "  It  was  the  duty 
of  Castilian  wives  not  to  abandon  their  husbands  in 
danger,  but  to  share  it  with  them, — and  die  with  them, 
if  necessary."     And  well  did  they  do  their  duty." 

Amidst  all  the  distresses  and  multiplied  embarrass- 
ments of  their  situation,  the  Spaniards  still  remained 
true  to  their  purpose.  They  relaxed  in  no  degree  the 
severity  of  the  blockade.  Their  camps  still  occupied 
the  only  avenues  to  the  city;  and  their  batteries, 
sweeping  the  long  defiles  at  every  fresh  assault  of  the 
Aztecs,  mowed  down  hundreds  of  the  assailants.  Their 
brigantines  still  rode  on  the  waters,  cutting  off  the 
communication  with  the  shore.  It  is  true,  indeed,  the 
loss  of  the  auxiliary  canoes  left  a  passage  open  for  the 
occasional  introduction  of  supplies  to  the  capital.*'' 
But  the  whole  amount  of  these  supplies  was  small ;  and 
its  crowded  population,  while  exulting  in  their  tempo- 
rary advantage  and  the  delusive  assurances  of  their 
priests,  were  beginning  to  sink  under  the  withering 
grasp  01  an  enemy  within,  more  terrible  than  the  one 
which  lay  before  their  gates, 

*2  "  Que  no  era  bien,  que  Mugeres  Castellan.is  dexasen  d  sus  Mari- 
dos,  iendo  d  la  Guerra,  i  que  adonde  ellos  muriesen,  moririan  ellas." 
(Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  i,  cap.  22.)  The  historian  has 
embalmed  the  names  of  several  of  these  heroines  in  his  pages,  who 
are,  doubtless,  well  entitled  to  share  the  honors  of  the  Conquest: 
Heatriz  de  Palacios,  Maria  de  Estrada,  Juana  Martin,  Isabel  Rodri- 
guez, and  Beatriz  Bermudez. 

"^  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 

13* 


CHAPTER    VII. 

SUCCESSES   OF   THE   SPANIARDS. FRUITLESS   OFFERS   TO 

CUATEMOZIN. — BUILDINGS  RAZED  TO  THE  GROUND. — 

TERRIBLE    FAMINE. THE    TROOPS  GAIN    THE   RLA.RKET- 

PLACE. — BATTERING-ENGINE. 

I52I. 

Thus  passed  away  the  eight  days  prescribed  by  the 
oracle;  and  the  sun  which  rose  upon  the  ninth  beheld 
the  fair  city  still  beset  on  every  side  by  the  inexora- 
ble foe.  It  was  a  great  mistake  of  the  Aztec  priests 
— one  not  uncommon  with  false  prophets,  anxious  to 
produce  a  startling  impression  on  their  followers — to 
assign  so  short  a  term  for  the  fulfilment  of  their  pre- 
diction.' 

The  Tezcucan  and  Tlascalan  chiefs  now  sent  to 
acquaint  their  troops  with  the  failure  of  the  prophecy, 
and  to  recall  them  to  the  Christian  camp.  The  Tlas- 
calans,  who  had  halted  on  the  way,  returned,  ashamed 
of  their  credulity,  and  with  ancient  feelings  of  ani- 
mosity heightened  by  the  artifice  of  which  they  had 
been  the  dupes.  Their  example  was  followed  by  many 
of  the  other  confederates,  with  the  levity  natural  to  a 
people  whose  convictions  are  the  result  not  of  reason, 

'  And  yet  the  priests  were  not  so  much  to  blame,  if.  as  Soh's  assures 
us,  "  the  Devil  went  about  very  industriously  in  those  days,  insinuating 
into  the  ears  of  his  flock  what  he  could  not  into  their  hearts."  Con- 
quista,  lib.  5,  cap  22. 

(150) 


SUCCESSES   OF   THE   SPANIARDS.  151 

but  of  superstition.  In  a  short  time  the  Spanish  gen- 
eral found  himself  at  the  head  of  an  auxiliary  force 
which,  if  not  so  numerous  as  before,  was  more  than 
adequate  to  all  his  purposes.  He  received  them  with 
politic  benignity  ;  and,  while  he  reminded  them  that 
they  had  been  guilty  of  a  great  crime  in  thus  abandon- 
ing their  commander,  he  was  willing  to  overlook  it 
in  consideration  of  their  past  services.  They  must  be 
aware  that  these  services  were  not  necessary  to  the 
Spaniards,  who  had  carried  on  the  siege  with  the  same 
vigor  during  their  absence  as  when  they. were  present. 
But  he  was  unwilling  that  these  who  had  shared  the 
dangers  of  the  war  with  him  should  not  also  par- 
take its  triumphs,  and  be  present  at  the  fall  of  their 
enemy,  which  he  promised,  with  a  confidence  better 
founded  than  that  of  the  priests  in  their  prediction, 
should  not  be  long  delayed. 

Yet  the  menaces  and  machinations  of  Guatemozin 
were  still  not  without  effect  in  the  distant  provinces. 
Before  the  full  return  of  the  confederates,  Cortes  re- 
ceived an  embassy  from  Cuernavaca,  ten  or  twelve 
\leagues  distant,  and  another  from  some  friendly  towns 
of  the  Otomies,  still  farther  off,  imploring  his  protection 
against  their  formidable  neighbors,  who  menaced  them 
with  hostilities  as  allies  of  the  Spaniards.  As  the  latter 
were  then  situated,  they  were  in  a  condition  to  receive 
succor  much  more  than  to  give  it.^  Most  of  the  offi- 
cers were,  accordingly,  opposed  to  granting  a  request 
compliance  witli  which  must  still  further  impair  their 
diminished   strength.      But   Cortes  knew  the   imi)or- 

^"  Y  teniamos  necesidad  antes  de  ser  socorridos,  que  de  dar  so- 
corro."     Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  272. 


152 


SIEGE   AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 


tance,  above  all,  of  not  betraying  his  own  inability  to 
grant  it.  "  The  greater  our  weakness,"  he  said,  "  the 
greater  ncjcl  have  we  to  cover  it  under  a  show  of 
strength."  ' 

He  immediately  detached  Tapia  with  a  body  of 
about  a  hundred  men  in  one  direction,  and  Sandoval 
with  a  somewhat  larger  force  in  the  other,  with  orders 
that  their  absence  should  not  in  any  event  be  prolonged 
beyond  ten  days.'*  The  two  captains  executed  their 
commissions  promptly  and  effectually.  They  each  met 
and  defeated? his  adversary  in  a  pitched  battle,  laid 
waste  the  hostile  territories,  and  returned  within  the 
time  prescribed.  They  were  soon  followed  by  am- 
bassadors from  the  conquered  places,  soliciting  the 
alliance  of  the  Spaniards  ;  and  the  affair  terminated  by 
an  accession  of  new  confederates,  and,  what  was  more 
important,  a  conviction  in  the  old  that  the  Spaniards 
were  both  willing  and  competent  to  protect  them. 

Fortune,  who  seldom  dispenses  her  frowns  or  her 
favors  single-handed,  further  showed  her  good  will  to 
the  Spaniards,  at  this  time,  by  sending  a  vessel  into 
Vera  Cruz  laden  with  ammunition  and  military  stores. 
It  was  part  of  the  fleet  destined  for  the  Florida  coast 
by  the  romantic  old  knight,  Ponce  de  Leon.  The 
cargo  was  immediately  taken  by  the  authorities  of  the 

3  "  God  knows,"  says  the  general,  "  the  peril  in  which  we  all  stood; 
pare  como  nos  convenia  mostrar  mas  esfuerzo  y  animo,  que  nunca,  y 
morir  peleando,  disimulabamos  nuestro  flaqiieza  assi  con  los  Amigos 
como  con  los   Enemigos."      Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana, 

P-  275- 

■♦  I'apia's  force  consisted  of  lo  horse  and  8o  foot;  the  chief  alguacil, 
as  Sandoval  was  styled,  had  i8  horse  and  loo  infantry.  Ibid.,  loc.  cit. 
— Also  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  26. 


SUCCESSES   OF  THE   SPAA'IA/WS. 


153 


port,  and  forwarded,  without  delay,  to  the  camp, 
where  it  arrived  most  seasonably,  as  the  want  of 
powder,  in  particular,  had  begun  to  be  seriously  felt.^ 
With  strength  thus  renovated,  Cortes  determined  to 
resume  active  operations,  but  on  a  plan  widely  differ- 
ing from  that  pursued  before. 

In  the  former  deliberations  on  the  subject,  two 
courses,  as  we  have  seen,  presented  themselves  to  the 
general.  One  was  to  intrench  himself  in  the  heart  of 
the  capital  and  from  this  point  carry  on  hostilities ;  the 
other  was  the  mode  of  proceeding  hitherto  followed. 
Both  were  open  to  serious  objections,  which  he  hoped 
would  be  obviated  by  the  one  now  adopted.  This  was 
to  advance  no  step  without  securing  the  entire  safety 
of  the  army,  not  only  on  its  immediate  retreat,  but  in 
its  future  inroads.  Every  breach  in  the  causeway, 
every  canal  in  the  streets,  was  to  be  filled  up  in  so 
solid  a  manner  that  the  work  should  not  be  again  dis- 
turbed. The  materials  for  this  were  to  be  furnished 
by  the  buildings,  every  one  of  which,  as  the  army  ad- 
vanced, whether  public  or  private,  hut,  temple,  or 
palace, was  to  be  demolished!  Not  a  building  in  their 
path  was  to  be  spared.  They  were  all  indiscriminately 
to  be  levelled,  until,  in  the  Conqueror's  own  language, 
"  the  water  should  be  converted  into  dry  land,"  and  a 


s  "  I'olvora  y  Ballestas,  Se  que  teniamos  muy  estrema  necesidad." 
(Rcl.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  278.)  It  was  probably  the 
expedition  in  wliich  Ponce  de  Leon  lost  his  life ;  an  expedition  to 
the  very  land  which  the  chivalrous  cavalier  had  himself  first  visited 
in  quest  of  the  Fountain  of  Health.  The  story  is  pleasantly  I  old 
by  Irving,  as  the  reader  may  remember,  in  his  "  Companions  of 
Columbus." 


154 


SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 


smooth  and  open  ground  be  afforded  for  the  man- 
oeuvres of  the  cavalry  and  artillery  ! '^ 

Cortes  came  to  this  terrible  determination  with  great 
difficulty.  He  sincerely  desired  to  spare  the  city,  "the 
most  beautiful  thing  in  the  world," '  as  he  enthusias- 
tically styles  it,  and  which  would  have  formed  the  most 
glorious  trophy  of  his  conquest.  But  in  a  place  where 
every  house  was  a  fortress  and  every  street  was  cut  up 
by  canals  so  embarrassing  to  his  movements,  experi- 
ence proved  it  was  vain  to  think  of  doing  so  and  be- 
coming master  of  it.  There  was  as  little  hope  of  a 
peaceful  accommodation  with  the  Aztecs,  who,  so  far 
from  being  broken  by  all  they  had  hitherto  endured, 
and  the  long  perspective  of  future  woes,  showed  a 
spirit  as  haughty  and  implacable  as  ever.* 

The  general's  intentions  were  learned  by  the  Indian 
allies  with  unbounded  satisfaction  ;  and  they  answered 
his  call  for  aid  by  thousands  of  pioneers,  armed  with 
their  coas,  or  hoes  of  the  country,  all  testifying  the 
greatest  alacrity  in  helping  on  the  work  of  destruction.' 

*  The  calm  and  simple  manner  in  which  the  Conquistador,  as  usual, 
states  this  in  his  Commentaries ,  has  something  appalling  in  it  from  its 
very  simplicity  :  "  Acorde  de  tomar  un  medio  para  nuestra  seguridad, 
y  para  poder  mas  estrechar  a  los  Enemigos;  y  fue,  que  como  fueb- 
semos  ganando  por  las  Calles  de  la  Ciudad,  que  fuessen  derrocando 
todas  las  Casas  de  ellas,  del  un  lado,  y  del  otro ;  por  manera,  que  no 
fuessemos  un  paso  adelante,  sin  lo  dejar  todo  asolado,  y  lo  que  era 
Agua,  hacerk)  Tierra-firme,  aunque  hobiesse  toda  la  dilacion,  que  se 
pudiesse  seguir."     Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  279. 

7  "  Porque  era  la  mas  hermosa  cosa  del  Mundo."     Ibid.,  p.  278. 

8  "  Mas  antes  en  el  pelear,  y  en  todos  sus  ardides,  los  hallabamos 
con  mas  animo,  que  nunca."     Ibid.,  p.  279. 

9  Yet  we  shall  hardly  credit  the  Tezcucan  historian's  assertion  that 
a  hundred  thousand  Indians  flocked  to  the  camp  for  this  purpose  I 


SUCCESSES    OF    THE   SPA^FARDS.  j-- 

In  a  short  time  the  breaches  in  the  great  causeways 
were  filled  up  so  effectually  that  they  were  never  again 
molested.  Cortes  himself  set  the  example  by  carrying 
stones  and  timber  with  his  own  hands."  The  build- 
ings in  the  suburbs  were  tlicn  thoroughly  levelled,  the 
canals  were  fdled  up  with  the  rubbish,  and  a  wide  space 
around  the  city  was  thrown  oi)en  to  the  manoeuvres 
of  the  cavalry,  who  swept  over  it  free  and  unresisted. 
The  Mexicans  did  not  look  with  indifference  on  these 
l)reparations  to  lay  waste  their  town  and  leave  them 
bare  and  unprotected  against  the  enemy.  They  made 
incessant  efforts  to  impede  the  labors  of  the  besiegers; 
but  the  latter,  under  cover  of  their  guns,  which  kept 
up  an  unintermitting  fire,  still  advanced  in  the  work  of 
desolation." 

The  gleam  of  fortune  which  had  so  lately  broken 
out  on  the  Mexicans  again  disappeared  ;  and  the  dark 
mist,  after  having  been  raised  for  a  moment,  settled  on 
the  (ioomed  capital  more  heavily  than  before.     Famine, 

"  Viniescn  todos  los  labradores  con  sus  coas  para  este  efecto  con  toda 
brevedad  :  .  .  .W^gkxQWfnas  de  cienmildeellos."  Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida 
de  los  Espanoles,  p.  42. 

»o  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  153. 

"  Sahagun,  who  gathered  the  story  from  the  actors,  and  from  the 
aspect  of  the  scene  before  the  devastation  had  been  wholly  repaired, 
writes  with  the  animation  of  an  eye-witness  :  "  La  gucrra  por  agua 
y  por  tierra  fue  tan  porfiada  y  tan  sangrienta,  que  era  espanfo  de 
verla,  y  no  hay  posibilidad,  para  decir  las  partieularidadcs  que  pasa- 
ban  ;  eran  tan  espesas  las  saetas,  y  dardos,  y  piedras,  y  palos,  que  se 
arrojavan  los  unos  d  los  otros,  que  quitavan  la  claridad  del  sol ;  era 
tan  grande  la  voceria,  y  grita,  de  hombres  y  mugeres,  y  nifios  que 
voceaban  y  Uoraban,  que  era  cosa  de  grima  ;  era  tan  grande  la  polva- 
reda,  y  ruido,  en  derrocar  y  quemar  casas,  y  robar  lo  que  en  cllas 
habia,  y  cautivar  ninos  y  mugeres,  que  parecia  un  juicio."  Hist,  da 
Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  38. 


156      SIEGE   AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

with  all  her  hideous  train  of  woes,  was  making  rapid 
strides  among  its  accumulated  population.  The  stores 
provided  for  the  siege  were  exhausted.  The  casual 
supply  of  human  victims,  or  that  obtained  by  some 
straggling  pirogue  from  the  neighboring  shores,  was 
too  inconsiderable  to  be  widely  felt."  Some  forced  a 
scanty  sustenance  from  a  mucilaginous  substance  gath- 
ered in  small  quantities  on  the  surface  of  the  lake  and 
canals. '3  Others  appeased  the  cravings  of  appetite  by 
devouring  rats,  lizards,  and  the  like  loathsome  reptiles, 
which  had  not  yet  deserted  the  starving  city.  Its  days 
seemed  to  be  already  numbered.  But  the  page  of  his- 
tory has  many  an  example  to  show  that  there  are  no 
limits  to  the  endurance  of  which  humanity  is  capable, 
when  animated  by  hatred  and  despair. 

With  the  sword  thus  suspended  over  it,  the  Spanish 
commander,  desirous  to  make  one  more  effort  to  save 
the  capital,  persuaded  three  Aztec  nobles,  taken  in  one 
of  the  late  actions,  to  bear  a  message  from  him  to 
Guatemozin  ;  though  they  undertook  it  with  reluc- 
tance, for  fear  of  the  consequences  to  themselves. 
Cortes  told  the  emperor  that  all  had  now  been  done 
that  brave  men  could  do  in  defence  of  their  country. 

»»  The  flesh  of  the  Chrisjians  failed  to  afford  them  even  the  cus- 
tomary nourishment,  since  the  Mexicans  said  it  was  intolerably  bitter; 
a  miracle  considered  by  Captain  Diaz  as  expressly  wrought  for  this 
occasion.     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  153. 

'3  Ibid.,  ubi  supra. — When  dried  in  the  sun,  this  slimy  deposit  had 
a  flavor  not  unlike  that  of  cheese,  and  formed  part  of  the  food  of  the 
poorer  classes  at  all  times,  according  to  Clavigero.  Stor.  del  Messico, 
torn.  ii.  p.  222.* 

'■■  [This  was  the  ahuahuileht.iore.  described.  Seeanie,  vol.  ii.  p.  109; 
note.— Ed.] 


FRUITLESS    OFFERS    TO    GUATEMOZIN. 


157 


There  remained  no  hope,  no  chance  of  escape,  for  the 
Mexicans.  Their  provisions  were  exhausted ;  their 
communications  were  cut  off;  their  vassals  had  de- 
serted them  ;  even  their  gods  had  betrayed  them. 
They  stood  alone,  with  the  nations  of  Anahuac  banded 
against  them.  There  was  no  hope  but  in  immediate 
surrender.  He  besought  the  young  monarch  to  take 
compassion  on  his  brave  subjects,  who  were  daily  per- 
ishing before  his  eyes  ;  and  on  the  fair  city,  whose 
stately  buildings  were  fast  crumbling  into  ruins.  "  Re- 
turn to  the  allegiance,"  he  concludes,  "which  you 
once  proffered  to  the  sovereign  of  Castile.  The  past 
shall  be  forgotten.  The  persons  and  property,  in 
short,  all  the  rights,  of  the  Aztecs  shall  be  respected. 
You  shall  be  confirmed  in  your  authority,  and  Spain 
will  once  more  take  your  city  under  her  protection."  '■• 
The  eye  of  the  young  monarch  kindled,  and  his  dark 
cheek  flushed  with  sudden  anger,  as  he  listened  to  pro- 
posals so  humiliating.  But,  though  his  bosom  glowed 
with  the  fiery  temper  of  the  Indian,  he  had  the  quali- 
ties of  a  "gentle  cavalier,"  says  one  of  his  enemies, 
who  knew  him  well.'^  He  did  no  harm  to  the  envoys  ; 
but,  after  the  heat  of  the  moment  had  passed  off,  he 
gave  the  matter  a  calm  consideration,  and  called  a 
council  of  his  wise  men  and  warriors  to  deliberate  upon 
it.  Some  were  for  accepting  the  proposals,  as  offering 
the  only  chance  of  preservation.  But  the  priests  took 
a  different  view  of  the  matter.  They  knew  that  the 
ruin  of  their  own  order  must  follow  the  triumph  of 

•♦  Bernal  Diaz.  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  154. 
'S  "  Mas  como  el  Guatemuz  era  mdincobo, y  tnuy  gentil-hoviire  y  de 
buena  disposicion."     Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 
Vol.  III.  14 


158      SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

Christianity.  "Peace  was  good,"  they  said,  "but 
not  with  the  wliite  men."  They  reminded  Giialc;- 
mozin  of  the  fate  of  his  uncle  Montezuma,  and  the 
requital  he  had  met  with  for  all  his  hospitality  ;  of  the 
seizure  and  imprisonment  of  Cacama,  the  cacique  uf 
Tezcuco  ;  of  the  massacre  of  the  nobles  by  Alvarado  ; 
of  the  insatiable  avarice  of  the  invaders,  which  had 
stripped  the  country  of  its  treasures;  of  their  profana- 
tion of  the  temples  ;  of  the  injuries  and  insults  which 
they  had  heaped  Avithout  measure  on  the  people  and 
their  religion.  "Better,"  they  said,  "  to  trust  in  the 
promises  of  their  own  gods,  who  had  so  long  watched 
over  the  nation.  Better,  if  need  be,  give  up  our  lives 
at  once  for  our  country,  than  drag  them  out  in  slavery 
and  suffering  among  the  false  strangers."  '* 

The  eloquence  of  the  priests,  artfully  touching  the 
various  wrongs  of  his  people,  roused  the  hot  blood 
of  Guatemozin.  "Since  it  is  so,"  he  abruptly  ex- 
claimed, "let  us  think  only  of  supplying  the  wants  of 
the  people.  Let  no  man,  henceforth,  who  values 
his  life,  talk  of  surrender.      We  can  at  least  die  like 


warriors. 


"  17 


The  Spaniards  waited  two  days  for  the  answer  to 

16  "  Mira  primero  lo  que  nuestros  Dioses  te  han  prometido,  toma 
buen  consejo  sobre  ello  y  no  te  fies  de  Malinche,  ni  de  sus  p.ilabras, 
que  mas  vale  que  todos  muramos  en  esta  ciudad  peleando,  que  no 
vernos  en  poder  de  qui€  nos  haran  esclauos,  y  nos  atormentaran." 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  154. 

*7  "  Y  entonces  el  Guatemuz  medio  enojado  les  dixo :  Pues  assi 
quereis  que  sea,  guardad  mucho  el  maiz,  y  bastimentos  que  tcnemos, 
y  muramos  todos  peleando  :  y  desde  aqui  adelante  ninguno  sea  osado 
d  me  demandar  pazes,  si  no  yo  le  matare  :  y  alii  todos  proinetieron  de 
pelear  noches,  y  dias,  y  morir  en  la  defensa  de  su  ciudad."  Ibid., 
ubi  supra 


BUILDINGS  RAZED    TO    TIJE   GKOUXD. 


159 


tlicir  embassy.  At  length  it  came,  in  a  general  sortie 
of  the  Mexicans,  who,  pouring  through  every  gate 
of  the  capital,  like  a  river  that  has  burst  its  banks, 
swept  on,  wave  upon  wave,  to  the  very  intrenchments 
of  tlie  besiegers,  threatening  to  overwhelm  them  by 
tlieir  numbers.  Fortunately,  the  position  of  the  latter 
on  the  dikes  secured  their  flanks,  and  the  narrowness 
of  the  defile  gave  their  small  battery  of  guns  all  the 
advantages  of  a  larger  one.  The  fire  of  artillery  and 
musketry  blazed  without  intermission  along  the  several 
causeways,  belching  forth  volumes  of  sulphurous  smoke, 
that,  rolling  heavily  over  the  waters,  settled  dark 
around  the  Indian  city  and  hid  it  from  the  surround- 
ing country.  The  brigantines  thundered,  at  the  same 
time,  on  the  flanks  of  the  columns,  which,  after,  some 
ineffectual  efforts  to  maintain  themselves,  rolled  back 
in  wild  confusion,  till  their  impotent  fury  died  away  in 
sullen  murmurs  within  the  capital. 

Cortes  now  steadily  pursued  the  plan  he  had  laid 
down  for  the  devastation  of  the  city.  Day  after  day 
the  several  armies  entered  by  their  respective  quarters, 
Sandoval  probably  directing  his  operations  against  the 
northeastern  district.  The  buildings,  made  of  the 
porous  tetzonili,  though  generally  low,  were  so  massy 
and  extensive,  and  the  canals  were  so  numerous,  that 
their  progress  was  necessarily  slow.  They,  however, 
gathered  fresh  accessions  of  strength  every  day  from 
the  numbers  who  flocked  to  the  camp  from  the  sur- 
rounding country,  and  who  joined  in  the  work  of  de- 
struction with  a  hearty  good  will  which  showed  their 
eagerness  to  break  the  detested  yoke  of  the  Aztecs. 
The  latter  raged  with  impotent  anger  as  they  beheld 


l6o      SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

their  lordly  edifices,  their  temples,  all  they  had  been 
accustomed  to  venerate,  thus  ruthlessly  swept  away; 
their  canals,  constructed  with  so  much  labor  and  what 
to  them  seemed  science,  filled  up  with  rubbish ;  their 
flourishing  city,  in  short,  turned  into  a  desert,  over 
wjiich  the  insulting  fi^e  now*bde  triumphant.  They 
heaped  many  a  taunt  on  the  Indian  allies.  "  Go  on," 
they  said,  bitterly:  ''the  more  you  destroy,  the  more 
you  will  have  to  build  up  again  hereafter.  If  we  con- 
quer, you  shall  build  for  us ;  and  if  your  white  friends 
conquer,  they  will  make  you  do  as  much  for  them."'* 
The  event  justified  the  prediction. 

In  their  rage  they  rushed  blindly  on  the  corps  which 
covered  the  Indian  pioneers.  But  they  were  as  often 
driven  back  by  the  impetuous  charge  of  the  cavalry,  or 
received  on  the  long  pikes  of  Chinantla,  which  did 
good  service  to  the  besiegers  in  their  operations.  At 
the  close  of  day,  however,  when  the  Spaniards  drew 
off  their  forces,  taking  care  to  send  the  multitudinous 
host  of  confederates  first  from  the  ground,  the  Mexi- 
cans usually  rallied  for  a  more  formidable  attack.  Then 
they  poured  out  from  every  lane  and  by-way,  like  so 
many  mountain  streams,  sweeping  over  the  broad  level 
cleared  by  the  enemy,  and  falling  impetuously  on  their 
flanks  and  rear.  At  such  times  they  inflicted  consider- 
able loss  in  their  turn,  till  an  ambush,  which  Cortes 
laid  for  them  among  the  buildings  adjoining  the  great 

»8  "  Los  de  la  Ciudad  como  veian  tanto  estrago,  por  esforzarse, 
decian  a  nuestros  Amigos,  que  no  ficiessen  sino  quemar,  y  destruir,  que 
ellos  se  las  harian  tornar  a  hacer  de  nuevo,  porque  si  ellos  eran  ven- 
cedores,  ya  ellos  sabian,  que  habia  de  ser  assi,  y  si  no  que  las  habian 
de  hacer  para  nosotros."    Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  286. 


BUILDINGS   RAZED    TO    THE    GROuXD.      i6l 

temple,  did  them  so  much  mischief  that  they  were 
compelled  to  act  with  more  reserve. 

At  times  the  war  displayed  something  of  a  chivalrous 
character,  in  the  personal  rencontres  of  the  combat- 
ants. Challenges  passed  between  them,  and  especially 
between  the  native  warriors.  These  combats  were 
usually  conducted  on  the  azotcas,  whose  broad  and 
level  surface  afforded  a  good  field  of  fight.  On  one 
occasion,  a  Mexican  of  powerful  frame,  brandishing  a 
sword  and  buckler  which  he  had  won  from  the  Chris- 
tians, defied  his  enemies  to  meet  him  in  single  fight. 
A  young  page  of  Cortes',  named  Nufiez,  obtained  his 
master's  permission  to  accept  the  vaunting  challenge 
of  the  Aztec,  and,  springing  on  the  azotea,  succeeded, 
after  a  hard  struggle,  in  discomfiting  his  antagonist, 
who  fought  at  a  disadvantage  with  weapons  in  which 
he  was  unpractised,  and,  running  him  through  the 
body,  brought  off  his  spoils  in  triumph  and  laid  them 
at  the  general's  feet.'' 

The  division  of  Cortes  had  now  worked  its  way  as 
tar  north  as  the  great  street  pi  Tacuba,  which  opened  a 
communication  with  Alvarado's  camp,  and  near  which 
stood  the  palace  of  Guatemozin.  It  was  a  spacious 
stone  pile,  that  might  well  be  called  a  fortress.  Though 
deserted  by  its  ro\al  master,  it  was  held  by  a  strong 
body  of  Aztecs,  who  made  a  temporary  defence,  but 
of  little  avail  against  the  battering  enginery  of  the 
besiegers.      It  was  soon  set  on  fire,  and  its  crumbling 

'9  Kel.   Terc.   de   Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  282-284. — Herrera, 
Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  I,  cap.  22,  lib.  2,  cap.  2. — Gomara,  Cronica, 
cap.  140. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  s8. — Ixtlilxo- 
chitl,  Venida  de  los  Espanoles,  p.  43. 
14* 


1 62      SIEGE  AXD   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

walls  were  levelled  in  the  dust,  like  those  other  stately 
edifices  of  the  capital,  the  boast  and  admiration  of  the 
Aztecs,  and  some  of  the  fairest  fruits  of  their  civili- 
zation. "It  was  a  sad  thing  to  witness  their  destruc- 
tion," exclaims  Cortes  ;  "  but  it  was  part  of  our  plan 
of  operations,  and  we  had  no  alternative."  "^ 

1  hese  operations  had  consumed  several  weeks,  so 
that  it  was  now  drawing  towards  the  latter  part  of  July. 
During  tliis  time  the  blockade  had  been  maintained 
with  the  utmost  rigor,  and  the  wretched  inhabitants 
were  suffering  all  the  extremities  of  famine.  Some 
few  stragglers  were  taken,  from  time  to  time,  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  Christian  camp,  whither  they  had 
wandered  in  search  of  food.  They  were  kindly  treated, 
by  command  of  Cortes,  who  was  in  hopes  to  induce 
others  to  follow  their  example,  and  thus  to  afford  a 
means  of  conciliating  the  inhabitants,  which  might 
open  the  way  to  their  submission.  But  few  were  found 
willing  to  leave  the  shelter  of  the  capital,  and  they  pre- 
ferred to  take  their  chance  with  their  suffering  country- 
men rather  than  trust  themselves  to  the  mercies  of  the 
besiegers. 

From  these  few  stragglers,  however,  the  Spaniards 
heard  a  dismal  tale  of  woe  respecting  the  crowded  popu- 
lation in  the  interior  of  the  city.  All  the  ordinary 
means  of  sustenance  had  long  since  failed,  and  they 
now  supported  life  as  they  could,  by  means  of  such 
roots  as  they  could  dig  from  the  earth,  by  gnawing  the 
bark  of  trees,  by  feeding  on  the  grass, — on  anything, 

5°  "  No  se  entendio  sino  en  quemar,  y  hallanar  Casas,  que  era  las- 
tima  cierto  de  lo  ver;  pero  como  no  nos  convenia  hacer  otra  cosa, 
eramos  forzado  seguir  aquella  orden."     Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  p.  286. 


TERRIBLE   FAMIAE.  1 63 

in  short,  however  loathsome,  that  could  allay  the 
craving  of  appetite.  Their  only  drink  was  the  brackish 
water  of  the  soil  saturated  with  the  salt  lake.'''  Under 
this  unwholesome  diet,  and  the  diseases  engendered  by 
it,  the  population  was  gradually  wasting  away.  !Men 
sickened  and  died  every  day,  in  all  the  excruciating 
torments  produced  by  hunger,  and  the  wan  and  ema- 
ciated survivors  seemed  only  to  be  waiting  for  their 
time. 

The  Spaniards  had  visible  confirmation  of  all  this  as 
they  penetrated  deeper  into  the  city  and  approached 
the  district  of  Tlatelolco,  now  occupied  by  the  be- 
sieged. They  found  the  ground  turned  up  in  quest  of 
roots  and  weeds,  the  trees  stripped  of  their  green  stems, 
their  foliage,  and  their  bark.  Troops  of  famished  In- 
dians flitted  in  the  distance,  gliding  like  ghosts  among 
the  .scenes  of  their  former  residence.  Dead  bodies  lay 
unburied  in  the  streets  and  court-yards,  or  filled  up  the 
canals.  It  was  a  sure  sign  of  the  extremity  of  the  Aztecs; 
for  they  held  the  burial  of  the  dead  as  a  solemn  and  im- 
perative duty.  In  the  early  part  of  the  siege  they  had 
religiously  attended  to  it.  In  its  later  stages  they  were 
still  careful  to  withdraw  the  dead  from  the  public  eye, 
by  bringing  their  remains  within  the  houses.  But  the 
number  of  these,  and  their  own  sufferings,  had  now  so 
fearfully  increased  that  they  liad  grown  indifferent  to 
this,  and  they  suffered  their  friends  and  their  kinsmen 

■*•  "  Xc)  tcninn  agua  dulce  para  l)eber,  ni  para  de  ningiina  manera 
dc  comer;  bebian  del  agua  salada  y  liedionda,  comian  ratones  y  lagar- 
tijas,  y  cortczas  de  arboles,  y  otras  cosas  no  comestibles ;  y  de  esta 
«;ausa  cnfcrmaron  muchos,  y  muricron  muclios."  Sahagiin,  Hist,  dc 
Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  39. — Also  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap. 
Lorenzana,  p.  289. 


1 64      SIEGE  AXD   SURRENDER    OE  MEXICO. 

to  lie  and  moulder  on  the  spot  where  they  drew  their 
last  breath ! " 

As  the  invaders  entered  the  dwellings,  a  more  appall- 
ing spectacle  presented  itself; — the  floors  covered  with 
the  prostrate  forms  of  the  miserable  inmates,  some  in 
the  agonies  of  death,  others  festering  in  their  corrup- 
tion ;  men,  women,  and  children  inhaling  the  poison- 
ous atmosphere,  and  mingled  promiscuously  together ; 
mothers  with  their  infants  in  their  arms  perishing  of 
hunger  before  their  eyes,  while  they  were  unable  to 
afford  them  the  nourishment  of  nature ;  men  crippled 
by  their  wounds,  with  their  bodies  frightfully  mangled, 
vainly  attempting  to  crawl  away,  as  the  enemy  entered. 
Yet  even  in  this  state  they  scorned  to  ask  for  mercy, 
and  glared  on  the  invaders  with  the  sullen  ferocity  of 
the  wounded  tiger  that  the  huntsmen  have  tracked  to 
his  forest  cave.  The  Spanish  commander  issued  strict 
orders  that  mercy  should  be  shown  to  these  poor  and 
disabled  victims.  But  the  Indian  allies  made  no  dis- 
tinction. An  Aztec,  under  whatever  circumstances, 
was  an  enemy;  and,  with  hideous  shouts  of  triumph, 
they  pulled  down  the  burning  buildings  on  their  heads, 

«  "  Y  es  verdad  y  juro  amen,  que  toda  la  iaguna,  y  casas,  y  bai- 
bacoas  estauan  llenas  de  ouerpos,  y  cabe9as  de  hombres  muertos,  que 
yo  no  se  de  que  manera  lo  escriua."  (Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  cap.  156.)  Clavigero  considers  that  it  was  a  scheme  of  the 
Mexicans  to  leave  the  dead  unburied,  in  order  that  the  stench  might 
annoy  and  drive  off  the  Spaniards.  (Stor.  del  Messico,  tom.-iii.  p. 
231,  nota.)  But  this  policy  would  have  operated  much  more  to  the  . 
detriment  of  the  besieged  than  of  the  besiegers,  whose  presence  in  the 
capital  was  but  transitory.  It  is  much  more  natural  to  refer  it  to  the 
same  cause  which  has  led  to  a  similar  conduct  under  similar  circum- 
stances elsewhere,  whether  occasioned  by  pestilence  or  famine. 


TERRIBLE   FAMINE.  165 

consuming  the  living  and  the  dead  in  one  common 
funeral  pile  ! 

Yet  the  sufferings  of  the  Aztecs,  terrible  as  they  Avere, 
did  not  incline  them  to  submission.  There  were  many, 
indeed,  who,  from  greater  strength  of  constitution,  ot 
from  the  more  favorable  circumstances  in  which  they 
were  placed,  still  showed  all  their  wonted  energy  of 
body  and  mind,  and  maintained  the  same  undaunted 
and  resolute  demeanor  as  before.  They  fiercely  rejected 
all  the  overtures  of  Cortes,  declaring  they  would  rather 
die  than  surrender,  and  adding,  with  a  bitter  tone  of 
exultation,  that  the  invaders  would  be  at  least  dis- 
appointed in  their  expectations  of  treasure,  for  it  was 
buried  where  they  could  never  find  it  !  ^' 

The  women,  it  is  said,  shared  in  this  desperate — it 
should  rather  be  called  heroic — spirit.  They  were 
indefatigable  in  nursing  the  sick  and  dressing  their 
wounds ;  they  aided  the  warriors  in  battle,  by  sup- 
plying them  with  the  Indian  ammunition  of  stones 
and  arrows,  prepared  their  slings,  strung  their  bows, 
and  displayed,  in  short,  all  the  constancy  and  courage 
shown  by  the  noble  maidens  of  Saragossa  in  our  day, 
and  by  those  of  Carthage  in  the  days  of  antiquity.'-* 

■'i  Gonzalo  de  las  Casas,  Defensa,  MS.,  cap.  28. — Martyr,  De  Orbe 
Novo.  dec.  5,  cap.  8. — I.\tlil.\ochitl,  Venida  de  los  Espaiioles,  p.  45. — 
Kel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  289. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  29. 

**  "  Muchas  cosas  acaecieron  en  este  cerco,  que  entre  otras  genrra- 
ciones  estobieran  discantadas  e  tenid.is  en  mucho,  en  especial  de  lis 
Mugeres  de  Temixtitan,  de  quien  ninguna  mencion  se  ha  fecho.  Y 
soy  certificado,  que  fue  cosa  maravillosa  y  para  espantar,  ver  la  pron- 
titud  y  constancia  que  tobieron  en  servir  d  sus  maridos,  y  en  curar 
los  heridos,  e  en  el  labrar  de  las  piedras  para  los  que  tiraban  con 


1 66      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

Cortes  had  now  entered  one  of  the  great  avenues 
leading  to  the  market-place  of  Tlatelolco,  the  quarter 
towards  which  the  movements  of  Alvarado  were  also 
directed.  A  single  canal  only  lay  in  his  way;  but  this 
was  of  great  width  and  stoutly  defended  by  the  Mex- 
ican archery.  'yAt  this  crisis,  the  army  one  evening, 
while  in  their  intrenchments  on  the  causeway,  were 
surprised  by  an  uncommon  light  that  arose  from  the 
huge  teocalli  in  that  part  of  the  city  which,  being  at 
the  north,  was  the  most  distant  from  their  own  position. 
This  temple,  dedicated  to  the  dread  war-god,  was  in- 
ferior only  to  the  pyramid  in  the  great  square  ;  and  on 
it  the  Spaniards  had  more  than  once  seen  their  un- 
happy countrymen  led  to  slaughter.  They  now  supposed 
that  the  enemy  were  employed  in  some  of  their  dia- 
bolical ceremonies, — when  the  flame,  mounting  higher 
and  higher,  showed  that  the  sanctuaries  themselves 
were  on  fire.  A  shout  of  exultation  at  the  sight  broke 
forth  from  the  assembled  soldiers,  as  they  assured  one 
another  that  their  countrymen  under  Alvarado  had  got 
possession  of  the  building./' 

It  was  indeed  true.  That  gallant  officer,  whose 
position  on  the  western  causeway  placed  him  near  the 
district  of  Tlatelolco,  had  obeyed  his  commander's 
instructions  to  the  letter,  razing  every  building  to  the 
ground  in  his  progress,  and  filling  up  the  ditches  with 
their  ruins.  He  at  length  found  himself  before  the 
great  teocalli  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  market.  He 
ordered  a  company,  under  a  cavalier  named  Gutierre 
de  Badajoz,  to  storm  the  place,  which  was  defended  by 

hondas,  e  en  otros  oficios  para  mas  que  mugeres."     Oviedo,  Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  48. 


THE    TROOPS   GAIN   THE    MARKET-PLACE.      167 

a  body  of  warriors,  mingled  with  priests,  still  more 
wild  and  ferocious  than  the  soldiery.  The  garrison, 
rushing  down  the  winding  terraces,  fell  on  the  assail- 
ants with  such  fury  as  compelled  them  to  retreat  in  con- 
fusion and  with  some  loss.  Alvarado  ordered  another 
detachment  to  their  support.  This  last  was  engaged, 
at  the  moment,  with  a  body  of  Aztecs,  who  hung  on 
its  rear  as  it  wound  up  the  galleries  of  the  tcocalli. 
Thus  hemmed  in  between  two  enemies,  above  and 
below,  the  position  of  the  Spaniards  was  critical.  With 
sword  and  buckler,  they  plunged  desperately  on  the 
ascending  Mexicans,  and  drove  them  into  the  court- 
yard below,  where  Alvarado  plied  them  with  such 
lively  volleys  of  musketry  as  soon  threw  them  into 
disorder  and  compelled  them  to  abandon  the  ground. 
Being  thus  rid  of  annoyance  in  the  rear,  the  Spaniards 
returned  to  the  charge.  They  drove  the  enemy  up 
the  heights  of  the  pyramid,  and,  reaching  the  broad 
summit,  a  fierce  encounter  followed  in  mid-air, — such 
an  encounter  as  takes  place  where  death  is  the  certain 
consequence  of  defeat.  It  ended,  as  usual,  in  the  dis 
comfiture  of  the  Aztecs,  who  were  either  slaughtered 
on  the  spot  still  wet  with  the  blood  of  their  own 
victims,  or  pitched  headlong  down  the  sides  of  the 
pyramid. 

The  area  was  covered  with  the  various  symbols  of 
the  barbarous  worship  of  the  country,  and  with  two 
lofty  sanctuaries,  before  whose  grinning  idols  were  dis- 
played the  heads  of  several  Christian  captives  who  had 
been  immolated  on  their  altars.  Although  overgrown 
by  their  long,  matted  hair  and  bushy  beards,  the  Span- 
iards could  recognize,  in  the  livid  countenances,  their 


1 68      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

comrades  who  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
Tears  fell  from  their  eyes  as  they  gazed  on  the  mel- 
ancholy spectacle  and  thought  of  the  hideous  death 
which  their  countrymen  had  suffered.  They  removed 
the  sad  relics  with  decent  care,  and  after  the  Conquest 
deposited  them  in  consecrated  ground,  on  a  spot  since 
covered  by  the  Church  of  the  Martyrs. ^^ 

They  completed  their  work  by  firing  the  sanctuaries, 
that  the  place  might  be  no  more  polluted  by  these 
abominable  rites.  The  flame  crept  slowly  up  the  lofty 
pinnacles,  in  which  stone  was  mingled  with  wood,  till 
at  length,  bursting  into  one  bright  blaze,  it  shot  up  its 
spiral  volume  to  such  a  height  that  it  was  seen  from  the 
most  distant  quarters  of  the  Valley.  It  was  this  which 
had  been  hailed  by  the  soldiery  of  Cortes,  and  it  served 
as  the  beacon-light  to  both  friend  and  foe,  intimating 
the  progress  of  the  Christian  arms. 

The  commander-in-chief  and  his  division,  animated 
by  the  spectacle,  made,  in  their  entrance  on  the  fol- 
lowing day,  more  determined  efforts  to  place  themselves 
alongside  of  their  companions  under  Alvarado.  The 
broad  canal,  above  noticed  as  the  only  impediment 
now  lying  in  his  way,  was  to  be  traversed  ;  and  on  the 
farther  side  the  emaciated  figures  of  the  Aztec  warriors 
were  gathered  in  numbers  to  dispute  the  passage,  like 
the  gloomy  shades  that  wander — as  ancient  poets  tell 
us — on  the  banks  of  the  infernal  river.  They  poured 
down,  however,  a  storm  of  missiles,  which  were  no 
shades,   on    the   heads  of  the  Indian    laborers  while 

*5  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  29. — Bernal  Diaz, 
Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  155. — Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Loren- 

zana,  pp.  287-289. 


THE    TROOPS   GA/iV  THE   MA RA^ET- PLACE.      169 

occupied  with  filling  up  the  wide  gap  with  the  ruins 
of  the  surrounding  buildings.  Still  they  toiled  on  in 
defiance  of  the  arrowy  shower,  fresh  numbers  taking 
the  place  of  those  who  fell.  And  when  at  length 
the  work  was  completed,  the  cavalry  rode  over  the 
rough  plain  at  full  charge  against  the  enemy,  followed 
by  the  deep  array  of  spearmen,  who  bore  down  all 
opposition  with  their  invincible  phalanx. 

The  Spaniards  now  found  themselves  on  the  same 
ground  with  Alvarado's  division.  Soon  afterwards, 
that  chief,  attended  by  several  of  his  staff,  rode  into 
their  lines,  and  cordially  embraced  his  countrymen 
and  companions  in  arms,  for  the  first  time  since  the 
beginning  of  the  siege.  They  were  now  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  market.  Cortes,  taking  with  him  a 
few  of  his  cavaliers,  galloi>ed  into  it.  It  was  a  vast 
enclosure,  as  the  reader  has  already  seen,  covering 
many  an  acre.""*  Its  dimensions  were  suited  to  the 
immense  multitudes  who  gathered  there  from  all  parts 
of  the  Valley  in  the  flourishing  days  of  the  Aztec  mon- 
archy. It  was  surrounded  by  porticoes  and  pavilions 
for  the  accommodation  of  the  artisans  and  traders  who 

»*  Ante,  vol.  ii.  p.  130. — The  tianguez  still  continued  of  great  dimen- 
sions, though  with  faded  magnificence,  after  the  Conquest,  when  it  Is 
thus  noticed  by  Father  Sahagun  :  "  Entraron  en  la  plaza  6  Tianguez 
de  esta  Tlaltilulco  (lugar  muy  espacioso  mucho  mas  de  lo  que  ahora 
es),  el  cual  se  podia  llamar  emporio  de  toda  esta  nueva  Espana : 
al  cual  venian  d  tratar  gentes  de  toda  esta  nueva  Espaiia,  y  aun  de 
l03  Reinos  i  alia  contiguos,  y  donde  se  vendian  y  compraban  todas 
cuantas  cosas  hay  en  toda  esta  tierra,  y  en  los  Reinos  de  Quahtimalla 
y  Xalisco  (cosa  cierto  mucho  de  ver),  yo  lo  vi  por  muchos  afios  mo- 
rando  en  esta  Casa  del  Senor  Santiago  aunque  ya  no  era  tanto  como 
antes  de  la  Conquista."     Hist,  de  Nueva-Espaiia,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap. 

37- 

Vol.  III.— h  15 


lyo      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

there  displayed  their  various  fabrics  and  articles  of 
merchandise.  Tiie  fiat  roofs  of  the  piazzas  were  now 
covered  with  crowds  of  men  and  wcnicn,  who  gazed 
in- silent  dismay  on  the  steel-clad  horsemen,  that  pro- 
faned these  precincts  v/ith  their  presence  for  the  first 
time  since  their  expulsion  from  the  capital.  The  mul- 
titude, composed  for  the  most  part,  probably,  of  un- 
armed citizens,  seemed  taken  by  surprise ;  at  least, 
they  made  no  show  of  resistance ;  and  the  general, 
after  leisurely  viewing  the  ground,  was  permitted  to 
ride  back  unmolested  to  the  army. 

On  arriving  there,  he  ascended  the  teocalli,  from 
which  the  standard  of  Castile,  supplanting  the  memo- 
rials of  Aztec  superstition,  was  now  triumphantly  float 
ing.  The  Conqueror,  as  he  strode  among  the  smoking 
embers  on  the  summit,  calmly  surveyed  the  scene  of 
desolation  below.  The  palaces,  the  temples,  the  busy 
marts  of  industry  and  trade,  the  glittering  canals, 
covered  with  their  rich  freights  from  the  surrounding 
country,  the  royal  pomp  of  groves  and  gardens,  all  the 
splendors  of  the  imperial  city,  the  capital  of  the  West- 
ern World,  forever  gone, — and  in  their  place  a  barren 
wilderness  !  How  different  the  spectacle  which  the 
year  before  had  met  his  eye,  as  it  wandered  over  the 
same  scenes  from  the  heights  of  the  neighboring  teo- 
calli, with  Montezuma  at  his  side  !  Seven-eighths  of 
the  city  were  laid  in  ruins,  with  the  occasional  excep- 
tion, perhaps,  of  some  colo  sal  temple  which  it  would 
have   required    too   much   time   to   demolish.^'      The 

"7  "  E  yo  mire  dende  aqnella  Torre,  lo  que  teniamos  ganndo  de  la 
Ciudad,  que  sin  duda  de  ocho  partes  teniamos  ganado  las  siete."  ReL 
Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  289. 


THE    TROOPS   GAIN  THE  MARKET-PLACE. 


171 


remaining  eighth,  comprehending  the  district  of  Tlate- 
lolco,  was  all  that  now  remained  to  the  Aztecs,  whose 
population — still  large  after  all  its  losses — was  crowded 
into  a  compass  that  would  hardly  have  afforded  accom- 
modations for  a  third  of  their  numbers.  It  was  the 
quarter  lying  between  the  great  northern  and  western 
causeways,  and  is  recognized  in  the  modern  capital  as 
the  Barrio  de  San  /ago  and  its  vicinity.  It  was  the 
favorite  residence  of  the  Indians  after  the  Conquest, =® 
though  at  the  present  day  thinly  covered  with  humble 
dwellings,  forming  the  straggling  suburbs,  as  it  were, 
of  the  metropolis.  Yet  it  still  affords  some  faint  ves- 
tiges of  what  it  was  in  its  prouder  days ;  and  the 
curious  antiquary,  and  occasionally  the  laborer,  as_  he 
turns  up  the  soil,  encounters  a  glittering  fragment  of 
obsidian,  or  the  mouldering  head  of  a  lance  or  arrow, 
or  some  other  warlike  relic,  attesting  that  on  this  spot 
the  retreating  Aztecs  made  their  last  stand  for  the 
independence  of  their  country.^' 

On  the  day  following,  Cortes,  at  the  head  of  his 
battalions,  made  a  second  entry  into  the  great  tianguez. 
But  this  time  the  Mexicans  were  better  prepared  for 
his   coming.     They   were   assembled   in   considerable 

**  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Ind.,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  7. — T!ie  remains 
of  the  ancient  foundations  may  still  be  discerned  in  this  quarter,  while 
in  every  other  etiain  periere  j-iiiiice  / 

«9  Bustamante,  the  Mexican  editor  of  Sahagun,  mentions  that  he 
has  now  in  his  possession  several  of  these  military  spoils.  "  Toda  la 
Uanura  del  Santuario  de  nuestra  Senora  de  los  Angeles  y  de  Santiago 
Tlaltilolco  se  ve  seinbrada  de  fragmentos  de  lanzas  cortantes,  de  nia- 
canas,  y  flechas  dc  piedra  obsidiana,  de  que  usaban  los  Mexic.inos  6 
sea  Chinapos,  y  yo  he  recogido  no  pocos  que  conservo  en  mi  poder  " 
Hist,  de  Nueva-Espaiia,  lib.  12,  nota  21. 


172      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

force  in  the  spacious  square.  A  sharp  encounter  fol- 
lowed ;  but  it  was  short.  Their  strength  was  not  equal 
to  their  spirit,  and  they  melted  away  before  the  rolling 
fire  of  musketry,  and  left  the  Spaniards  masters  of  the 
enclosure. 

The  first  act  was  to  set  fire  to  some  temples,  of  no 
great  size,  within  the  market-place,  or  more  probably 
on  its  borders.  As  the  flames  ascended,  the  Aztecs, 
horror-struck,  broke  forth  into  piteous  lamentations  at 
the  destruction  of  the  deities  on  whom  they  relied  for 
protection. 3° 

The  general's  next  step  was  at  the  suggestion  of  a 
soldier  named  Sotelo,  a  man  who  had  served  under  the 
Great  Captain  in  the  Italian  wars,  where  he  professed 
to  have  gathered  knowledge  of  the  science  of  engineer- 
ing, as  it  was  then  practised.  He  offered  his  services 
to  construct  a  sort  of  catapult,  a  machine  for  dis- 
charging stones  of  great  size,  which  might  take  the 
place  of  the  regular  battering-train  in  demolishing 
the  buildings.  As  the  ammunition,  notwithstanding 
the  liberal  supplies  which  from  time  to  time  had  found 
their  way  into  the  camp,  now  began  to  fail,  Cortes 
eagerly  acceded  to  a  proposal  so  well  suited  to  his  exi- 
gences. Timber  and  stone  were  furnished,  and  a  num- 
ber of  hands  were  employed,  under  the  direction  of 
the  self-styled  engineer,  in  constructing  the  ponderous 

30  "  Y  como  comenzo  i.  arder,  levantose  una  llama  tan  alta  que 
parecia  Ilegar  al  cielo,  al  espectdculo  de  esta  quema,  todos  los  hom- 
bres  y  mugeres  que  se  habian  acogido  d  las  tiendas  que  cercaban  todo 
el  Tianguez  comenzaron  a  llorar  d  voz  en  grito,  que  fue  cosa  de  es- 
panto  oirlos;  porque  queinado  aquel  delubro  sataiiico  luego  enten^ 
dieron  que  habian  de  ser  del  todo  destruidos  y  robados."  Sahagun 
Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  37. 


i 


BA  TTERING-ENGINE.  1 7  3 

apparatus,  which  was  erected  on  a  solid  platform  of  ma- 
sonry, thirty  paces  square  and  seven  or  eight  feet  high, 
that  covered  the  centre  of  the  market-place.  This  was  a 
work  of  the  Aztec  princes,  and  was  used  as  a  scaffolding 
on  which  mountebanks  and  jugglers  might  exhibit  their 
marvelous  feats  for  the  amusement  of  the  populace,  who 
took  great  delight  in  these  performances. ^^ 

The  erection  of  the  machine  consumed  several  days, 
during  v/hich  hostilities  were  suspended,  while  the 
artisans  were  protected  from  interruption  by  a  strong 
corps  of  infantry.  At  length  the  work  was  completed; 
and  the  besieged,  who  with  silent  awe  had  beheld  from 
the  neighboring  azoteas  the  progress  of  the  mysterious 
engine  which  was  to  lay  the  remainder  of  their  capital 
in  ruins,  now  looked  with  terror  for  its  operation.  A 
stone  of  huge  size  was  deposited  on  the  timber.  The 
machinery  was  set  in  motion  ;  and  the  rocky  fragment 
was  discharged  with  a  tremendous  force  from  the  cata- 
pult. But,  instead  of  taking  the  direction  of  the  Aztec 
buildings,  it  rose  high  and  perpendicularly  into  the 
air,  and,  descending  whence  it  sprung,  broke  the  ill- 
omened  machine  into  splinters !  It  was  a  total  failure. 
The  Aztecs  were  released  from  their  apprehensions, 
and  the  soldiery  made  many  a  merry  jest  on  the  catas- 
trophe, somewhat  at  the  expense  of  their  commander, 
who  testified  no  little  vexation  at  the  disappointment, 
and  still  more  at  his  own  credulity. ^^ 

->«  Vestiges  of  tlie  work  are  still  visible,  according  to  M.  de  Hum- 
boldt, witliin  the  limits  of  the  porch  of  the  cliapel  of  St.  Jago.  Eisai 
politique,  torn.  ii.  p.  44. 

V  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  155. — Rel.  Terc.  de 
Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  290. — Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-EspaiSa, 
MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  37. 

15* 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

DREADFUL   SUFFERINGS   OF   THE   BESIEGED. SPIRIT   OF 

GUATEMOZIN. MURDEROUS    ASSAULTS. CAPTURE    OF 

GUATEiMOZIN. EVACUATION    OF   THE    CITY. TERMI- 
NATION   OF    THE    SIEGE. REFLECTIONS. 

I52I. 

There  was  no  occasion  to  resort  to  artificial  means 
to  precipitate  the  ruin  of  the  Aztecs.  It  was  accelerated 
every  hour  by  causes  more  potent  than  those  arising 
from  mere  human  agency.  There  they  were, — pent 
up  in  their  close  and  suffocating  quarters,  nobles,  com- 
moners, and  slaves,  men,  women,  and  children,  some 
in  houses,  more  frequently  in  hovels, — for  this  part  of 
the  city  was  not  the  best, — others  in  the  open  air  in 
canoes,  or  in  the  streets,  shivering  in  the  cold  rains  of 
night,  and  scorched  by  the  burning  heat  of  day.'  An 
old  chronicler  mentions  the  fact  of  two  women  of  rank 
remaining  three  days  and  nights  up  to  their  necks  in 
the  water  among  the  reeds,  with  only  a  handful  of 
maize  for  their  support. ""     The  ordinary  means  of  sus- 

'  "  Estaban  los  tristes  Mejicanos,  bombres  y  miigeres,  niiios  y  ninas, 
viejos  y  viejas,  lieridos  y  enfermos,  en  un  lugar  bien  estieclio,  y  bien 
aprelados  los  unos  con  los  otros,  y  con  grandisima  falta  de  basli- 
meiitos,  y  al  calor  del  Sol,  y  al  frio  de  la  noclie,  y  cada  hora  esperando 
la  muerte."     Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  39. 

*  T'orquemada  had  the  anecdote  from  a  nephew  of  one  of  the  In- 
dian matrons,  then  a  very  old  man  himself.  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4, 
cap.  102. 

(  174) 


SUFFEJ^IXGS   OF   THE   BESIEGED.  175 

taining  life  were  long  since  gone.  They  wandered 
about  in  search  of  anything,  however  unwholesome  or 
revolting,  that  might  mitigate  the  fierce  gnawings  of 
hunger.  Some  hunted  for  insects  and  worms  on  the 
borders  of  the  lake,  or  gathered  the  salt  weeds  and 
moss  from  its  bottom,  while  at  times  they  might  be 
seen  casting  a  wistful  look  at  the  green  hills  beyond, 
which  many  of  them  had  left  to  share  the  fate  of  their 
brethren  in  the  capital. 

To  their  credit,  it  is  said  by  the  Spanish  writers  that 
they  were  not  driven,  in  their  extremity,  to  violate  the 
laws  of  nature  by  feeding  on  one  another. ^  But,  un 
happily,  this  is  contradicted  by  the  Indian  authorities, 
who  state  that  many  a  mother,  in  her  agony,  devoured 
the  offspring  which  she  had  no  longer  the  means  of 
supporting.  This  is  recorded  of  more  than  one  siege 
in  history;  and  it  is  the  more  probable  here,  where  the 
sensibilities  must  have  been  blunted  by  familiarity  with 
the  brutal  practices  of  the  national  superstition.* 

But  all  was  not  sufficient,  and  hundreds  of  famished 
wretches  died  every  day  from  extremity  of  suffering. 

3  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  ubi  supra. — Bcrnal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la 
Conquista,  cap.  156. 

4  "  De  los  niiios,  no  quedo  nadie,  que  las  mismas  madres  y  padres 
los  coniian  (que  era  gran  histinia  de  ver,  y  mayormente  de  sufrir)." 
(Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espaiia,  MS.,  lib.  12.  cap.  39.)  The  his- 
torian derived  his  accounts  from  the  Mexicans  themselves,  soon  after 
the  event. — One  is  reminded  of  the  terrible  denunciations  of  Moses 
"The  tender  and  delicate  woman  among  you,  which  would  not  ad- 
venture to  set  the  sole  of  her  foot  upon  the  ground  for  delicatencss 
and  tenderness,  her  eye  shall  be  evil  toward  .  .  .  her  children  which 
she  shall  bear;  for  she  shall  eat  them,  for  want  of  all  tilings,  secretly, 
in  the  siege  and  straitness  wherewith  thine  enemy  shall  distress  thee 
in  thy  gates."     Deuteronomy,  chap.  28,  vs.  56,  57. 


176      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

Some  dragged  themselves  into  the  houses,  and  drew 
their  last  breath  alone  and  in  silence.  Others  sank 
down  in  the  public  streets.  Wherever  they  died,  there 
they  were  left.  There  was  no  one  to  bury  or  to  re- 
move them.  Familiarity  with  the  spectacle  made  men 
indifferent  to  it.  They  looked  on  in  dumb  despair, 
waiting  for  their  own  turn.  There  was  no  complaint, 
no  lamentation,  but  deep,  unutterable  woe. 

If  in  other  quarters  of  the  town  the  corpses  might 
be  seen  scattered  over  the  streets,  here  they  were 
gathered  in  heaps.  "They  lay  so  thick,"  says  Bernal 
Diaz,  "that  one  could  not  tread  except  among  the 
bodies."  5  "A  man  could  not  set  his  foot  down," 
says  Cortes,  yet  more  strongly,  "unless  on  the  corpse 
of  an  Indian."*  They  were  piled  one  upon  anotlier, 
the  living  mingled  with  the  dead.  They  stretched 
themselves  on  the  bodies  of  their  friends,  and  lay  down 
to  sleep  there.  Death  was  everywhere.  The  city  was 
a  vast  charnel-house,  in  which  all  was  hastening  to  de- 
cay and  decomposition.  A  poisonous  steam  arose  from 
the  mass  of  putrefaction,  under  the  action  of  alternate 
rain  and  heat,  which  so  tainted  the  whole  atmosphere 
that  the  Spaniards,  including  the  general  himself,  in 
their  brief  visits  to  the  quarter,  were  made  ill  by  it, 
and  it  bred  a  pestilence  that  swept  off  even  greater 
numbers  than  the  famine.^ 

s  "  No  podiamos  andar  sino  entre  cuerpos,  y  cabe9as  de  Indiob 
muertos."     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  156. 

6  "  No  tenian  donde  estar  sino  sobre  los  cuerpos  muertos  de  los 
suyos."     Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  291. 

7  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  ubi  supra. — Herrera,  Hi."t. 
general,  dec.  3,  lib.  2,  cap.  8. — Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS., 
lib.  12,  cap.  41. — Gonzalo  de  las  Casas,  Defensa,  MS.,  cap.  28. 


SUFFERINGS   OF   THE   BESIEGED.  177 

Men's  minds  were  unsettled  by  these  strange  and 
accumulated  horrors.  They  resorted  to  all  the  super- 
stitious rites  prescribed  by  their  religion,  to  stay. the 
pestilence.  They  called  on  their  priests  to  invoke  the 
gods  in  their  behalf.  But  the  oracles  were  dumb,  or 
gave  only  gloomy  responses.  Their  deities  had  de- 
serted them,  and  in  their  place  they  saw  signs  of 
celestial  wrath,  telling  of  still  greater  woes  in  reserve. 
Many,  after  the  siege,  declared  that,  among  other 
prodigies,  they  beheld  a  stream  of  light,  of  a  blood- 
red  color,  coming  from  the  north  in  the  direction  of 
Tepejacac,  with  a  rushing  noise  like  that  of  a  whirl- 
wind, which  swept  round  the  district  of  Tlatelolco, 
darting  out  sparkles  and  flakes  of  fire,  till  it  shot  far 
into  the  centre  of  the  lake  !  *  In  the  disordered  state 
of  their  nerves,  a  mysterious  fear  took  possession  of 
their  senses.  Prodigies  were  of  familiar  occurrence, 
and  the  most  familiar  phenomena  of  nature  were  con- 
verted into  prodigies.'  Stunned  by  their  calamities, 
reason  was  bewildered,  and  they  became  the  sport  of 
the  wildest  and  most  superstitious  fancies. 

In  the  midst  of  these  awful  scenes,  the  young  em- 
peror  of  the  Aztecs  remained,   according  to  all  ac- 

*  "  Un  torbellino  de  fuego  como  sangre  embuelto  en  brasas  y  en 
centellas,  que  partia  de  hacia  Tepeacac  (que  es  donde  est;i  ahora 
Santa  Maria  de  Guadalupe)  y  fue  haciendo  gran  ruido,  hacia  donds 
estaban  acorralados  los  Mejicanos  y  Tlaltilulcanos;  y  dio  una  vuella 
para  enrededor  de  ellos,  y  no  dicen  si  los  mpec'o  algo,  sine  que 
habiendo  dado  aquella.vuelta,  se  entro  por  la  laguna  adclante  ;  y  alii 
desaparecio."  Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap. 
40. 

9  "  Inclinatis  ad  credendum  animis,"  says  the  philosophic  Roman 
historian,  "loco  ominum  etiain  fortuita."  Tacitus,  Hist.,  lib.  2,  sec.  i, 
H* 


178      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

counts,  calm  and  courageous.  With  his  fair  capital 
laid  in  ruins  before  his  eyes,  his  nobles  and  faithful 
subjects  dying  around  him,  his  territory  rent  away,  foot 
by  foot,  till  scarce  enough  remained  for  him  to  stand 
on,  he  rejected  every  invitation  to  capitulate,  and 
showed  the  same  indomitable  spirit  as  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  siege.  When  Cortes,  in  the  hope 
that  the  extremities  of  the  besieged  would  incline 
them  to  listen  to  an  accommodation,  persuaded  a 
noble  prisoner  to  bear  to  Guatemozin  his  proposals  to 
that  effect,  the  fierce  young  monarch,  according  to 
the  general,  ordered  him  at  once  to  be  sacrificed.'"  It 
is  a  Spaniard,  we  must  remember,  who  tells  the  story. 

Cortes,  who  had  suspended  hostilities  for  several 
days,  in  the  vain  hope  that  the  distresses  of  the  Mexi- 
cans would  bend  them  to  submission,  now  determined 
to  drive  them  to  it  by  a  general  assault.  Cooped  up 
as  they  were  within  a  narrow  quarter  of  the  city,  their 
position  favored  such  an  attempt.  He  commanded 
Alvarado  to  hold  himself  in  readiness,  and  directed 
Sandoval — who,  besides  the  causeway,  had  charge  of 
the  fleet,  which  lay  off  the  Tlatelolcan  district — to  sup- 
port the  attack  by  a  cannonade  on  the  houses  near 
the  water.  Me  then  led  his  forces  into  the  city,  or 
rather  across  the  horrid  waste  that  now  encircled  it. 

On  entering  the  Indian  precincts,  he  was  met  by 
several  of  the  chiefs,  who,  stretching  forth  their  ema- 
ciated arms,  exclaimed,  "You  are  the  children  of  the 
Sun.     But  the  Sun  is  swift  in  his  course.     Why  are 

ic  "Y  como  lo  llevaron  delante  de  Guatimucin  su  Seiior,  y  el  le 
comenzo  k  hablar  sobre  la  Paz,  dizque  luego  lo  mando  matar  y  sacri- 
ficar."     Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  293. 


SPIKIT  OF  GUATEMOZIX.  i-jr) 

you,  then,  so  tardy  ?  Why  do  you  delay  so  long  to 
put  an  end  to  our  miseries?  Rather  kill  us  at  once, 
that  we  may  go  to  our  god  Huitzilopochtli,  who  waits 
for  us  in  heaven  to  give  us  rest  from  our  sufferings  !"  " 

Cortes  was  moved  by  their  piteous  appeal,  and  an- 
swered that  he  desired  not  their  death,  but  their  sub- 
mission. "Why  does  your  master  refuse  to  treat  with 
me,"  he  said,  "when  a  single  hour  will  suffice  for  me 
to  crush  him  and  all  his  people?"  He  then  urged  them 
to  request  Guatemozin  to  confer  with  him,  with  the 
assurance  that  he  might  do  it  in  safety,  as  his  person 
should  not  be  molested. 

The  nobles,  after  some  persuasion,  undertook  the 
mission  ;  and  it  was  received  by  the  young  monarch 
in  a  manner  which  showed — if  the  anecdote  before 
related  of  him  be  true — that  misfortune  had  at  length 
asserted  some  power  over  his  haughty  spirit.  He 
consented  to  the  interview,  though  not  to  have  it  take 
place  on  that  day,  but  the  following,  in  the  great 
square  of  Tlatelolco.  Cortes,  well  satisfied,  immedi- 
ately withdrew  from  the  city  and  resumed  his  position 
on  the  causeway. 

The  next  morning  he  presented  himself  at  the  place 
appointed,  having  previously  stationed  Alvarado  there 
with  a  strong  corps  of  infantry,  to  guard  against 
treachery.  The  stone  platform  in  the  centre  of  the 
square   was   covered  with    mats   and    carpets,    and   a 

"  "  Que  pues  ellos  me  tenian  por  Hijo  del  Sol,  y  el  Sol  en  tanta 
brcvedad  como  era  en  un  dia  y  una  noche  daba  vuelta  &  todo  el 
Mundo,  que  porque  yo  assi  brevemente  no  los  acababa  de  matar,  y 
los  quitaba  de  penar  tanto,  porque  ya  cUos  tenian  deseos  de  niorir,  y 
irse  al  Cielo  para  su  Ochilobus  [Huitzilopochtli],  que  los  estaba  espe- 
rando  para  descansar."     Rel.  Terc,  ap.   Lorenzana,  p.  293. 


i8o      SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

banquet  was  prepared  to  refresh  the  famished  monarch 
and  his  nobles.  Having  made  these  arrangements,  he 
awaited  the  hour  of  the  interview. 

But  Guatemozin,  instead  of  appearing  himself,  sent 
his  nobles,  the  same  who  had  brought  to  him  the 
general's  invitation,  and  who  now  excused  their  mas- 
ter's absence  on  the  plea  of  illness.  Cortes,  though 
disappointed,  gave  a  courteous  reception  to  the  envoys, 
considering  that  it  might  still  afford  the  means  of 
opening  a  coiTimunication  with  the  emperor.  He  per- 
suaded them,  without  much  entreaty,  to  partake  of  the 
good  cheer  spread  before  them,  which  they  did  with 
a  voracity  that  told  how  severe  had  been  their  absti- 
nence. He  then  dismissed  them  with  a  seasonable 
supply  of  provisions  for  their  master,  pressing  him  to 
consent  to  an  interview,  without  which  it  was  impos- 
sible their  differences  could  be  adjusted. 

The  Indian  envoys  returned  in  a  short  time,  bearing 
with  them  a  present  of  .fine  cotton  fabrics,  of  no  great 
value,  from  Guatemozin,  who  still  declined  to  meet 
the  Spanish  general.  Cortes,  though  deeply  chagrined, 
was  unwilling  to  give  up  the  point.  "He  will  surely 
come,"  he  said  to  the  envoys,  "when  he  sees  that  I 
suffer  you  to  go  and  come  unharmed,  you  who  have  been 
my  steady  enemies,  no  less  than  himself,  throughout 
the  war.     He- has  nothing  to  fear  from  me.""     He 

»2  "  Y  yc  les  tome  a  repetir,  que  no  sabia  la  causa,  porque  el  se  re- 
celaba  venir  ante  mi,  pues  veia  que  a  ellos,  que  yo  sabia  q  habian  sido 
los  causadores  principales  de  la  Guerra,  y  que  la  habian  sustentado, 
les  hacia  buen  tratamiento,  que  los  dejaba  ir,  y  venir  seguramente,  sin 
recibir  enojo  alguno;  que  les  rogaba,  que  le  tomassen  k  hablar,  y 
mirassen  mucho  en  esto  de  su  venida,  pues  d  el  le  convenia,  y  yo  lo 
hacia  per  su  provecho."     Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  294,  295. 


MURDEROUS  ASSAULTS.  1 81 

again  parted  with  them,  promising  to  receive  their 
answer  the  following  day. 

On  the  next  morning  the  Aztec  chiefs,  entering  the 
Christian  quarters,  announced  to  Cortes  that  Guate- 
mozin  would  confer  with  him  at  noon  in  the  market- 
place. The  general  was  punctual  at  the  hour  ;  but 
without  success.  Neither  monarch  nor  ministers  ap- 
peared there.  It  was  plain  that  the  Indian  prince  did 
not  care  to  trust  the  promises  of  his  enemy.  A  thought 
of  Montezuma  may  have  passed  across  his  mind.  After 
he  had  waited  three  hours,  the  general's  patience  was 
exhausted,  and,  as  he  learned  that  the  Mexicans  were 
busy  in  preparations  for  defence,  he  made  immediate 
dispositions  for  the  assault. '^ 

The  confederates  had  been  left  without  the  walls ; 
for  he  did  not  care  to  bring  them  within  sight  of  the 
quarry  before  he  was  ready  to  slip  the  leash.  He  now 
ordered  them  to  join  him,  and,  supported  by  Alvarado's 
division,  marched  at  once  into  the  enemy's  quarters. 
He  found  them  prepared  to  receive  him.  Their  most 
able-bodied  warriors  were  thrown  into  the  van,  cover- 
ing their  feeble  and  crippled  comrades.  Women  were 
seen  occasionally  mingling  in  the  ranks,  and,  as  well 
as  children,  thronged  the  azoieas,  where,  with  famine- 
stricken  visages  and  haggard  eyes,  they  scowled  defi- 
ance and  hatred  on  their  invaders. 

As  the  Spaniards  advanced,  the  Mexicans  set  up  a 

»3  The  testimony  is  most  emphatic  and  unequivocal  to  these  repeated 
efforts  on  the  part  of  Cortes  to  bring  the  Aztecs  peaceably  to  terms. 
Besides  his  own  Letter  to  the  emperor,  see  Bernal  Diaz,  cap.  155, — 
Herrera,  Hist,  general,  lib.  2,  cap.  6,  7, — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind., 
lib.  4,  cap.  100, — Lxtlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  Espafioles,  pp.  44-48, — 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  29,  30. 
Vol.  III.  16 


l82      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

fierce  war-cry,  and  sent  off  clouds  of  arrows  with  their 
accustomed  spirit,  while  the  women  and  boys  raineii 
down  darts  and  stones  from  their  elevated  position  on 
the  terraces.  But  the  missiles  were  sent  by  hands  too 
feeble  to  do  much  damage  ;  and,  when  the  squadrons 
closed,  the  loss  of  strength  became  still  more  sensible 
ill  the  Aztecs.  Their  blows  fell  feebly  and  with  doubt- 
ful aim,  though  some,  it  is  true,  of  stronger  constitu- 
tion, or  gathering  strength  from  despair,  maintained 
to  the  last  a  desperate  fight. 

The  arquebusiers  now  poured  in  a  deadly  fire.  The 
brigantines  replied  by  successive  volleys,  in  the  oppo- 
site quarter.  I'he  besieged,  hemmed  in,  like  deer 
surrounded  by  the  huntsmen,  were  brought  down  on 
every  side.  The  carnage  was  horrible.  The  ground 
was  heaped  up  with  slain,  until  the  maddened  combat- 
ants were  obliged  to  climb  over  the  human  mounds  to 
get  at  one  another.  The  miry  soil  was  saturated  with 
blood,  which  ran  off  like  water  and  dyed  the  canals 
themselves  with  crimson.'*  All  was  uproar  and  terrible 
confusion.  The  hideous  yells  of  the  barbarians,  the 
oaths  and  execrations  of  the  Spaniards,  the  cries  of 
the  wounded,  the  shrieks  of  women  and  children,  the 
heavy  blows  of  the  Conquerors,  the  death-struggle  of 
their  victims,  the  rapid,  reverberating  echoes  of  mus- 
ketry, the  hissing  of  innumerable  missiles,  the  crash 
and  crackling  of  blazing  buildings,  crushing  hundreds 
'.n  their  ruins,  the  blinding  volumes  of  dust  and  sul- 
phurous smoke  shrouding  all  in  their  gloomy  canopy, 

'♦  "  Corrian  Arroios  de  Sangre  por  las  Calles,  como  pueden  correr 
dc;  Agua,  quando  llueve,  y  con  impetu,  y  fuer9a."  Torquemada, 
Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  103. 


MURDEROUS  ASSAULIS. 


^^l 


made  a  scene  appalling  even  to  the  soldiers  of  Cortes, 
steeled  as  they  were  by  many  a  rough  passage  of  war, 
and  by  long  familiarity  with  blood  and  violence.  "The 
piteous  cries  of  the  women  and  children,  in  partic- 
ular," says  the  general,  "were  enough  to  break  one's 
heart."  '^  He  commanded  that  they  should  be  spared, 
and  that  all  who  asked  it  should  receive  quarter.  He 
particularly  urged  this  on  the  confederates,  and  placed 
Spaniards  among  them  to  restrain  their  violence.'*  But 
he  had  set  an  engine  in  motion  too  terrible  to  be  con- 
trolled. It  were  as  easy  to  curb  the  hurricane  in  its 
fury,  as  the  passions  of  an  infuriated  horde  of  savages. 
"Never  did  I  see  so  pitiless  a  race,"  he  exclaims,  "or 
anything  wearing  the  form  of  man  so  destitute  of  hu- 
manity."'^  They  made  no  distinction  o.f  sex  or  age, 
and  in  this  hour  of  vengeance  seemed  to  be  requiring 
the  hoarded  wrongs  of  a  century.  At  length,  sated 
with  slaughter,  the  Spanish  commander  sounded  a 
retreat.  It  was  full  time,  if,  according  to  his  own 
statement, — we  may  hope  it  is  an  exaggeration, — forty 

•5  "  Era  tanta  la  grita,  y  Uoro  de  los  Nifios,  y  Mugeres,  que  no  habia 
Persona,  d  quien  no  quebrantasse  el  corazon."  (Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Lo- 
renzana,  p.  296.)  They  were  a  rash  and  stiff-necked  race,  exclaims 
his  reverend  editor,  the  archbishop,  with  a  charitable  commentary  1 
"  Gens  diircB  ce)~oicis  gens  absque  consilio."     Nota. 

»6  "  Como  la  gente  de  la  Cibdad  se  salia  a  los  nuestros,  habia  el 
general  proveido,  que  por  todas  las  calles  estubiesen  Espanoles  para 
estorvar  d  los  amigos,  que  no  matasen  aquellos  tristes,  que  eran  sin 
nuniero.  6  tanibien  dixo  d  todos  los  amigos  capitanes,  que  no  con- 
sintiesen  d  su  gente  que  matasen  d  ninguno  de  los  que  salian." 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  30. 

'7  "  La  qual  crueldad  nunca  en  Generacion  tan  recia  se  vio,  ni  tan 
fuera  de  toda  orden  de  naturaleza,  como  en  los  Naturales  du  estaa 
partes."     Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  296. 


1 84     SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

thousancj  souls  had  perished  !  '^  Yet  their  fate  was  t  be 
envied,  in  comparison  with  that  of  those  who  survi\ed. 

Through  the  long  night  which  followed,  no  move- 
ment was  perceptible  in  the  Aztec  quarter.  No  light 
was  seen  there,  no  sound  was  heard,  save  the  low  moan- 
ing of  some  wounded  or  dying  wretch,  writhing  in  his 
agony.  All  was  dark  and  silent, — the  darkness  of  the 
grave.  The  last  blow  seemed  to  have  completely 
stunned  them.  They  had  parted  with  hope,  and  sat  in 
sullen  despair,  like  men  waiting  in  silence  the  stroke 
of  the  executioner.  Yet,  for  all  this,  they  showed  no 
disposition  to  submit.  Every  new  injury  had  sunk 
deeper  into  their  souls,  and  filled  them  with  a  deeper 
hatred  of  their  enemy.  Fortune,  friends,  kindred, 
home, — all  were  gone.  They  were  content  to  throw 
away  life  itself,  now  that  they  had  nothing  more  to 
live  for. 

Far  different  was  the  scene  in  the  Christian  camp, 
where,  elated  with  their  recent  successes,  all  was  alive 
with  bustle  and  preparation  for  the  morrow.  Bonfires 
were  seen  blazing  along  the  causeways,  lights  gleamed 
from  tents  and  barracks,  and  the  sounds  of  music  and 
merriment,  borne  over  the  waters,  proclaimed  the  joy 
of  the  soldiers  at  the  prospect  of  so  soon  terminating 
their  wearisome  campaign. 

On  the  following  morning  the  Spanish  commander 
again  mustered  his  forces,  having  decided  to  follow  up 
the  blow  of  the  preceding  day  before  the  enemy  should 
have  time  to  rally,  and  at  once  to  put  an  end  to  the 

'8  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  ubi  supra. — Ixtlilxochitl 
says,  50,000  were  slain  and  taken  in  this  dreadful  onslaught.  Venida 
de  los  Espanoles,  p.  48. 


MURDEROUS  ASSAULTS.  1 85 

war.  He  had  arranged  with  Alvarado,  on  the  evening 
previous,  to  occupy  the  marlcet-place  of  Tlatelolco ; 
and  the  discharge  of  an  arquebuse  was  to  be  the  signal 
for  a  simultaneous  assault.  Sandoval  was  to  hold  the 
northern  causeway,  and,  with  the  fleet,  to  watch  the 
movements  of  the  Indian  emperor,  and  to  intercept  the 
flight  to  the  main  land,  which  Cortes  knew  he  medi- 
tated. To  allow  him  to  effect  this  would  be  to  leave  a 
formidable  enemy  in  his  own  neighborhood,  who  might 
at  any  time  kindle  the  flame  of  insurrection  throughout 
the  country.  He  ordered  Sandoval,  however,  to  do 
no  harm  to  the  royal  person,  and  not  to  fire  on  the 
enemy  at  all,  except  in  self-defence.'' 

It  was  the  memorable  thirteenth  of  August,  1521,  the 
day  of  St.  Hippolytus, — from  this  circumstance  selected 
as  the  patron  saint  of  modern  Mexico, — that  Cortes  led 
his  warlike  array  for  the  last  time  across  the  black  and 
blasted  environs  which  lay  around  the  Indian  capital. 
On  entering  the  Aztec  precincts,  he  paused,  willing  to 
afford  its  wretched  inmates'  one  more  chance  of  escape 
before  striking  the  fatal  blow.  He  obtained  an  inter- 
view with  some  of  the  principal  chiefs,  and  expostu- 
lated with  them  on  the  conduct  of  their  prince.  "  He 
surely  will  not,"  said  the  general,  "see  you  all  perish, 
when  he  can  so  easily  save  you."  He  then  urged  them 
to  prevail  on  Guatemozin  to  hold  a  conference  with 
him,  repeating  the  assurances  of  his  personal  safety. 

'9  "  Adonde  estnuan  retraidos  el  Guatemuz  con  toda  la  flor  de  sus 
Capitanes,  y  personas  mas  nobles  que  en  Mexico  aiiia,  y  le  mando 
que  no  matasse  ni  hiriesse  a  ningunos  Indios,  saluo  si  no  le  diessen 
guerra,  e  que  aunque  se  la  diessen,  que  solamente  se  defendiesse.' 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  156. 
16* 


1 86      SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

The  messengers  went  on  their  mission,  and  soon 
returned  with  the  cihuacoatl  ■dX  their  head,  a  magistrate 
of  liigh  authority  among  the  Mexicans.  He  said,  with 
a  melancholy  air,  in  which  his  own  disappointment 
was  visible,  that  "  Guatemozin  was  ready  to  die  where 
he  was,  but  would  hold  no  interview  with  the  Spanish 
commander;"  adding,  in  a  tone  of  resignation,  "it  is 
for  you  to  work  your  pleasure."  "  Go,  then,"  replied 
the  stern  Conqueror,  "and  prepare  your  countrymen 
for  death.     Their  hour  is  come."  ^ 

He  still  postponed  the  assault  for  several  hours.  But 
the  impatience  of  his  troops  at  this  delay  was  heightened 
by  the  rumor  that  Guatemozin  and  his  nobles  were  pre- 
paring to  escape  with  their  effects  in  the  piraguas  and 
canoes  which  were  moored  on  the  margin  of  the  lake. 
Convinced  of  the  fruitlessness  and  impolicy  of  further 
procrastination,  Cortes  made  his  final  dispositions  for 
the  attack,  and  took  his  own  station  on  an  azotea  which 
commanded  the  theatre  of  operations. 

When  the  assailants  came  into  the  presence  of  the 
enemy,  they  found  them  huddled  together  in  the  utmost 
confusion,  all  ages  and  sexes,  in  masses  so  dense  that  they 
nearly  forced  one  another  ovgr  the  brink  of  the  cause- 
ways into  the  water  below.  Some  had  climbed  on  the 
terraces,  others  feebly  supported  themselves  against  the 
walls  of  the  buildings.  Their  squalid  and  tattered 
garments  gave  a  wildness  to  their  appearance  which 

=<=  "  y  al  fin  me  dijo,  que  en  ninguna  manera  el  Seiior  vernia  ante 
mi ;  y  antes  queria  por  alia  morir,  y  que  a  el  pesaba  mucho  de  esto, 
que  tiiciesse  yo  lo  que  quisiesse ;  y  como  vi  en  esto  su  determinacion, 
yo  le  dije  ;  que  se  bolviesse  a  los  suyos,  y  que  el,  y  ellos  se  npare- 
jassen,  porque  los  queria  combatir,  y  acabar  de  matar,  y  assi  se  fue.' 
Rd.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  298. 


MURDEROUS  ASSAULTS.  1 87 

Still  further  heightened  the  ferocity  of  their  expression, 
as  they  glared  on  their  enemy  with  eyes  in  which  hate 
was  mingled  with  despair.  When  the  Spaniards  had 
approached  within  bowshot,  the  Aztecs  let  off  a  flight 
of  impotent  missiles,  showing  to  the  last  the  resolute 
spirit,  though  they  had  lost  the  strength,  of  their  better 
days.  The  fatal  signal  was  then  given  by  the  discharge 
of  an  arquebuse, — speedily  followed  by  peals  of  heavy 
ordnance,  the  rattle  of  fire-arms,  and  the  hellish  shouts 
of  the  confederates  as  they  sprang  upon  their  victims. 
It  is  unnecessary  to  stain  the  page  with  a  repetition 
of  the  horrors  of  the  preceding  day.  Some  of  the 
wretched  Aztecs  threw  themselves  into  the  water  and 
were  picked  up  by  the  canoes.  Others  sank  and  were 
suffocated  in  the  canals.  The  number  of  these  became 
so  great  tliat  a  bridge  was  made  of  their  dead  bodies, 
over  which  the  assailants  could  climb  to  the  opposite 
banks.  Others  again,  especially  the  women,  begged 
for  mercy,  which,  as  the  chroniclers  assure  us,  was 
everywhere  granted  by  the  Spaniards,  and,  contrary  to 
the  instructions  and  entreaties  of  Cortes,  everywhere 
refused  by  the  confederates." 

While  this  work  of  butchery  was  going  on,  numbers 
were  observed  pushing  off  in  the  barks  that  lined  the 
shore,  and  making  the  best  of  their  way  across  the 
lake.  They  were  constantly  intercepted  by  the  brigan- 
tines,  which  broke  through  the  flimsy  array  of  boats, 
sending  off  their  volleys  to  tlie  right  and  left,  as  the 
crews  of  the  latter  hotly  assailed  them.     The  battle 

=«  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Iiid.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  30. — Ixtlilxotliill, 
Venida  de  los  Esp.ifiolcs,  p.  48. — Hcrrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib. 
2,  cap.  7. — Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  297,  298. — Go- 
Uiara,  Cronica,  cap.  142. 


1 88      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

raged  as  fiercely  on  the  lake  as  on  the  land.  Many 
of  the  Indian  vessels  were  shattered  and  overturned. 
Some  few,  however,  under  cover  of  the  smoke,  which 
rolled  darkly  over  the  waters,  succeeded  in  clearing 
themselves  of  the  turmoil,  and  were  fast  nearing  the 
opposite  shore. 

Sandoval  had  particularly  charged  his  captains  to 
keep  an  eye  on  the  movements  of  any  vessel  in  which 
it  was  at  all  probable  that  Guatemozin  might  be  con- 
cealed. At  this  crisis,  three  or  four  of .  the  largest 
piraguas  were  seen  skimming  over  the  water  and 
making  their  way  rapidly  across  the  lake.  A  captain, 
named  Garci  Holguin,  who  had  command  of  one  of 
the  best  sailers  in  the  fleet,  instantly  gave  them  chase. 
The  wind  was  favorable,  and  every  moment  he  gained 
on  the  fugitives,  who  pulled  their  oars  with  a  vigor 
that  despair  alone  could  have  given.  But  it  was  in 
vain  ;  and,  after  a  short  race,  Holguin,  coming  along- 
side of  one  of  the  piraguas,  which,  whether  from  its 
appearance  or  from  information  he  had  received,  he 
conjectured  might  bear  the  Indian  emperor,  ordered 
his  men  to  level  their  cross-bows  at  the  boat.  But, 
before  they  could  discharge  them,  a  cry  arose  from 
those  in  it  that  their  lord  was  on  board.  At  the  same 
moment  a  young  warrior,  armed  with  buckler  and 
maquahuitl,  rose  up,  as  if  to  beat  off  the  assailants. 
But,  as  the  Spanish  captain  ordered  his  men  not  to 
shoot,  he  dropped  his  weapons,  and  exclaimed,  "  I  a\n 
Guatemozin.  Lead  me  to  Malinche;  I  am  his  prisoner  ; 
but  let  no  harm  come  to  my  wife  and  my  followers."  *' 

»*  Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  Espaiioles,  p.  49. — "  No  me  tiren,  que 
yo  soy  el  Rey  de  Mexico,  y  desta  tierra,  y  lo  que  te  ruego  es,  que  no 


CAPTURE    OF  GUATEMOZm.  189 

Holguin  assured  him  tliat  his  wishes  should  be  re- 
spected, and  assisted  him  to  get  on  board  the  brigan- 
tine,  followed  by  his  wife  and  attendants.  These  were 
twenty  in  number,  consisting  of  Coanaco,  the  deposed 
lord  of  Tezcuco,  the  lord  of  Tlacopan,  and  several 
other  caciques  and  dignitaries,  whose  rank,  probably, 
had  secured  them  some  exemption  from  the  general 
calamities  of  the  siege.  When  the  captives  were  seated 
on  the  deck  of  his  vessel,  Holguin  requested  the  Aztec 
prince  to  put  an  end  to  the  combat  by  commanding 
his  people  in  the  other  canoes  to  surrender.  But,  with 
a  dejected  air,  he  replied,  "It  is  not  necessary.  They 
will  fight  no  longer,  when  they  see  that  their  prince  is 
taken,"  He  spoke  truth.  The  news  of  Guatemozin's 
capture  spread  rapidly  through  the  fleet,  and  on  shore, 
where  the  Mexicans  were  still  engaged  in  conflict  with 
their  enemies.  It  ceased,  however,  at  once.  They 
made  no  further  resistance  ;  and  those  on  the  water 
quickly  followed  the  brigantines,  which  conveyed  their 
captive  monarch  to  land.  It  seemed  as  if  the  fight 
had  been  maintained  thus  long  the  better  to  divert  the 
enemy's  attention  and  cover  their  master's  retreat. ^^ 

me  llegues  d  mi  muger,  ni  d  mis  hijos;  ni  a  ninguna  muger,  ni  k  nin- 
guna  cosa  de  lo  que  aqui  traygo,  sino  que  me  tomes  a  mi,  y  me  lleues 
i  Malinche."  (Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  156.)  M. 
de  Humboldt  has  taken  much  pains  to  identify  the  place  of  Guatemo- 
zin's capture, — now  become  dry  land, — which  he  considers  to  have  been 
somewhere  between  the  Garita  de  Peralvillo,  the  square  of  Santiago, 
Tlaltelolco,  and  the  bridge  of  Amaxac.  Essai  politique,  torn.  ii.  p.  76.* 
"3  For  the  preceding  account  of  the  capture  of  Guatemozin,  told 


*  [According  to  an  old  tradition,  it  was  on  thq  Puente  del  Cabildo, 
which  is  within  the  limits  designated  by  Humboldt.  Alaman,  Con- 
quista de  Mejico  (trad,  de  Vega),  tom.  ii.  p.  209,  note. — Ed.] 


190 


SIEGE   AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 


Meanwhile,  Sandoval,  on  receiving  tidings  of  the  rap- 
ture, brouglit  his  own  brigantine  alongside  of  Holgui.u's 
and  demanded  the  royal  prisoner  to  be  surrendered  to 
him.  But  the  captain  claimed  him  as  his  prize.  A 
dispute  arose  between  the  parties,  each  anxious  to  have 
the  glory  of  the  deed,  and  perhaps  the  privilege  of 
commemorating  it  on  his  escutcheon.  The  contro- 
versy continued  so  long  that  it  reached  the  ears  of 
Cortes,  who,  in  his  station  on  the  azotea,  had  learned 
with  no  little  satisfaction  the  capture  of  his  enemy. 
He  instantly  sent  orders  to  his  wrangling  officers  to 
bring  Guatemozin  before  him,  that  he  might  adjust  the 
difference  between  them.^*  He  charged  them,  at  the 
same  time,  to  treat  their  prisoner  with  respect.  He 
then  made  preparations  for  the  interview,  caused  the 
terrace  to  be  carpeted  with  crimson  cloth  and  matting, 
and  a  table  to  be  spread  with  provisions,  of  which  the 

with  little  discrepancy,  though  with  more  or  less  minuteness,  by  the 
different  writers,  see  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  ubi  supra, — 
Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  p.  299, — Gonzalo  de  las  Casas,  Defensa,  MS.,— 
Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  30, — Torquemada,  Monarch. 
Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  loi. 

^  The  general,  according  to  Diaz,  rebuked  his  officers  for  theii 
ill-timed  contention,  reminding  tliem  of  the  direful  effects  of  a  simil.11 
quarrel  between  Marius  and  Sylla  respecting  Jugurtha.  (Hist,  de  la 
Conquista,  cap.  156.)  This  piece  of  pedantry  savors  much  more  of 
tlie  old  chronicler  than  his  commander.  The  result  of  the  whole — 
not  an  uncommon  one  in  such  cases — was  that  the  emperor  granted 
to  neither  of  the  parties,  but  to  Cortes,  the  exclusive  riglu  of  com- 
memorating the  capture  of  Guatemozin  on  his  escutcheon.  He  was 
permitted  to  bear  three  crowns  of  gold  on  a  sable  field,  one  above  the 
other  two,  in  token  of  his  victory  over  the  three  lords  of  Mexico, 
Montezuma,  his  brother  Cuitlahua,  and  Guatemozin.  A  copy  of  the 
instrument  containing  the  grant  of  the  arms  of  Cortes  may  be  found 
in  the  "  Disertaciones  historicas"  of  Alaman,»tom.  ii.  apend.  2. 


CAPTURE    OF  GUATEMOZm. 


191 


unliappy  Aztecs  stood  so  much  in  need.-^  His  lovely 
Indian  mistress,  Doila  IMarina,  was  present  to  act  as 
interpreter.  She  had  stood  by  his  side  through  all  the 
troubled  scenes  of  the  Conquest,  and  she  was  there  now 
to  witness  its  triumphant  termination. 

Guatemozin,  on  landing,  was  escorted  by  a  company 
of  infantry  to  the  presence  of  the  Spanish  commander. 
He  mounted  the  azotca  with  a  calm  and  steady  step, 
and  was  easily  to  be  distinguished  from  his  attendant 
nobles,  though  his  full,  dark  eye  was  no  longer  lighted 
up  with  its  accustomed  fire,  and  his  features  wore  an 
expression  of  passive  resignation,  that  told  little  of  the 
fierce  and  fiery  spirit  that  burned  within.  His  head 
was  large,  his  limbs  well  proportioned,  his  complexion 
fairer  than  that  of  his  bronze-colored  nation,  and  his 
whole  deportment  singularly  mild  and  engaging.^* 

Cortes  came  forward  with  a  dignified  and  studied 
courtesy  to  receive  him.  The  Aztec  monarch  probably 
knew  the  person  of  his  conqueror,*  for  he  first  broke 
silence  by  saying,  "  I  have  done  all  that  I  could  to 
defend  myself  and  my  people.  I  am  now  reduced  to 
this  state.     You  will  deal  with  me,  IMalinclie,  as  you 

"5  S.ihagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espniia,  lib.  12,  cap.  40,  MS. 

=*  For  the  portrait  of  Guatemozin  I  again  borrow  the  faithful  pencil 
of  Diaz,  who  knew  him — at  le.ast  his  person — well:  "Guatemuz  era  de 
muy  geniil  disposicion,  assi  de  cuerpo,  como  de  fayciones,  y  la  cata 
algo  l.irga,  y  alegre,  y  los  ojos  mas  p.irecian  que  quando  miraua,  que 
er.m  con  grauedad,  y  halagiieiios,  y  no  auia  falta  en  ellos,  y  era  de 
edad  de  veinte  y  tr6s,  6  veinte  y  quatro  aiios,  y  el  color  tiraua  mas  d 
bl  UICO,  que  al  color,  y  matiz  de  essotros  Indios  morenos."  Hist,  de 
la  Conquista,  cap.  156. 

[*  It  was  unnecessary  to  qualify  the  statement,  as  they  had  often 
seen  each  other  at  the  court  of  Montezuma.  Alaman,  Conquista  de 
Mtijico  (trad,  de  Vega),  torn.  ii.  p.  211,  note. — Ed.] 


192 


SIEGE   AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 


list.'  Then,  laying  his  hand  on  the  hilt  of  a  poniard 
stuck  in  the  general's  belt,  he  added,  with  vehemence, 
"Better  despatch  me  with  this,  and  rid  me  of  life  at 
once."^'  Cortes  was  filled  with  admiration  at  the 
proud  bearing  of  the  young  barbarian,  showing  in  his 
reverses  a  spirit  worthy  of  an  ancient  Roman.  "  Fear 
not,"  he  replied:  "you  shall  be  treated  with  all  honor. 
You  have  defended  your  capital  like  a  brave  warrior. 
A  Spaniard  knows  how  to  respect  valor  even  in  an 
enemy." ^  He  then  inquired  of  him  where  he  had 
left  the  princess  his  wife;  and,  being  informed  that 
she  still  remained  under  protection  of  a  Spanish  guard 
on  board  the  brigantine,  the  general  sent  to  have  her 
escorted  to  his  presence. 

She  was  the  youngest  daughter  of  Montezuma,  and 
was  hardly  yet  on  the  verge  of  womanhood.  On  the 
accession  of  her  cousin  Guatemozin  to  the  throne,  she 
had  been  wedded  to  him  as  his  lawful  wife.^'     She  is 

V  "  Llegose  d  mi,  y  dijome  en  su  lengua :  que  ya  el  habia  hecho 
todo,  lo  que  de  su  parte  era  obligado  para  defenderse  i.  si,  y  a  los 
suyos,  hasta  venir  en  aquel  estado ;  que  ahora  ficiesse  de  el  lo  que  yo 
quisiesse;  y  puso  la  mano  en  un  punal,  que  yo  tenia,  diciendome,  que 
le  diesse  de  punaladas,  y  le  matasse."  (Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lo- 
renzana,  p.  300.)  This  remarkable  account  by  the  Conqueror  himself 
is  confirmed  by  Diaz,  who  does  not  appear  to  have  seen  this  letter  of 
his  commander.     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  156. 

28  Ibid.,  cap.  156. — Also  Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap. 
48, — and  Martyr  (De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  5,  cap.  8),  who,  by  the  epithet 
of  magnanimo  rcgi,  testifies  the  admiration  which  Guatemozin's  lofty 
spirit  excited  in  the  court  of  Castile. 

*9  The  ceremony  of  marriage,  which  distinguished  the  "  lawful  wife" 
from  the  concubine,  is  described  by  Don  Thoan  Cano,  in  his  c.on- 
versation  with  Oviedo.  According  to  this,  it  appears  that  the  only 
legitimate  offspring  which  Montezuma  left  at  his  deatl^was  a  son  and 
a  daughter,  this  same  princess. — See  Appendix,  Part  2,  No.  11. 


CAPTURE    OF  GUATEMOZIN. 


193 


celebrated  by  her  contemporaries  for  her  personal 
charms;  and  the  beautiful  princess  Tecuichpo  is  still 
commemorated  by  the  Spaniards,  since  from  her  by  a 
subsequent  marriage  are  descended  some  of  the  illus- 
trious families  of  their  own  nation.^  She  was  kindly 
received  by  Cortes,  who  showed  her  the  respectful 
attentions  suited  to  her  rank.  Her  birth,  no  doubt, 
gave  her  an  additional  interest  in  his  eyes,  and  he  may 
have  felt  some  touch  of  compunction  as  he  gazed  on 
the  daughter  of  the  unfortunate  Montezuma.  He  in- 
vited his  royal  captives  to  partake  of  the  refreshments 
which  their  exhausted  condition  rendered  so  necessary. 
Meanwhile  the  Spanish  commander  made  his  disposi- 
tions for  the  night,  ordering  Sandoval  to  escort  the 
prisoners  to  Cojohuacan,  whither  he  proposed  himself 
immediately  to  follow.  The  other  captains,  Olid  and 
Alvarado,  were  to  draw  off  their  forces  to  their  respective 
quarters.  It  was  impossible  for  them  to  continue  in  the 
capital,  wliere  the  poisonous  effluvia  from  the  unburied 
carcasses  loaded  the  air  with  infection.  A  small  guard 
only  was  stationed  to  keep  order  in  the  wasted  suburbs.  It 
was  the  hour  of  vespers  when  Guatemozin  surrendered,^' 

30  For  a  further  account  of  Montezuma's  daughter,  see  Book  VII., 
chapter  iii.  of  this  History. 

35  The  event  is  annually  commemorated — or  rather  was,  under  the 
colonial  government — by  a  solemn  procession  round  the  walls  of  the 
city.  It  took  place  on  the  13th  of  August,  the  anniversary  of  the  sur- 
render, and  consisted  of  the  princip.al  cavaliers  and  citizens  on  horse- 
back, headed  by  the  viceroy,  and  displaying  the  venerable  standard 
cf  the  Conqueror.* 

[*  It  was  the  royal  standard,  not  that  of  Cortes,  which  was  carried 
oi\  this  occasion.  The  celebration  was  suppressed  by  a  decree  of  the 
Cortes  of  Cadiz  in  1812.  Alaman,  Conquista  de  Mejico,  trad,  de  Vega, 
torn.  ii.  p.  212,  noie. — Ed.] 

Vol.  III.— i  17 


194 


SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 


and  the  siege  might  be  considered  as  then  concluded. 
The  evening  set  in  dark,  and  the  rain  began  to  fall 
before  the  several  parties  had  evacuated  the  city.^"" 

During  the  night,  a  tremendous  tempest,  such  as  the 
Spaniards  had  rarely  witnessed,  and  such  as  is  known 
only  within  the  tropics,  burst  over  the  Mexican  Valley. 
The  thunder,  reverberating  from  the  rocky  amphi- 
theatre of  hills,  bellowed  over  the  waste  of  waters,  and 
shook  the  teocallis  and  crazy  tenements  of  Tenochtitlan 
— the  few  that  yet  survived — to  their  foundations.  The 
lightning  seemed  to  cleave  asunder  the  vault  of  heaven, 
as  its  vivid  flashes  wrapped  the  whole  scene  in  a  ghastly 
glare,  for  a  moment,  to  be  again  swallowed  up  in  dark- 
ness. The  war  of  elements  was  in  unison  with  the 
fortunes  of  the  ruined  city.  It  seemed  as  if  the  deities 
of  Anahuac,  scared  from  their  ancient  abodes,  were 

7^  Torihio,  Hist,  de  los  Ind.,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  7. — Sahagun,  Hist. 
de  Nueva-E.spana,  MS.,  lib.  12,  cap.  42. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la 
Ccoquista,  cap.  156. — "The  lord  of  Me.xico  having  surrendered," 
savs  Cortes,  in  his  letter  to  the  emperor,  "  the  war,  by  the  blessing  of 
Heaven,  was  brought  to  an  end,  on  Wednesday,  the  13th  day  of 
Auifust,  1521.  So  that  from  the  day  when  we  first  sat  down  before 
the  city,  which  was  the  30th  of  May,  until  its  final  occupation,  seventy- 
five  da^s  elapsed."  (Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  300.)  It  is  not 
easy  to  tell  what  event  occurred  on  May  30th  to  designate  the  be- 
giniimg  of  the  siege.  Clavigero  considers  it  the  occupation  of  Cojo- 
huacan  by  Olid.  (Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  iii.  p.  196.)  But  I  know 
not  on  what  authority.  Neither  Bernal  Diaz,  nor  Herrera,  nor  Cortes, 
so  fi.xes  the  date.  Indeed,  Clavigero  says  that  Alvarado  and  Olid 
left  Tezcuco  May  20th,  while  Cortes  says  May  loth.  Perhaps  Cortes 
dates  from  the  time  when  Sandoval  established  himself  on  the  norihem 
causeway,  and  when  the  complete  investment  of  the  capital  began, 
Bernal  Diaz,  more  than  once,  speaks  of  the  siege  as  lastmg  three 
months,  computing,  probably,  from  the  time  when  his  own  division, 
under  Alvarado,  took  up  its  position  at  Tacuba. 


EVACUATION  OF   THE    CITY. 


195 


borne  along  shrieking  and  howling  in  the  blast,  as  they 
abandoned  the  fallen  capital  to  its  fate  P^ 

On  the  day  following  the  surrender,  Guatemozin 
requested  the  Spanish  commander  to  allow  the  Mexi- 
cans to  leave  the  city  and  to  pass  unmolested  into  the 
open  country.  To  this  Cortes  readily  assented,  as,  in- 
deed, without  it  he  could  take  no  steps  for  purifying 
the  capital.  He  gave  his  orders,  accordingly,  for  the 
evacuation  of  the  place,  commanding  that  no  one, 
Spaniard  or  confederate,  should  offer  violence  to  the 
Aztecs  or  in  any  way  obstruct  their  departure.  The 
vvhole  number  of  these  is  variously  estimated  at  from 
thirty  to  seventy  thousand,  besides  women  and  chil- 
dren, who  had  survived  the  sword,  pestilence,  and 
famine. 3*  It  is  certain  they  were  three  days  in  defiling 
along  the  several  causeways, — a  mournful  train  \^^  hus- 
bands and  wives,  parents  and  children,  the  sick  and 
the  wounded,  leaning  on  one  another  for  support,  as 

33  It  did  not,  apparently,  disturb  the  slumbers  of  the  troops,  who 
had  been  so  much  deafened  by  the  incessant  noises  of  the  siege  that, 
now  these  had  ceased,  "  we  felt,"  says  Diaz,  in  his  homely  way,  "  like 
men  suddenly  escaped  from  a  belfry,  where  we  had  been  shut  up  for 
months  with  a  chime  of  bells  ringing  in  our  ears!"'  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  ubi  supra. 

34  Herreia  (Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  2,  cap.  7)  and  Torquemada 
(Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  4,  cap.  loi)  estimate  tiiem  at  30,000.  lxtlil.\o- 
chitl  says  that  60,000  fighting-men  laid  down  their  arms  (Venida  de 
los  Espaiioles,  p.  49) ;  and  Oviedo  swells  the  amount  still  higher,  'o 
70,000.  (Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  48.) — .-\fter  the  losses  of 
the  siege,  these  numbers  are  startling. 

35  "  Digo  que  en  tres  dias  con  sus  noches  iban  todas  tres  cal9adas 
Uenas  de  Indios,  e  Indias,  y  muchachos,  llenas  de  bote  en  bole,  que 
nunca  de.xauan  de  salir,  y  tan  flacos,  y  suzios,  e  amarillos,  e  hedion- 
dos,  que  era  lastima  de  los  ver."  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
cap.  156. 


ig6      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO.  • 

they  feebly  tottered  along,  squalid,  and  but  half  cov- 
ered with  rags,  that  disclosed  at  every  step  hideous 
gashes,  some  recently  received,  others  festering  from 
long  neglect,  and  carrying  with  them  an  atmosphere 
of  contagion.  Their  wasted  forms  and  famine-stricken 
faces  told  the  whole  history  of  the  siege;  and,  as  the 
straggling  files  gained  the  opposite  shore,  they  were 
observed  to  ])ause  from  time  to  time,  as  if  to  take  one 
more  look  at  the  spot  so  lately  crowned  by  the  im- 
perial city,  once  their  pleasant  home,  and  endeared  to 
them  by  many  a  glorious  recollection. 

On  the  departure  of  the  inhabitants,  measures  were 
immediately  taken  to  purify  the  place,  by  means  of 
numerous  fires  kept  burning  day  and  night,  especially 
in  the  infected  quarter  of  Tlatelolco,  and  by  collect- 
ing the  heaps  of  dead,  which  lay  mouldering  in  the 
streets,  and  consigning  them  to  the  earth.  Of  the 
whole  number  who  perished  in  the  course  of  the  siege 
it  is  impossible  to  form  any  probable  computation. 
The  accounts  range  widely,  from  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand,  the  lowest  estimate,  to  two  hundred 
and  forty  thousand. ^^     The  number  of  the  Spaniards 

3*  Cortes  estimates  the  losses  of  the  enemy  in  the  three  several 
assaults  at  67,000,  which  with  50,000  whom  he  reckons  to  have  per- 
ished from  famine  and  disease  would  give  117,000.  (Rel.  Terc,  ap. 
Lorenzana,  p.  298,  et  alibi.)  But  this  is  exclusive  of  those  who  fell 
previous])'  to  the  commencement  of  the  vigorous  plan  of  operations 
for  demolishing  the  city.  Ixtlilxochitl,  who  seldom  allows  any  one  to 
beat  him  in  figures,  puts  the  dead,  in  round  numbers,  at  240,000,  com- 
prehending the  flower  of  the  Aztec  nobility.  ( Venida  de  los  Espanoles, 
p.  51.)  Benial  Diaz  observes,  more  generally,  "  I  have  read  the  story 
of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  but  I  doubt  if  there  was  as  great 
mortality  there  as  in  this  siege ;  for  there  was  assembled  in  the  city  an 
immense  number  of  Indian  warriors  from  all  the  provinces  and  towns 


TERMINATION  OF  THE  SIEGE.  197 

who  fell  was  comparatively  small,  but  that  of  the  allies 
must  have  been  large,  if  the  historian  of  Tezcuco  is 
correct  in  asserting  that  thirty  thousand  perished  of 
his  own  countrymen  alone. ^^  Tiiat  the  number  of 
those  destroyed  within  the  city  was  immense  cannot 
be  doubted,  when  we  consider  that,  besides  its  own 
redundant  pojmlation,  it  was  thronged  with  that  of 
the  neighboring  towns,  who,  distrusting  their  strength 
to  resist  the  enemy,  sought  protection  within  its  walls. 
The  booty  found  there — that  is,  the  treasures  of  gold 
and  jewels,  the  only  booty  of  much  value  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Spaniards — fell  far  below  their  expectations.  It 
did  not  exceed,  according  to  the  general's  statement, 
a  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  castcllauos  of  gold,  in- 
cluding the  sovereign's  share,  which,  indeed,  taking 
into  account  many  articles  of  curious  and  costly  work- 
manship, voluntarily  relinquished  by  the  army,  greatly 
exceeded  his  legitimate  fifth. ^^  Yet  the  Aztecs  must 
have  been  in  possession  of  a  much  larger  treasure,  if  it 

subject  to  Mexico,  the  most  of  whom  perished."  (Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista,  cap.  156.)  "I  have  conversed,"  says  Oviedo,  "with  many 
hidalgos  and  other  persons,  and  have  heard  them  say  that  the  number 
of  the  dead  was  incalculable, — greater  than  that  at  Jerusalem,  as 
described  by  Josephus."  (Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  30,  cap.  30.) 
As  the  estimate  of  the  Jewish  historian  amounts  to  1,100,000  (Anti- 
quities of  the  Jews,  Eng.  trans.,  book  vii.  chap,  xvii.),  the  comparison 
may  stagger  the  most  accommodating  faith.  It  will  be  safer  to  dis- 
pense with  arithmetic  where  the  data  are  too  loose  and  slippery  to 
afford  a  foothold  for  getting  at  truth. 

37  Ixtlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  Espanoles,  p.  51. 

38  Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Loren/.ana,  p.  301. — Oviedo  goes  into  some  \\\\- 
ther  particulars  respecting  the  amount  of  the  tre.asure,  and  especially 
of  the  imperial  fifth,  to  which  I  shall  have  occasion  to  advert  hereafter. 
Hisi.  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  31. 

17* 


198      SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO.      ' 

were  only  the  wreck  of  that  recovered  from  the  Span- 
iards on  the  night  of  the  memorable  flight  from 
Mexico.  Some  of  the  spoil  may  have  been  sent  away 
from  the  capital,  some  spent  in  preparations  for  de- 
fence, and  more  of  it  buried  in  the  earth,  or  sunk  in 
Ihe  water  of  the  lake.  Their  menaces  were  not  with- 
out a  meaning.  They  had,  at  least,  the  satisfaction  of 
disappointing  the  avarice  of  their  enemies. 

Cortes  had  no  further  occasion  for  the  presence 
of  his  Indian  allies.  He  assembled  the  chiefs  of  the 
different  squadrons,  thanked  them  for  their  services, 
noticed  their  valor  in  flattering  terms,  and,  after  dis- 
tributing presents  among  them,  with  the  assurance  that 
his  master  the  emperor  would  recompense  their  fidelity 
yet  more  largely,  dismissed  them  to  their  own  homes. 
They  carried  off  a  liberal  share  of  the  spoils  of  which 
they  had  plundered  the  dwellings, — not  of  a  kind  to 
excite  the  cupidity  of  the  Spaniards, — and  returned  in 
triumph,  short-sighted  triumph  !  at  the  success  of  their 
expedition  and  the  downfall  of  the  Aztec  dynasty. 

Great,  also,  was  the  satisfaction  of  the  Spaniards  at 
this  brilliant  termination  of  their  long  and  laborious 
campaign.  They  were,  indeed,  disappointed  at  the 
small  amount  of  treasure  found  in  the  conquered  city. 
But  tlie  soldier  is  usually  too  much  absorbed  in  the 
present  to  give  much  heed  to  the  future  ;  and,  though 
their  discontent  showed  itself  afterwards  in  a  more 
clamorous  form,  they  now  thought  only  of  their  tri- 
umph, and  abandoned  themselves  to  jubilee.  Cortes 
celebrated  the  event  by  a  banquet,  as  sumptuous  as 
circumstances  would  permit,  to  which  all  the  cavaliers 
and  officers  were  invited.     Loud  and  long  was  their 


REFLECTIONS.  I99 

revelry,  which  was  carried  to  such  an  excess  as  pro- 
voked the  animadversion  of  Father  Ohnedo,  who  inti- 
mated that  this  was  not  the  fitting  way  to  testify  their 
sense  of  the  favors  shown  them  by  the  Ahnighty.  Cor- 
tes admitted  the  justice  of  the  rebuke,  but  craved  some 
indulgence  for  a  soldier's  license  in  the  hour  of  victory. 
The  following  day  was  appointed  for  the  commemora- 
tion of  their  successes  in  a  more  suitable  manner. 

A  procession  of  the  whole  army  was  then  formed, 
with  Father  Olmedo  at  its  head.  The  soiled  and 
tattered  banners  of  Castile,  which  had  waved  over 
many  a  field  of  battle,  now  threw  their  shadows  on  the 
peaceful  array  of  the  soldiery,  as  they  slowly  moved 
along,  rehearsing  the  litany,  and  displaying  the  image 
of  the  Virgin  and  the  blessed  symbol  of  man's  re- 
demption. The  reverend  father  pronounced  a  dis- 
course, in  which  he  briefly  reminded  the  troops  of  their 
great  cause  for  thankfulness  to  Providence  for  conduct- 
ing them  safe  through  their  long  and  perilous  pilgrim- 
age ;  and,  dwelling  on  the  responsibility  incurred  by 
their  present  position,  he  besought  them  not  to  abuse 
the  rights  of  conquest,  but  to  treat  the  unfortunate 
Indians  with  humanity.  The  sacrament  was  then  ad- 
ministered to  the  commander-in-chief  and  the  principal 
cavaliers,  and  the  services  concluded  with  a  solemn 
thanksgiving  to  the  God  of  battles,  who  had  enabled 
them  to  carry  the  banner  of  the  Cross  triumphant  over 
this  barbaric  empire. '' 

39  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  2,  cap.  8. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist. 
de  la  Conquista,  cap.  156. — Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  MS., 
I'b.  12,  cap.  42. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  30. — 
L^tlilxochitl,  Venida  de  los  Espanoles,  pp.  51,  52. 


200     SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

Thus,  after  a  siege  of  nearly  three  months'  duration, 
unmatched  in  history  for  the  constancy  and  courage 
of  the  besieged,  seldom  surpassed  for  the  severity  ot 
its  sufferings,  fell  the  renowned  capital  of  the  Aztecs. 
Unmatched,  it  may  be  truly  said,  for  constancy  and 
courage,  when  we  recollect  that  the  door  of  capitula- 
tion on  the  most  honorable  terms  was  left  open  to  them 
throughout  the  whole  blockade,  and  that,  sternly  re- 
jecting every  proposal  of  their  enemy,  they,  to  a  man, 
preferred  to  die  rather  than  surrender.  More  than 
three  centuries  had  elapsed  since  the  Aztecs,  a  poor 
and  wandering  tribe  from  the  far  Northwest,  had  come 
on  the  plateau.  There  they  built  their  miserable  col 
lection  of  huts  on  the  spot — as  tradition  tells  us— 
prescribed  by  the  oracle.  Their  conquests,  at  first 
confined  to  their  immediate  neighborhood,  gradually 
covered  the  Valley,  then,  crossing  the  mountains, 
swept  over  the  broad  extent  of  the  table-land,  de- 
scended its  precipitous  sides,  and  rolled  onwards  to 
the  Mexican  Gulf  and  the  distant  confines  of  Central 
America.  Their  wretched  capital,  meanwhile,  keeping 
pace  with  the  enlargement  of  territory,  had  grown  into 
a  flourishing  city,  filled  with  buildings,  monuments  of 
art,  and  a  numerous  population,  that  gave  it  the  first 
rank  among  the  capitals  of  the  Western  World.  At 
this  crisis  came  over  another  race  from  the  remote 
East,  strangers  like  themselves,  whose  coming  had  also 
been  predicted  by  the  oracle,  and,  appearing  on  the 
plateau,  assailed  them  in  the  very  zenith  of  their  jir  s- 
perity,  and  blotted  them  out  from  the  map  of  nations 
forever  !  The  whole  story  has  the  air  of  fable  rather  than 
of  history  !  a  legend  of  romance, — a  tale  of  the  genii ! 


REFLECTIONS.  20I 

Yet  we  cannot  regret  the  fall  of  an  empire  which 
did  so  little  to  promote  the  happiness  of  its  subjects  or 
the  real  interests  of  humanity.  Notwithstanding  the 
lustre  thrown  over  its  latter  days  by  the  glorious 'de- 
fence of  its  capital,  by  the  mild  munificence  of  Mon 
tezuma,  by  the  dauntless  heroism  of  Guatemozin,  the 
Aztecs  were  emphatically  a  fierce  and  brutal  race,  little 
calculated,  in  their  best  aspects,  to  excite  our  sympathy 
and  regard.  Their  civilization,  such  as  it  was,  was  not 
their  own,  but  reflected,  perhaps  imperfectly,  from  a 
race  whom  they  had  succeeded  in  the  land.  It  was,  in 
respect  to  the  Aztecs,  a  generous  graft  on  a  vicious 
stock,  and  could  have  brought  no  fruit  to  perfection. 
They  ruled  over  their  wide  domains  with  a  sword,  in- 
stead of  a  sceptre.  They  did  nothing  to  ameliorate 
the  condition  or  in  any  way  promote  the  progress  of 
their  vassals.  Their  vassals  were  serfs,  used  only  to 
minister  to  their  pleasure,  held  in  awe  by  armed  gar- 
risons, ground  to  the  dust  by  imposts  in  peace,  by 
military  conscriptions  in  war.  They  did  not,  like  the 
Romans,  whom  they  resembled  in  the  nature  of  their 
conquests,  extend  the  rights  of  citizenship  to  the  con- 
quered. They  did  not  amalgamate  them  into  one 
great  nation,  with  common  rights  and  interests.  They 
held  them  as  aliens, — even  those  who  in  the  Valley 
were  gathered  round  the  very  walls  of  the  capital.  The 
Aztec  metropolis,  the  heart  of  the  monarchy,  had  not 
a  syn-.pathy,  not  a  pulsation,  in  common  with  the  rest 
of  the  body  politic.     It  was  a  stranger  in  its  own  land. 

The  Aztecs  not  only  did  not  advance  the  condition 
of  their  vassals,  but,  morally  speaking,  they  did  much 
to  degrade  it.     How  can  a  nation  where  human  sacri- 


■Z02      SIEGE  AND  SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

4' 

fices  prevail,  and  especially  when  combined  with  can- 
nibalism, further  the  march  of  civilization?  How 
can  the  interests  of  humanity  be  consulted,  where  man 
is  levelled  to  the  rank  of  the  brutes  that  perish  ?  The 
influence  of  the  Aztecs  introduced  their  gloomy  super- 
stition into  lands  before  unacquainted  with  it,  or 
where,  at  least,  it  was  not  established  in  any  great 
strength.  The  example  of  the  capital  was  contagious. 
As  the  latter  increased  in  opulence,  the  religious  cele- 
brations were  conducted  with  still  more  terrible  mag- 
nificence ;  in  the  same  manner  as  the  gladiatorial 
shows  of  the  Romans  increased  in  pomp  with  the  in- 
creasing splendor  of  the  capital.  Men  became  familiar 
with  scenes  of  horror  and  the  most  loathsome  abomi- 
nations. Women  and  children — the  whole  nation — 
became  familiar  with  and  assisted  at  them.  The  heart 
was  hardened,  the  manners  were  made  ferocious,  the 
feeble  light  of  civilization,  transmitted  from  a  milder 
race,  was  growing  fainter  and  fainter,  as  thousands 
and  thousands  of  miserable  victims,  throughout  the 
empire,  were  yearly  fattened  in  its  cages,  sacrificed  on 
its  altars,  dressed  and  served  at  its  banquets  !  The 
whole  land  was  converted  into  vast  human  shambles ! 
The  empire  of  the  Aztecs  did  not  fall  before  its  time. 

Whether  these  unparalleled  outrages  furnish  a  suffi- 
cient plea  to  the  Spaniards  for  their  invasion,  whether, 
with  the  Protestant,  we  are  content  to  find  a  Avar  rant 
foi  it  in  the  natural  rights  and  demands  of  civilization, 
or,  with  the  Roman  Catholic,  in  the  good  pleasure  of 
the  Pope, — on  the  one  or  other  of  which  grounds  the 
conquests  by  most  Christian  nations  in  the  East  and 
the  West  have  been  defended, — it  is  unnecessary  to 


REFLECTIONS. 


203 


discuss,  as  it  has  already  been  considered  in  a  former 
chapter.  It  is  more  material  to  inquire  whether,  as- 
suming, the  right,  the  conquest  of  Mexico  was  con- 
ducted with  a  proper  regard  to  the  claims  of  humanity. 
And  here  we  must  admit  that,  with  all  allowance  for 
the  ferocity  of  the  age  and  the  laxity  of  its  principles, 
there  are  passages  which  every  Spaniard  who  cherishes 
the  fame  of  his  countrymen  would  be  glad  to  see  ex- 
punged from  their  history;  passages  not  to  be  vin- 
dicated on  the  score  of  self-defence,  or  of  necessity 
of  any  kind,  and  which  must  forever  leave  a  dark  spot 
on  the  annals  of  the  Conquest.  And  yet,  taken  as  a 
whole,  the  invasion,  up  to  the  capture  of  the  capital, 
was  conducted  on  principles  less  revolting  to  humanity 
than  most,  perhaps  than  any,  of  the  other  conquests 
of  the  Castilian  crown  in  the  New  World. 

It  may  seem  slight  praise  to  say  that  the  followers 
of  Cortes  used  no  blood- hounds  to  hunt  down  their 
wretched  victims,  as  in  some  other  i)arts  of  the  Con- 
tinent, nor  exterminated  a  peaceful  and  submissive 
population  in  mere  wantonness  of  cruelty,  as  in  the 
Islands.  \Yet  it  is  something  that  they  were  not  so  far 
infected  by  the  spirit  of  the  age,  and  that  their  swords 
were  rarely  stained  with  blood  unless  it  was  indispen- 
sable to  the  success  of  their  enterprise.  Even  in  the 
last  siege  of  the  capital,  the  sufferings  of  the  Aztecs, 
terrible  as  they  were,  do  not  imply  any  unusual  cruelty 
in  the  victors  ;  they  were  not  greater  than  those  in- 
flicted on  their  own  countrymen  at  home,  in  many  a 
memorable  instance,  by  the  most  polished  nations,  not 
merely  of  ancient  times,  but  of  our  own.  They  were 
the   inevitable  consequences  which    follow  from  war 


204     SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

when,  instead  of  being  confined  to  its  legitimate  field, 
it  is  brought  home  to  the  hearthstone,  to  the  peaceful 
community  of  the  city, — its  burghers  untrained  to 
arms,  its  women  and  children  yet  more  defenceless. 
In  the  present  instance,  indeed,  the  sufferings  of  the 
besieged  were  in  a  great  degree  to  be  charged  on 
themselves, — on  their  patriotic  but  desperate  self-devo- 
tion. It  was  not  the  desire,  as  certainly  it  was  not  the 
interest,  of  the  Spaniards  to  destroy  the  capital  or  its 
inhabitants.  When  any  of  these  fell  into  their  hands, 
they  were  kindly  entertained,  their  wants  supplied,  and 
every  means  taken  to  infuse  into  them  a  spirit  of  con- 
ciliation ;  and  this,  too,  it  should  be  remembered,  in 
despite  of  the  dreadful  doom  to  which  they  consigned 
their  Christian  captives.  The  gates  of  a  fair  capitulation 
were  kept  open,  though  unavailingly,  to  the  last  hour. 
The  right  of  conquest  necessarily  implies  that  of 
using  whatever  force  may  be  necessary  for  overcoming 
resistance  to  the  assertion  of  that  right.  For  the 
Spaniards  to  have  done  otherwise  than  they  did  would 
have  been  to  abandon  the  siege,  and,  with  it,  the  con- 
quest of  the  country.  To  have  suffered  the  inhabitants, 
with  their  high-spirited  monarch,  to  escape,  would  but 
have  prolonged  the  miseries  of  war  by  transferring  it 
to  another  and  more  inaccessible  quarter.  They  liter- 
ally, so  far  as  the  success  of  the  expedition  was  con- 
cerned, had  no  choice.  If  our  imagination  is  struck 
with  the  amount  of  suffering  in  this  and  in  similar 
scenes  of  the  Conquest,  it  should  be  borne  in  mind 
that  it  was  a  natural  result  of  the  great  masses  of  men 
engaged  in  the  conflict.  The  amount  of  suffering  does 
not  of  itself  show  the  amount  of  cruelty  which  caused 


REFLECTWXS. 


205 


it  ;  and  it  is  but  justice  to  the  Conquerors  of  Mexico 
to  say  that  the  very  brilliancy  and  importance  of  their 
exploits  have  given  a  melancholy  celebrity  to  their 
misdecids,  and  thrown  them  into  somewhat  bolder  re- 
lief than  strictly  belongs  to  them.  It  is  proper  tliat 
thus  much  should  be  stated,  not  to  excuse  their  ex- 
cesses, but  that  we  may  be  enabled  to  make  a  more 
impartial  estimate  of  their  conduct  as  compared  with 
that  of  other  nations  under  similar  circumstances,  and 
that  we  may  not  visit  them  with  peculiar  obloquy  for 
evils  which  necessarily  flow  from  the  condition  of 
w^ar.'*"  I  have  not  drawn  a  veil  over  these  evils;  for 
the  historian  should  not  shrink  from  depicting  in  their 
true  colors  the  atrocities  of  a  condition  over  which 
success  is  apt  to  throw  a  false  halo  of  glory,  but  which, 
bursting  asunder  the  strong  bonds  of  human  fellowship, 
purchases  its  triumphs  by  arming  the  hand  of  man 
against  his  brother,  makes  a  savage  of  the  civilized, 
and  kindles  the  fires  of  hell  in  the  bosom  of  the  savage. 

■4°  By  none  has  this  obloquy  been  poured  with  such  unsparing  hand 
on  the  heads  of  the  old  Conquerors  as  by  their  own  descendants,  the 
modern  Mexicans.  Ixtlilxochitl's  editor,  Bustaniante,  concludes  an 
animated  invective  against  the  invaders  with  recommending  that  a 
monument  should  be  raised  on  the  spot — now  dry  land — w  here  Guate- 
mozin  was  taken,  which,  as  the  proposed  inscription  itself  intimates, 
should  "  devote  to  eternal  execration  the  detested  memory  of  these 
banditti!"  (Venida  de  los  Espanoles,  p.  52,  nota.)  One  would  sup- 
pose that  the  pure  Aztec  blood,  uncontaminated  by  a  drop  of  Ca:>- 
tilian,  flowed  in  the  veins  of  the  mdignant  editor  and  his  compatriots, 
or  at  least  that  their  sympathies  for  the  conquered  race  would  make 
them  anxious  to  reinstate  them  in  their  ancient  rights.  Notwith- 
standing these  bursts  of  generous  indignation,  however,  which  plenti- 
fully season  the  writings  of  the  Mexicans  of  our  day,  we  do  not  find 
that  the  Revolution,  or  any  of  its  numerous  brood  of  pnitiunciamientos, 
has  resulted  in  restoring  to  them  an  acre  of  their  ancient  territory. 
Vol.  III.  18 


2o6      SIEGE  AND   SURRENDER    OF  MEXICO. 

Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  Conquest  in  a  moral 
view,  regarded  as  a  military  achievement  it  must  fill  us 
with  astonishment.  That  a  handful  of  adventurers,  in- 
differently armed  and  equipped,  should  have  landed  on 
the  shores  of  a  powerful  empire  inhabited  by  a  fierce 
and  warlike  race,  and,  in  defiance  of  the  reiterated 
prohibitions  of  its  sovereign,  have  forced  their  way 
into  the  interior; — that  they  should  have  done  this 
without  knowledge  of  the  language  or  of  the  land, 
without  chart  or  compass  to  guide  them,  without  any 
idea  of  the  difficulties  they  were  to' encounter,  totally 
uncertain  whether  the  next  step  might  bring  them  on  a 
hostile  nation  or  on  a  desert,  feeling  their  way  along 
in  the  dark,  as  it  were ; — that,  though  nearly  over- 
whelmed in  their  first  encounter  with  the  inhabitants, 
they  should  have  still  pressed  on  to  the  capital  of  the 
empire,  and,  having  readied  it,  thrown  themselves  un- 
hesitatingly into  the  midst  of  their  enemies; — that,  so 
far  from  being  daunted  by  the  extraordinary  spectacle 
there  exhibited  of  power  and  civilization,  they  should 
have  been  but  the  more  confirmed  in  their  original 
design  ; — that  they  should  have  seized  the  monarch, 
have  executed  his  ministers  before  the  eyes  of  his  sub- 
jects, and,  when  driven  forth  with  ruin  from  the  gates, 
have  gathered  their  scattered  wreck  together,  and,  after 
a  system  of  operations  pursued  with  consummate  policy 
and  daring,  have  succeeded  in  overturning  the  capital 
and  establishing  their  sway  over  the  country; — that  all 
this  should  have  been  so  effected  by  a  mere  handful  of 
indigent  adventurers,  is  a  fact  little  short  of  the  miracu- 
lous,— too  startling  for  the  probabilities  demanded  by 
fiction,  and  without  a  parallel  in  the  pages  of  history. 


REFLECTIONS. 


207 


Vet  this  must  not  be  understood  too  literally ;  for  it 
would  be  unjust  to  the  Aztecs  themselves,  at  least  to 
their  military  prowess,  to  regard  the  Conquest  as  directly 
achieved  by  the  Spaniards  alone.  This  would  indeed 
be  to  arm  the  latter  with  the  charmed  shield  of  Rug- 
giero,  and  the  magic  lance  of  Astolfo,  overturning  its 
hundreds  at  a  touch.  The  Indian  empire  was  in  a 
manner  conquered  by  Indians.  The  first  terrible 
encounter  of  the  Spaniards  with  the  Tlascalans,  which 
had  nearly  proved  their  ruin,  did  in  fact  insure  their 
success.  It  secured  to  them  a  strong  native  support  on 
which  to  retreat  in  the  hour  of  trouble,  and  round 
which  they  could  rally  the  kindred  races  of  the  land 
for  one  great  and  overwhelming  assault.  The  Aztec 
monarchy  fell  by  the  hands  of  its  own  subjects,  under 
the  direction  of  European  sagacity  and  science.  Had 
it  been  united,  it  might  have  bidden  defiance  to  the 
invaders.  As  it  was,  the  capital  was  dissevered  from 
the  rest  of  the  country,  and  the  bolt,  which  might 
have  passed  off  comparatively  harmless  had  the  empire 
been  cemented  by  a  common  principle  of  loyalty  and 
patriotism,  now  found  its  way  into  every  crack  and 
crevice  of  the  ill-compacted  fabric  and  buried  it  in  its 
own  ruins.  Its  fate  may  serve  as  a  striking  proof  that 
a  government  which  does  not  rest  on  the  sympathies 
of  its  subjects  cannot  long  abide ;  that  human  institu- 
tions, when  not  connected  with  human  prosperity  and 
progress,  must  fall, — if  not  before  the  increasing  light 
of  civilization,  by  the  hand  of  violence  ;  by  violence 
from  within,  if  not  from  without.  And  who  shall 
lament  their  fall? 


^o8  SOLIS. 

With  the  events  of  this  Book  terminates  the  history,  by  SoHs,  of 
the  Comjuista  de  Mcjico  ;  a  history,  in  many  points  of  view,  the  most 
remarkable  in  the  Castilian  language.  Don  Antonio  de  Solis  was 
born  of  a  respectable  family,  in  October,  1610,  at  Alcala  de  Henares, 
the  nursery  of  science,  and  the  name  of  which  is  associated  in  Spain 
with  the  brightest  ornaments  of  both  church  and  state.  Solis,  while 
very  young,  exhibited  the  sparks  of  future  genius,  especially  in  the 
vivacity  of  his  imagination  and  a  sensibility  to  the  beautiful.  He 
showed  a  decided  turn  for  dramatic  composition,  and  produced  a 
comedy,  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  which  would  have  reflected  credit  on 
a  riper  age.  He  afterwards  devoted  himself  with  assiduity  to  the 
study  of  ethics,  the  fruits  of  which  are  visible  in  the  moral  reflections 
which  give  a  didactic  character  to  the  lightest  of  his  compositions. 

At  the  usual  age  he  entered  the  University  of  Salamanca,  and  went 
through  the  regular  course  of  the  canon  and  civil  law.  But  the 
imaginative  spirit  of  Solis  took  much  more  delight  in  the  soft  revels 
of  the  Muses  than  in  the  severe  discipline  of  the  schools;  and  he  pro- 
duced a  number  of  pieces  for  the  theatre,  much  esteemed  for  the  rich- 
ness of  the  diction  and  for  the  ingenious  and  delicate  texture  of  the 
intrigue.  His  taste  for  dramatic  composition  was,  no  doubt,  nourished 
by  his  intimacy  with  the  great  Calderon,  for  whose  dramas  he  pre- 
pared several  loas,  or  prologues.  The  amiable  manners  and  brilliant 
acquisitions  of  Soils  recommended  him  to  the  favor  of  the  Conde  de 
Oropesa,  Viceroy  of  Navarre,  who  made  him  his  secretary.  The  letters 
written  by  him  while  in  the  service  of  this  nobleman,  and  afterwards, 
have  some  of  them  been  given  to  the  public,  and  are  much  com- 
mended for  the  suavity  and  elegance  of  expression  characteristic  of 
all  the  writings  of  their  author. 

The  increasing  reputation  of  Solis  attracted  the  notice  of  the  Court, 
and  in  1661  he  was  made  secretary  of  the  queen  dowager, — an  office 
which  he  had  declined  under  Philip  the  Fourth, — and  he  was  also 
preferred  to  the  still  more  important  post  of  Historiographer  of  the 
Indies,  an  appointment  which  stimulated  his  ambition  to  a  bold 
career,  different  from  anything  he  had  yet  attempted.  Five  years 
after  this  event,  at  the  age  of  lifty-six,  he  made  a  most  important 
change  in  his  way  of  life,  by  embracing  the  religious  profession,  and 
was  admitted  to  priest's  orders  in  1666.  From  this  time  he  discon- 
tinued his  addresses  to  the  comic  Muse,  and,  if  We  may  credit  his 
biographers,  even  refused,  from  conscientious  scruples,  to  engage  in 
the  composition  of  the  religious  dramas,  styled  autos  sacratncntales. 


so  LIS.  209 

although  the  field  was  now  opened  to  him  by  the  death  of  the  poet 
CaKleron.  But  such  tenderness  of  conscience  it  seems  difficult  to 
reconcile  with  the  publication  of  his  various  comedies,  which  took 
place  in  i63i.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  he  devoted  himself  zealously 
to  his  new  profession,  and  to  the  historical  studies  in  which  his  office 
of  chronicler  had  engaged  him.  At  length  the  fruits  of  these  studies 
were  given  to  the  world  in  his  Coiiquista  de  Mejico,  which  appeared  at 
Madrid  in  1684.  He  designed,  it  is  said,  to  continue  the  work  to  the 
times  after  the  Conquest.  But,  if  so,  he  was  unfortunately  prevented 
by  his  death,  which  occurred  about  two  years  after  the  publication  of 
his  history,  on  the  i3lh  of  April,  1686.  He  died  at  the  age  of  seventy- 
six,  much  regarded  for  his  virtues  and  admired  for  his  genius,  but  in 
that  poverty  with  which  genius  and  virtue  are  too  often  requited. 

The  miscellaneous  poems  of  Soils  were  collected  and  published  a 
few  years  after  his  death,  in  one  volume  quarto  ;  which  has  since  been 
reprinted.  But  his  great  work,  that  on  which  his  fame  is  permanently 
to  rest,  is  his  Coiiquista  de  Mejic'o.  Notwithstanding  the  field  of  his- 
tory had  been  occupied  by  so  many  eminent  Spanish  scholars,  there 
w;xs  still  a  new  career  open  to  Solis.  His  predecessors,  with  all  their 
merits,  had  shown  a  strange  ignorance  of  the  principles  of  art.  They 
had  reg  irded  historical  writing  not  as  a  work  of  art,  but  as  a  science. 
They  had  approached  it  on  that  side  only,  and  thus  divorced  it  from 
its  legitimate  connection  with  belles-lettres.  They  had  thought  only  of 
the  useful,  and  nothing  of  the  beautiful ;  had  addressed  themselves  to 
the  business  of  instruction,  not  to  that  of  giving  pleasure ;  to  the  man 
of  letters,  studious  to  hive  up  knowledge,  not  to  the  man  of  leisure, 
v.'ho  turns  to  books  as  a  solace  or  a  recreation.  Such  writers  are 
never  in  the  hands  of  the  many, — not  even  of  the  cultivated  many. 
They  are  condemned  to  the  closet  of  the  student,  painfully  toiling 
after  truth,  and  little  mindful  of  the  coarse  covering  under  which  she 
may  be  wrapped.  Some  of  the  most  distinguished  of  the  national 
historiographers,  as,  for  example,  Herrera  and  Zurita,  two  of  the 
greatest  names  in  Castile  and  Aragon,  fall  under  this  ci-nsure.  They 
display  acuteness,  strength  of  argument,  judicious  criticism,  wonderful 
'patience  and  industry  in  accumulating  details  for  their  varied  and  volu- 
m:nous  compilations;  but  in  all  the  graces  of  composition — in  elegance 
of  style,  skilful  arrangement  of  the  story,  and  selection  of  incidents — 
they  are  lamentably  deficient.  With  all  their  high  merits,  intellectu- 
ally considered,  they  are  so  defective  on  the  score  of  art  that  they  can 
neither  be  popular,  nor  reverenced  as  the  great  classic?  of  the  nation. 
18* 


2IO  SO  LIS. 

Soils  snw  thnt  the  field  was  unappropriated  by  his  predecessors, 
and  had  the  address  to  avail  himself  of  it.  Instead  of  spreading  him- 
self over  a  vast  range,  where  he  must  expend  his  efforts  on  cold  and 
barren  generalities,  he  fixed  his  attention  on  one  great  theme, — one 
that,  by  its  picturesque  accompaniments,  the  romantic  incidents  of  the 
story,  the  adventurous  character  of  the  actors  and  their  exploits,  was 
associated  with  many  a  proud  and  patriotic  feeling  in  the  bosom  of  the 
Spaniard, — one,  in  fine,  that,  by  the  brilliant  contrast  it  afforded  of 
European  civilization  to  the  barbaric  splendors  of  an  Indian  dynasty, 
was  remarkably  suited  to  the  kindling  imagination  of  the  poet.  It 
was  accordingly  under  its  poetic  aspect  that  the  eye  of  Soils  surveyed 
it.  He  distributed  the  whole  subject  with  admirable  skill,  keeping 
down  the  subordinate  parts,  bringing  the  most  important  into  high 
relief,  and  by  a  careful  study  of  its  proportions  giving  an  admirable 
symmetry  to  the  whole.  Instead  of  bewildering  the  attention  by  a 
variety  of  objects,  he  presented  to  it  one  great  and  predominant  idea, 
which  shed  its  light,  if  I  may  so  say,  over  his  whole  work.  Instead 
of  the  numerous  episodes,  leading,  like  so  many  blind  galleries,  to 
nothing,  he  took  the  student  along  a  great  road,  conducting  straight 
towards  the  mark.  At  every  step  which  we  take  in  the  narrative,  we 
feel  ourselves  on  the  advance.  The  story  never  falters  or  stands  still. 
That  admirable  liaison  of  the  parts  is  maintained,  by  which  one  part 
is  held  to  another,  and  each  preceding  event  prepares  the  way  for 
that  which  is  to  follow.  Even  those  occasional  interruptions,  the 
great  stumbling-block  of  the  historian,  which  cannot  be  avoided,  in 
consequence  of  the  important  bearing  which  the  events  that  cause 
them  have  on  the  story,  are  managed  with  such  address  that,  if  the  inter- 
est is  suspended,  it  is  never  snapped.  Such  halting-places,  indeed, 
are  so  contrived  as  to  afford  a  repose  not  unwelcome  after  the  stirring 
scenes  in  which  the  reader  has  been  long  involved  ;  as  the  traveller, 
exhausted  by  the  fatigues  of  his  journey,  finds  refreshment  at  places 
which  in  their  own  character  have  little  to  recommend  them. 

The  work,  thus  conducted,  affords  the  interest  of  a  grand  spectacle, 
— of  some  well-ordered  drama,  in  which  scene  succeeds  to  scene,  act 
to  act,  each  unfolding  and  preparing  the  mind  for  the  one  that  is  to 
follow,  until  the  whole  is  consummated  by  the  grand  and  decisive  t/^- 
noiteinent.  With  this  denouement,  the.  fall  of  Mexico,  SoHshas  closed 
his  historj-,  preferring  to  leave  the  full  impression  unbroken  on  the 
reader's  mind  rather  than  to  weaken  it  by  prolonging  the  narrative 
to  the  Conqueror's  death.     In  this  he  certainly  consulted  effect 


so  LIS.  211 

Soils  used  tlie  same  oare  in  regard  to  style  that  he  showed  in  the 
arrangement  of  his  5tory.  It  is  elaborated  with  the  nicest  art,  and 
displays  that  varied  beauty  and  brilliancy  which  remind  us  of  those 
finely  variegated  woods  which,  under  a  high  polisli,  display  all  the 
riv-h  tints  that  lie  beneath  the  surface.  Yet  this  style  finds  little  favor 
with  foreign  critics,  who  are  apt  to  condemn  it  as  tnniid,  artificial, 
and  verbose.  But  let  the  foreign  critic  beware  how  lie  meddles  with 
style,  that  impalpable  essence  which  surrounds  thought  as  with  an 
atmosphere,  giving  to  it  its  life  and  peculiar  tone  of  color,  differing 
in  different  nations,  like  the  atmospheres  which  envelop  the  different 
planets  of  our  system,  and  which  requi'  to  be  comprehended  that 
we  may  interpret  the  character  of  the  «%bjects  seen  through  their  me- 
dium. None  but  a  native  can  pronounce  with  any  confidence  upon 
style,  affected  as  it  is  by  so  many  casual  and  local  associations  that 
determine  its  propriety  and  its  elegance.  In  the  judgment  of  eminent 
Spanish  critics,  the  style  of  Solis  claims  the  merits  of  perspicuity, 
copiousness,  and  classic  elegance.  Even  the  foreigner  will  not  be  in- 
sensible to  its  power  of  conveying  a  living  picture  to  the  eye.  Words 
are  the  colors  of  the  writer,  and  Solis  uses  them  with  the  skill  of  a 
consummate  artist ;  now  displaying  the  dark  tumult  of  battle,  and 
now  refreshing  the  mind  by  scenes  of  quiet  magnificence  or  of  soft 
lu.Kury  and  repose. 

Solis  formed  himself  to  some  extent  on  the  historical  models  of  an- 
tiquity. He  introduced  set  speeches  into  the  mouths  of  his  person- 
ages, speeches  of  his  ovvn  composing.  The  practice  may  claim  high 
authority  among  moderns  as  well  as. ancients,  especially  among  the 
great  Italian  historians.  It  has  its  advantages,  in  enabling  the  writer 
to  convey  in  a  dramatic  form  the  sentiments  of  the  actors,  and  thus 
to  maintain  the  charm  of  historic  illusion  by  never  introducing  the 
person  of  the  historian.  It  has  also  another  advantage,  that  of  exhib- 
iting the  author's  own  sentiments  under  cover  of  his  hero's, — a  more 
effective  mode  than  if  they  were  introduced  as  his  own.  But  to  one 
trained  in  the  school  of  the  great  English  historians  the  practice  has 
something  in  it  unsatisfactory  and  displeasing.  There  is  something 
like  deception  in  it.  The  reader  is  unable  to  determine  what  are  the 
sentiments  of  the  characters  and  what  those  of  the  author.  History  as- 
sumes the  air  of  romance,  and  the  bewildered  student  wanders  about 
in  an  uncertain  light,  doubtful  whetherhe  is  treading  on  factor  fiction. 

It  is  open  to  another  objection,  when,  as  it  frequently  does,  it  vio- 
lales  the  propriety  of  costume.     Ncdiing  is  more  difficult  than  to 


212  SO  LIS. 

preserve  the  keeping  of  the  piece  when  the  new  is  thus  laid  on  the 
old, — tlie  imitation  of  the  antique  on  the  antique  itself.  The  decla- 
mations of  Soils  are  much  prized  as  specimens  of  eloquence.  But 
they  are  too  often  misplaced ;  and  the  rude  characters  in  whose 
mouths  they  are  inserted  are  as  little  in  keeping  with  them  as  were 
the  Roman  heroes  with  the  fashionable  wig  and  sword  with  which 
they  strutted  on  the  French  stage  in  Louis  the  Fourteenth's  time. 

As  to  the  value  of  the  researches  made  by  Soils  in  the  compilation 
of" his  work  it  is  not  easy  to  speak,  for  the  page  is  supported  by  none 
of  the  notes  and  references  which  enable  us  to  track  the  modern 
author  to  the  quarry  whence  he  has  drawn  his  materials.  It  was  not 
the  usage  of  the  age.  The  people  of  that  day,  and,  indeed,  of  pre- 
ceding times,  were  content  to  take  the  author's  word  for  his  facts. 
They  did  not  require  to  know  why  he  affirmed  this  thing  or  doubted 
that ;  whether  he  built  his  story  on  the  authority  of  a  friend  or  of  a 
foe,  of  a  writer  of  good  report  or  of  evil  -report.  In  short,  they  did 
not  demand  a  reason  for  their  faith.  They  were  content  to  take  it  on 
trust.  This  was  very  comfortable  to  the  historian.  It  saved  him  a 
world  of  trouble  in  the  process,  and  it  prevented  the  detection  of 
error,  or,  at  least,  of  negligence.  It  prevented  it  with  all  who  did 
not  carefully  go  over  the  same  ground  with  himself.  They  who  have 
occasion  to  do  this  with  Soils  will  probably  rise  from  the  examina- 
tion with  no  very  favorable  idea  of  the  extent  of  his  researches :  they 
will  find  that,  though  his  situation  gave  him  access  to  the  most  valu- 
able repositories  in  the  kingdom,  he  rarely  ascends  to  original  docu- 
ments, but  contents  himself  with  the  most  obvious  and  accessible  ; 
that  he  rarely  discriminates  between  the  contemporary  testimony  and 
that  of  later  date  ;  in  a  word,  that  in  all  that  constitutes  the  scientijic 
value  of  history  he  falls  far  below  his  learned  predecessor  Herrera, — 
rapid  as  was  the  composition  of  this  last. 

Another  objection  that  may  be  made  to  Soils  is  his  bigotry,  or 
rather  his  fanaticism.  This  defect,  so  repugnant  to  the  philosophic 
spirit  which  should  preside  over  the  labors  of  the  historian,  he  pos- 
sessed, it  is  true,  in  common  with  many  of  his  countrymen.  But  in 
him  it  was  carried  to  an  uncommon  height;  and  it  was  peculiarly  un- 
fortunate, since  his  subject,  being  the  contest  between  the  Christian 
and  the  Infidel,  naturally  drev/  forth  the  full  display  of  this  tt^iling. 
Instead  of  regarding  the  benighted  heathen  with  the  usual  measure 
of  aversion  in  which  they  were  held  in  the  Peninsula  after  the  subju- 
gation of  Granada,  he  considered  them  as  part  of  the  grand  confed- 


SOLIS.  213 

eracy  of  Satan,  not  merely  breathing  the  spirit  and  acting  under  the 
invisible  influence  of  the  Prince  of  Darkness,  but  holding  personal 
communication  with  him.  He  seems  to  have  regarded  them,  in  short, 
as  his  regular  and  organized  militia.  In  this  view,  every  act  of  the 
unfortunate  enemy  was  a  crime.  Even  good  acts  were  misrepresented, 
or  referred  to  evil  motives  ;  for  how  could  goodness  originate  with 
the  Spirit  of  Evil  ?  No  better  evidence  of  the  results  of  this  way  of 
thinking  need  be  given  than  that  afforded  by  the  ill-favored  and  un- 
authorized portrait  which  the  historian  has  left  us  of  Montezuma, — 
even  in  his  dying  hours.  The  war  of  the  Conquest  was,  in  short,  in 
the  historian's  eye,  a  conflict  between  light  and  darkness,  between 
the  good  piinciple  and  the  evil  principle,  between  the  soldiers  of 
Satan  and  the  chivalry  of  the  Cross.  It  was  a  Holy  War,  in  which 
the  sanctity  of  the  cause  covered  up  the  sins  of  the  Conquerors, 
and  everyone — the  meanest  soldier  who  fell  in  it — might  aspire  to  the 
crown  of  martyrdom.  With  sympathies  thus  preoccupied,  what  room 
was  there  for  that  impartial  criticism  which  is  the  life  of  history  ? 

The  historian's  overweening  partiality  to  the  Conquerors  is  still 
further  heightened  by  those  feelings  of  patriotism — a  bastard  patriot- 
ism— which,  identifying  the  writer's  own  glory  with  that  of  his  coun- 
trymen, makes  him  blind  to  their  errors.  This  partiality  is  especially 
shown  in  regard  to  Cortes,  the  hero  of  the  piece.  The  lights  and 
shadows  of  the  picture  are  all  disposed  with  reference  to  this  principal 
character.  The  good  is  ostentatiously  paraded  before  us,  and  the  bad 
is  winked  out  of  sight.  Solis  does  not  stop  here,  but,  by  the  artful 
gloss  which  makes  the  worse  appear  the  better  cause,  he  calls  on  us 
to  admire  his  hero  sometimes  for  his  very  transgressions.  No  one, 
not  even  Gomara  himself,  is  such  a  wholesale  encomiast  of  the  great 
Conqueror ;  and,  when  his  views  are  contradicted  by  the  statements 
of  honest  Diaz,  Solis  is  sure  to  find  a  motive  for  the  discrepancy  in 
some  sinister  purpose  of  the  veteran.  He  knows  more  of  Cortts,  of 
his  actions  and  his  motives,  than  his  companion  m  arms  or  his  ad- 
miring chaplain. 

In  this  way  Solis  has  presented  a  beautiful  image  of  his  hero, — but 
It  is  a  hero  oT  romance  ;  a  character  without  a  blemish.  An  eminent 
Castihan  ciitic  has  commended  him  for  "  having  conducted  his  history 
with  so  much  art  that  it  has  become  a  panegyric."  This  may  be  true; 
but,  if  history  be  panegyric,  panegyric  is  not  history. 

Yet,  with  all  these  defects, — the  existence  of  which  no  candid  critu,- 
wiU  be  disposed  to  deny, — the  History  of  Soils  has  found  such  favor 


2  14  S AH  A  GUN. 

with  his  own  countrymen  that  it  has  been  printed  and  reprinted,  with 
all  the  refinements  of  editorial  luxury.  It  has  been  translated  into  the 
principal  languages  of  Europe ;  and  such  is  the  charm  of  its  composi- 
tion, and  its  exquisite  finish  as  a  work  of  art,  that  it  will  doubtless  be 
as  imperishable  as  the  language  in  which  it  is  written,  or  the  memory 
of  the  events  which  it  records. 

At  this  place  also  we  are  to  take  leave  of  Father  Sahagun,  who  has 
accompanied  us  through  our  narrative.  As  his  information  was  col- 
lected from  the  traditions  of  the  natives,  the  contemporaries  of  the 
Conquest,  it  has  been  of  considerable  importance  in  corroborating  or 
contradicting  the  statements  of  the  Conquerors.  Yet  its  value  in  this 
respect  is  much  impaired  by  the  wild  and  random  character  of  many 
of  the  Aztec  traditions, — so  absurd,  indeed,  as  to  carry  their  own 
refutation  with  them.  Where  the  passions  are  enlisted,  what  is  too 
absurd  to  find  credit? 

The  Twelfth  Book — as  it  would  appear  from  his  Preface,  the  Nmth 
Book  oiiginally — of  his  Historia  de  la  Nueva- Espatia  is  devoted  to 
the  account  of  the  Conquest.  In  1585,  thirty  years  after  the  first 
draft,  he  re-wrote  this  part  of  his  great  work,  moved  to  it,  as  he  tells 
us,  "  by  the  desire  to  correct  the  defects  of  the  first  account,  in  which 
some  things  had  found  their  way  that  had  better  been  omitted,  and 
other  things  omitted  which  were  well  deserving  of  record."*  It 
might  be  supposed  that  the  obloquy  which  the  missionary  had  brought 
on  his  head  by  his  honest  recital  of  the  Aztec  traditions  would  ha-'e 
made  him  more  circumspect  in  this  rifaciinento  of  his  former  narrative. 
But  I  have  not  found  it  so,  or  that  there  has  been  any  effort  to  miti- 
gate the  statements  that  bore  hardest  on  his  countrymen.  As  this 
manuscript  copy  must  have  been  that  which  the  author  himself  deemed 
the  most  correct,  since  it  is  his  last  revision,  and  as  it  is  more  copious 
than  the  printed  narrative,  I  have  been  usually  guided  by  it. 

Sefior  Bustamante  is  mistaken  in  supposing  that  the  edition  of 
this  Twelfth  Book  which  he  published  in  Mexico  in  1829  is  from  the 
reformed  copy  of  Sahagun.  The  manuscript  cited  in  these  pages  is 
undoubtedly  a  transcript  of  that  copy.  For  in  the  Preface  to  it,  as  we 
nave  seen,  the  author  himself  declares  it.  In  the  intrinsic  value  of 
the  two  drafts  there  is,  after  all,  but  litde  difference. 

*  "  En  e!  libro  nono,  donde  se  trata  esta  Conquista,  se  hicieron  ciertos  defec- 
tos  ;  y  fue,  que  algunas  cosas  se  pusieron  en  la  narracion  de  este  Conquista  que 
fueron  mal  puestas ;  y  otras  se  callaron,  que  fueron  mal  calladas.  Por  esta 
causa,  este  ano  de  mil  quinieutos  ochenta  y  cinco,  enmeude  este  Libro."     WS. 


I 


BOOK   SEVENTH. 

(CONCLUSION.) 

SUBSEQUENT   CAREER  OF   CORTES. 


(215) 


BOOK  VII. 

(CONCLUSION.) 

SUBSEQUENT   CAREER   OF   CORTlfiS. 


CHAPTER    I. 

TORTURE  OF    GUATEMOZIN. — SUBMISSION   OF   THE   COUN- 
TRY.— REBUILDING    OF    THE    CAPITAL. MISSION    TO 

CASTILE. COMPLAINTS     AGAINST     CORTES. — HE     IS 

CONFIRMED    IN    HIS   AUTHORITY. 

I52I-I522. 

The  history  of  the  Conquest  of  Mexico  terminates 
with  the  surrender  of  the  capitaL  But  the  history  of 
the  Conquest  is  so  intimately  blended  with  that  of  the 
extraordinary  man  who  achieved  it,  that  there  would 
seem  to  be  an  incompleteness  in  the  narrative  if  it  were 
not  continued  to  the  close  of  his  personal  career.  This 
part  of  the  subject  has  been  very  imperfectly  treated  by 
preceding  writers.  I  shall  therefore  avail  myself  of  the 
authentic  materials  in  my  possession  to  give  a  brief 
sketch  of  the  brilliant  but  checkered  fortunes  which 
marked  the  subsequent  career  of  Cortes. 

The  first  ebullition  of  triumph  was  succeeded  in  the 
army  by  very  different  feelings,  as  they  beheld  the 
Vol.  III.— K  19  (217) 


21 8         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

scanty  spoil  gleaned  from  the  conquered  city,  and  as 
they  brooded  over  the  inadequate  compensation  they 
were  to  receive  for  all  their  toils  and  sufferings.  Some 
of  the  soldiers  of  Narvaez,  with  feelings  of  bitter  dis- 
appointment, absolutely  declined  to  accept  their  shares. 
Some  murmured  audibly  against  the  general,  and  others 
against  Guatemozin,  who,  they  said,  could  reveal,  if 
he  chose,  the  place  where  the  treasures  were  secreted. 
The  v.'hite  walls  of  the  barracks  were  covered  with 
epigrams  and  pasquinades  levelled  at  Cortes,  whom 
they  accused  of  taking  "  one  fifth  of  the  booty  as  com- 
mander-in-chief, and  another  fifth  as  king."  As  Guate- 
mozin refused  to  make  any  revelation  in  respect  to  the 
treasure,  or  rather  declared  there  was  none  to  make, 
the  soldiers  loudly  insisted  on  his  being  put  to  the 
torture.  But  for  this  act  of  violence,  so  contrary  to 
the  promise  of  protection  recently  made  to  the  Indian 
prince,  Cortes  was  not  prepared  ;  and  he  resisted  the 
demand,  until  the  men,  instigated,  it  is  said,  by  the 
royal  treasurer,  Alderete,  accused  the  general  of  a 
secret  understanding  with  Guateipozin,  and  of  a  design 
to  defraud  the  Spanish  sovereigns  and  themselves. 
These  unmerited  taunts  stung  Cortes  to  the  quick, 
and  in  an  evil  hour  he  delivered  the  Aztec  prince  into 
the  hands  of  his  enemies,  to  work  their  pleasure  on 
liim. 

But  the  hero  who  had  braved  death  in  its  most  awful 
forms  was  not  to  be  intimidated  by  bodily  suffering. 
When  his  companion,  the  cacique  of  Tacuba,  who  was 
put  to  the  torture  with  him,  testified  his  anguish  by  his 
groans,  Guatemozin  coldly  rebuked  him  by  exclaiming, 
"And  do  you  think  I,  then,  am  taking  my  pleasure  in 


TORTURE    OF  GUATEMOZIN. 


219 


my  bath?"'  At  length  Cortes,  ashamed  of  the  base 
part  he  was  led  to  play,  rescued  the  Aztec  prince  from 
his  tormentors  before  it  was  too  late, — not,  however, 
before  it  was  too  late  for  his  own  honor,  which  has 
suffered  an  indelible  stain  from  this  treatment  of  his 
royal  prisoner. 

All  that  could  be  wrung  from  Guatemozin  by  the 
extremity  of  his  sufferings  was  the  confession  that  much 
gold  had  been  thrown  into  the  water.  But,  although 
the  best  divers  were  employed,  under  the  eye  of  Cortes 
himself,  to  search  the  oozy  bed  of  the  lake,  only  a  few 
articles  of  inconsiderable  value  were  drawn  from  it. 
They  had  better  fortune  in  searching  a  pond  in  Guate- 
mozin's  gardens,  where  a  sun,  as  it  is  called,  probably 
one  of  the  Aztec  calendar  wheels,  made  of  pure  gold, 
of  great  size  and  thickness,  was  discovered.  The  ca- 
cique of  Tacuba  had  confessed  that  a  quantity  of  treasure 
was  buried  in  the  ground  at  one  of  his  own  villas.  But 
when  the  Spaniards  carried  him  to  the  spot  he  alleged 
that  "  his  only  motive  for  saying  so  was  the  hope  of 
dying  on  the  road!"  The  soldiers,  disappointed  in 
their  expectations,  now,  with  the  usual  caprice  of  an 
unlicensed  mob,  changed  their  tone,  and  openly  ac- 
cused their  commander  of  cruelty  to  his  captive.  The 
charge  was  well  deserved, — but  not  from  them.' 

•  "^Estoi  yo  en  algun  deleite,  6  bano?"  (Gomara,  Cronica,  cap. 
145.)  The  literal  version  is  not  so  poetical  as  "  the  bed  of  flowers," 
into  which  this  exclamation  of  Guatemozin  is  usually  rendered. 

»  The  most  particular  account  of  this  disgraceful  transaction  is  given 
by  Bernal  Diaz,  one  of  those  selected  to  accompany  the  lord  of  Ta- 
cuba to  his  villa.  (Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  157.)  He  notices  the 
affair  with  becoming  indignation,  but  excuses  Cortes  from  a  voluntary 
part  in  it. 


2  20         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

The  tidings  of  the  fall  of  Mexico  were  borne  on  the 
wings  of  the  wind  over  the  plateau,  and  down  the 
broad  sides  of  the  Cordilleras.  Many  envoys  made 
their  appearance  from  the  remote  Indian  tribes,  anxious 
to  learn  the  truth  of  the  astounding  intelligence  and 
to  gaze  with  their  own  eyes  on  the  ruins  of  the  detested 
city.  Among  these  were  ambassadors  from  the  king- 
dom of  Michoacan,  a  powerful  and  independent  state, 
inhabited  by  one  of  the  kindred  Nahuatlac  races,  and 
lying  between  the  Mexican  Valley  and  the  Pacific. 
The  embassy  was  soon  followed  by  the  king  of  the 
country  in  person,  who  came  in  great  state  to  the 
Castilian  quarters.  Cortes  received  him  with  equal 
parade,  astonished  him  by  the  brilliant  evolutions  of 
his  cavalry  and  by  the  thunders  of  his  ordnance,  and 
escorted  him  in  one  of  the  brigantines  round  the  fallen 
city,  whose  pile  of  smouldering  palaces  and  temples 
was  all  that  now  remained  of  the  once  dread  capital 
of  Anahuac.  The  Indian  monarch  gazed  with  silent 
awe  on  the  scene  of  desolation,  and  eagerly  craved  the 
protection  of  the  invincible  beings  who  had  caused  it.^ 
His  example  was  followed  by  ambassadors  from  the 
remote  regions  which  had  never  yet  had  intercourse 

3  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzaiia,  p.  308. — The  simple  state- 
ment of  the  Conqueror  contrasts  strongly  with  the  pompous  narrative  of 
Herrera  (Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  3,  cap.  3),  and  with  that  of  Father 
Cave,  who  may  have  drawn  a  little  on  his  own  imagination.  "  Cortes 
en  una  canoa  ricamente  entapizada,  llevo  d  el  Rey  Vehichilze,  y  a 
los  nobles  de  Michoacan  a  Me.xico.  Este  es  uno  de  los  palacios  de 
Muctheuzoma  (les  decia);  alii  esta  el  gran  templo  de  Huitzilopuctli ; 
estas  niinas  son  del  grande  edificio  de  Quauhtemoc,  aquellos  de  la 
gran  plaza  del  mercado.  Conmovido  Vehichilze  de  este  espectaculo 
se  le  saltaron  las  lagrimas."  Los  tres  Siglos  de  Mexico  (Mexico, 
1836),  torn.  i.  p.  13. 


SUBMISSION  OF   THE    COUNTRY.  221 

with  the  Spaniards.  Cortes,  who  saw  the  boundaries 
of  his  empire  thus  rapidly  enlarging,  availed  himself  of 
the  favorable  dispositions  of  the  natives  to  ascertain 
the  products  and  resources  of  their  several  countries. 

I'wo  small  detachments  were  sent  into  the  friendly 
state  of  Michoacan,  through  which  country  they  pene- 
trated to  the  borders  ot  the  great  Southern  ocean.  No 
European  had  as  yet  descended  on  its  shores  so  far 
north  of  the  equator.  The  Spaniards  eagerly  advanced 
into  its  waters,  erected  a  cross  on  the  sandy  margin, 
and  took  possession  of  it,  with  all  the  usual  formali- 
ties, in  the  name  of  their  Catholic  Majesties.  On 
their  return,  they  visited  some  of  the  rich  districts 
towards  the  north,  since  celebrated  for  their  mineral 
treasures,  and  brought  back  samples  of  gold  and  Cali- 
fornian  pearls,  with  an  account  of  their  discovery  of 
the  ocean.  The  imagination  of  Cortes  was  kindled, 
and  his  soul  swelled  with  exultation,  at  the  splendid 
prospects  which  their  discoveries  unfolded.  "  Most 
of  all,"  he  writes  to  the  emperor,  "do  I  exult  in  the 
tidings  brought  me  of  the  Great  Ocean.  For  in  it,  as 
cosmographers,  and  those  learned  men  who  know  most 
about  the  Indies,  inform  us,  are  scattered  the  rich  isles 
teeming  with  gold  and  spices  and  precious  stones."* 
He  at  once  sought  a  favorable  spot  for  a  colony  on  the 
shores  of  the  Pacific,  and  made  arrangements  for  the 
construction  of  four  vessels   to  explore  the  mysteries 

4  "  Que  todos  los  que  tieneii  alguna  ciencia,  y  experiencia  en  la 
NavegacioH  do  las  Indias,  lian  tenido  por  muy  cierlo,  cjue  dosciihri- 
endo  por  estas  Partes  la  Mar  del  Sur,  se  habian  de  liailar  muchas 
Islas  ricas  de  Oro,  y  Perlas,  y  Piedras  preciosas,  y  Especeria,  y  sc 
habian  de  descubrir  y  liallar  otros  inuchos  secretos  y  cosas  adniira- 
b'es."  Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  302,  303. 
19* 


222         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

of  these  unknown  seas.  This  was  the  beginning  of  his 
noble  enterprises  for  discovery  in  the  Gulf  of  California. 

Although  the  greater  part  of  Anahuac,  overawed  by 
the  successes  of  the  Spaniards,  had  tendered  their  alle- 
giance, there  were  some,  especially  on  the  southern 
slopes  of  the  Cordilleras,  who  showed  a  less  submissive 
disposition.  Cortes  instantly  sent  out  strong  detach- 
ments under  Sandoval  and  Alvarado  to  reduce  the 
enemy  and  establish  colonies  in  the  conquered  prov- 
inces. The  highly  colored  reports  which  Alvarado, 
who  had  a  quick  scent  for  gold,  gave  of  the  mineral 
wealth  of  Oaxaca,  no  doubt  operated  with  Cortes  in 
determining  him  to  select  this  region  for  his  own  par- 
ticular domain. 

The  commander-in-chief,  with  his  little  band  of 
Spaniards,  now  daily  recruited  by  reinforcements  from 
the  Islands,  still  occupied  the  quarters  of  Cojohuacan, 
which  they  had  taken  up  at  the  termination  of  the  siege. 
Cortes  did  not  immediately  decide  in  what  quarter  of 
the  Valley  to  establish  the  new  capital  which  was  to 
take  the  place  of  the  ancient  Tenochtitlan.  The  situ- 
ation of  the  latter,  surrounded  by  water  and  exposed 
to  occasional  inundations,  had  some  obvious  disad- 
vantages. But  there  was  no  doubt  that  in  some  part 
of  the  elevated  and  central  plateau  of  the  Valley  the 
new  metropolis  should  be  built,  to  which  both  Euro- 
pean and  Indian  might  look  up  as  to  the  head  of  the 
colonial  empire  of  Spain.  At  length  he  decided  on 
retaining  the  site  of  the  ancient  city,  moved  to  it,  as 
he  says,  "by  its  past  renown,  and  the  memory" — not 
an  enviable  one,  surely — "in  which  it  was  held  among 
the  nations;"  and  he  made  preparations  for  the  recon- 


REBUILDING    OF   THE    CAPITAL.  22,5 

struction  of  the  capital  on  a  scale  of  magnificence 
which  should,  in  his  own  language,  "raise  her  to  the 
rank  of  Queen  of  the  surrounding  provinces,  in  the 
same  manner  as  she  had  been  of  yore."  ^ 

Tiie  labor  was  to  be  performed  by  the  Indian  popu- 
lation, drawn  from  all  quarters  of  the  Valley,  and  in- 
cluding the  Mexicans  themselves,  great  numbers  of 
whom  still  lingered  in  the  neighborhood  of  their  an- 
cient residence.  At  first  they  showed  reluctance,  and 
even  symptoms  of  hostility,  when  called  to  this  work 
of  humiliation  by  their  conquerors.  But  Cortes  had 
the  address  to  secure  some  of  the  principal  chiefs  in 
his  interests,  and  under  their  authority  and  direction 
the  labor  of  their  countrymen  was  conducted.  The 
deep  groves  of  the  Valley  and  the  forests  of  the  neigh- 
boring hills  supplied  cedar,  cypress,  and  other  durable 
woods  for  the  interior  of  the  buildings,  and  the  quar- 
ries of  tetzontU  and  the  ruins  of  the  anciejit  edifices 
furnished  abundance  of  stone.  As  there  were  no  beasts 
of  draught  employed  by  the  Aztecs,  an  immense  num- 
ber of  hands  was  necessarily  required  for  the  work. 
All  within  the  immediate  control  of  Cortes  were 
pressed  into  the  service.  The  spot  so  recently  deserted 
now  swarmed  with  multitudes  of  Indians  of  various 
tribes,  and  with  Europeans,  the  latter  directing,  while 
the  otliers  labored.  The  prophecy  of  the  Aztecs  was 
accomplished.'^    And  the  work  of  reconstruction  went 

s  "  Y  crea  Vuestra  Magestad,  que  cada  dia  se  \xk  ennobleciendo  en 
tal  mani-ra,  que  como  antes  fue  Principal,  y  Senora  de  todas  estas 
•I''rovincias,  que  lo  serd  tambien  de  aaui  adclante."  Rel.  Terc.  de 
Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  307. 

*  Ante,  p.  160. 


224         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

forward  with  a  rapidity  like  that  shown  by  an  Asiatic 
despot,  who  concentrates  the  population  of  an  empire 
on  the  erection  of  a  favorite  capital. ' 

Yet  the  condition  of  Cortes,  notwithstanding  the 
success  of  his  arms,  suggested  many  causes  for  anxiety. 
He  had  not  received  a  word  of  encouragement  from 
home, — not  a  word,  indeed,  of  encouragement  or  cen- 
sure. In  what  light  his  irregular  course  was  regarded 
by  the  government  or  the  nation  was  still  matter  of 
painful  uncertainty.  He  now  prepared  another  Letter 
to  the  emperor,  the  Third  in  the  published  series,  writ- 
ten in  the  same  simple  and  energetic  style  which  has 
entitled  his  Commentaries,  as  they  may  be  called,  to 
a  comparison  with  those  of  Csesar.  It  was  dated  at 
Cojohuacan,  May  15th,  1522,  and  in  it  he  recapitu- 
lated the  events  of  the  final  siege  of  the  capital,  and 
his  subsequent  operations,  accompanied  by  many  saga- 
cious reflections,  as  usual,  on  the  character  and  re- 
sources of  the  country.  With  this  letter  he  purposed 
to  send  the  royal  fifth  of  the  spoils  of  Mexico,  and  a 
rich  collection  of  fabrics,  especially  of  gold  and  jewelry 
wrought  into  many  rare  and  fanciful  forms.  One  of 
the  jewels  was  an  emerald,  cut  in  a  pyramidal  shape, 

7  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  4,  cap.  8. — Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las 
Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  32. — Camargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS. — 
Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  162. — "  En  la  cual  (la  edificacion  de  la  ciudad) 
los  primeros  aiios  andaba  mas  gente  que  en  la  edificacion  del  templo 
de  Jerusalem,  porque  era  tanta  la  gente  que  andaba  en  las  obras,  que 
apenas  podia  hombre  romper  por  algunas  calles  y  calzadas,  aunque 
son  muy  anchas."  (Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  i,  cap.  i.) 
l.xtlilxochitl  supplies  any  blank  which  the  imagination  might  leave,  by 
filling  it  up  with  400,000,  as  the  number  of  natives  employed  in  this 
work  by  Cortes  1     Venida  de  los  Espanoles,  p.  60. 


MISSIOiV   TO    CASTILE.  225 

of  SO  extraordinary  a  size  that  the  base  was  as  Load  as 
the  pahn  of  the  hand  !*  The  collection  was  siill  fur- 
ther augmented  by  specimens  of  many  of  the  na'.ural 
products,  as  Avell  as  of  animals  peculiar  to  the  country.' 

8  "  Sirvieron  al  Emperador  con  muclias  piedras,  i  entre  ellas  con 
una  esmeralda  fina,  como  la  palma,  pero  quadrada,  i  que  se  remataba 
en  punta  como  piramide."  (Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  146.)  Martvr 
confirms  the  account  of  this  wonderful  emerald,  which,  he  says,  "  was 
reported  to  the  king  and  council  to  be  nearly  as  broad  as  the  palm  of 
the  hand,  and  which  those  who  had  seen  it  thought  could  not  be  pro- 
cured for  any  sum."     De  Orbe  Novo,  dec.  8,  cap.  4.* 

9  [Cortes  availed  himself  of  the  same  opportunity  by  which  the 
royal  fifth  was  despatched,  to  send  costly  or  curious  presents  to 
numerous  individuals  and  churches  in  Spain.  For  this  fact  I  am  in- 
debted to  the  kindness  of  Mr.  George  Sumner,  who,  when  in  opain, 
made  a  visit  to  the  Archives  of  Simancas,  from  which  he  has  fun  ished 
me  with  some  interesting  particulars  Ibr  the  period  on  which  1  am 


*  [Alaman,  however,  denies  that  this  stone  was  an  emerald,  or  that 
any  true  emeralds  were  found  by  the  Conquerors  in  Mexico,  notwith- 
standing the  frequent  mention  of  them  in  contemporary  relations. 
"  There  are  no  emeralds,"  he  says,  "  in  our  republic  ;  and  the  stones 
mistaken  for  them  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest  were  jade  or  serpeo- 
tine."  As  an  evidence  of  the  ignorance  on  this  subject  common  in 
Europe  at  a  former  period,  he  cites  the  famous  instance  of  the  Sacra 
Catino  at  Genoa,  regarded  for  ages  as  an  emerald  of  priceless  value, 
but  now  proved  to  be  an  imitation.  (Disertaciones  historicas,  tom.  i. 
p.  161.)  It  is  certain  that  no  emeralds  are  now  found  in  any  part  of 
North  America.  Yet  the  Conquerors  would  seem  to  have  been  more 
discriminating  than  Seiior  Alaman  represents  them.  They  distin- 
guished the  chalchiviil,  supposed  to  have  been  jade,  from  the  emerald, 
and  rejected  as  valueless  other  green  stones  prized  by  the  natives.  The 
case  of  the  Sacro  Catino  does  not  apply,  since  it  is  not  pretended  that 
the  Mexicans  possessed  the  art  of  imitating  precious  stones  by  means 
of  paste.  The  fact,  therefore,  that  the  emeralds  sent  and  taken  to 
Europe  by  Cortes  were  there  recognized  as  genuine  affords  a  pre- 
sumptive proof  in  their  favor,  which  has  been  generally  accepted  a'' 
BufTicient  by  modern  writers  on  the  subject. — ED.] 


2  26         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

The  army  wrote  a  letter  to  accompany  that  of  Cortes, 
in  which  they  expatiated  on  his  manifold  services  and 
besought  the  emperor  to  ratify  his  proceedings  and 
confirm  him  in  his  present  authority.  The  important 
mission  was  intrusted  to  two  of  the  general's  confiden- 
tial oflicers,  Quinones  and  Avila.  It  proved  to  be  un- 
fortunate. The  agents  touched  at  the  Azores,  where 
Quinones  lost  his  life  in  a  brawl.  Avila,  resuming  his 
voyage,  was  captured  by  a  French  privateer,  and  the 
rich  spoils  of  the  Aztecs  went  into  the  treasury  of  his 
Most  Christian  Majesty.  Francis  the  First  gazed  with 
pardonable  envy  on  the  treasures  which  his  Imperial 
rival  drew  from  his  colonial  domains;  and  he  intimated 
his  discontent  by  peevishly  expressing  a  desire  "to  see 
the  clause  in  Adam's  testament  which  entitled  his 
brothers  of  Castile  and  Portugal  to  divide  the  New 
World  between  them."  Avila  found  means,  through  a 
private  hand,  of  transmitting  his  letters,  the  most  im- 


engaged.  In  a  file  endorsed  Papeles  de  Cortes  he  met  with  a  hst, 
without  date,  but  evidently  belonging  to  the  year  1522,  of  the  gold, 
plumage,  and  ornaments  sent  by  Cortes  to  the  different  persons  and 
institutions  in  Spain.  "  The  policy  of  Cortes  and  his  clear-sighted- 
ness," Mr.  Sumner  justly  remarks,  "are  well  shown  by  this.  Not  a 
church,  not  a  shrine  of  any  fame,  throughout  Spain,  has  been  for- 
gotten. To  Santa  Maria  del  Antigua  in  Sevilla,  a  rich  offering  of  gold 
and  of  plumage ;  to  Santa  Maria  del  Pilar  in  Zaragoza,  the  same ; 
another  again  to  San  Jago  de  Compostella ;  and  one  to  the  Cartuja 
of  Seville,  in  which  the  bones  of  Columbus  were  then  lying.  There 
are  plumages  and  gold  for  every  place  of  importance.  Then  the 
bishops  and  men  of  power  are  not  forgotten ;  for  to  them  also  are 
rich  presents  sent.  In  a  time  when  there  were  no  gazettes  to 
trumpet  one's  fame,  what  surer  way  to  notoriety  than  this  ?  WHiat 
surer  way,  in  Spain,  for  gaining  that  security  which  Cortes  so  much 
needed?"! 


COMPLAINTS  AGAINST  CORTES.  227 

portant  part  of  his  charge,  to  Spain,  where  they  reached 
the  court  in  safety." 

While  these  events  were  passing,  affairs  in  Spain 
had  been  taking  an  unfavorable  turn  for  Cortes.  It 
may  seem  strange  that  the  brilliant  exploits  of  the 
Conqueror  of  Mexico  should  have  attracted  so  little 
notice  from  the  government  at  home.  But  the  country 
was  at  that  time  distracted  by  the  dismal  feuds  of  the 
comiinidades.  The  sovereign  was  in  Germany,  too 
much  engrossed  by  the  cares  of  the  empire  to  allow 
leisure  for  those  of  his  own  kingdom.  The  reins  of 
government  were  in  the  hands  of  Adrian,  Charles's 
preceptor ;  a  man  whose  ascetic  and  studious  habits 
better  qualified  him  to  preside  over  a  college  of  monks 
than  to  fill,  as  he  successively  did,  the  most  impor- 
tant posts  in  Christendom, — first  as  Regent  of  Castile, 
afterwards  as  Head  of  the  Church.  Yet  the  slow  and 
hesitating  Adrian  could  not  have  so  long  passed  over 
in  silence  the  important  services  of  Cortes,  but  for 
the  hostile  interference  of  Velasquez,  the  governor 
of  Cuba,  sustained  by  Fonseca,  bishop  of  Burgos,  the 
chief  person  in  the  Spanish  colonial  department. 
This  prelate,  from  his  elevated  station,  possessed  para- 
mount authority  in  all  matters  relating  to  the  Indies, 
and  he  had  exerted  it  from  the  first,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  in  a  manner  most  prejudicial  to  the  interests  ,i 
Cortes.  He  had  now  the  address  to  obtain  a  warrant 
from  the  regent,  which  was  designed  to  ruin  the  Con- 
queror at  the  very  moment  when  his  great  enterprise 
had  been  crowned  with  success.    The  instrument,  after 

»o  Peter  Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  dec  8,  cap.  4. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de 
la  Conquista,  cap.  169. 


228        SUBSEQUENT   CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

recapitulating  the  offences  of  Cortes  in  regard  to  Ve- 
lasquez,  appoints  a  commissioner  with  full  power  to 
visit  the  country,  to  institute  an  inquiry  into  the  gen- 
eral's conduct,  to  suspend  him  from  his  functions,  and 
even  to  seize  his  person  and  sequestrate  his  property, 
until  the  pleasure  of  the  Castilian  court  could  be 
known.  The  warrant  was  signed  by  Adrian,  at  Bur- 
gos, on  the  nth  of  April,  152 1,  and  countersigned  by 
Fonseca." 

The  individual  selected  for  the  delicate  task  of  ap- 
prehending Cortes  and  bringing  him  to  trial  on  the 
theatre  of  his  own  discoveries  and  in  the  heart  of  his 
own  camp  was  named  Cristoval  de  Tapia,  veedor,  or 
inspector,  of  the  gold  founderies  in  St.  Domingo.  He 
was  a  feeble,  vacillating  man,  as  h'ttle  competent  to 
cope  with  Cortes  in  civil  matters  as  Narvaez  had  shown 
himself  to  be  in  military. 

The  commissioner,  clothed  in  his  brief  authority, 
landed,  in  December,  at  Villa  Rica.  But  he  was 
coldly  received  by  the  magistrates  of  the  city.  His 
credentials  were  disputed,  on  the  ground  of  some  tech- 
nical informality.  It  was  objected,  moreover,  that  his 
commission  was  founded  on  obvious  misrepresentations 
to  the  government ;  and,  notwithstanding  a  most 
courteous  and  complimentary  epistle  which  he  received 
from  Cortes,  congratulating  him,  as  an  old  friend,  on 

'■'  The  instrument  also  conferred  similar  powers  in  respect  to  an  in- 
qiiirj'  into  Karvaez's  treatment  of  the  licentiate  Ayllon.  The  whole 
document  is  cited  in  a  deposition  drawn  up  by  the  notary,  Alonso  de 
Vcrgara,  setting  forth  the  proceedings  of  Tapia  and  the  municipality 
ol  Villa  Rica,  dated  at  Cempoalla,  December  24,  1521.  The  MS. 
forms  part  of  the  collection  of  Don  Vargas  Pon9e,  in  the  archives  of 
the  Academy  of  History  at  Madrid, 


COMPLAINTS  AGAINST  CORTES. 


229 


his  arrival,  the  veedor  soon  found  that  he  was  neither 
to  be  permitted  to  penetrate  far  into  the  country  nor 
to  exercise  any  control  there.  He  loved  money;  and, 
as  Cortes  knew  the  weak  side  of  his  "old  friend,"  he 
proposed  to  purchase  his  horses,  slaves,  and  equipage, 
at  a  tempting  price.  The  dreams  of  disappointed  am 
bition  were  gradually  succeeded  by  those  of  avarice ; 
and  the  discomfited  commissioner  consented  to  re- 
embark  for  Cuba,  well  freighted  with  gold,  if  not  with 
glory,  and  provided  with  fresh  matter  of  accusation 
against  the  high-handed  measures  of  Cortes." 

Thus  left  in  undisputed  possession  of  authority,  the 
Spanish  commander  went  forward  with  vigor  in  his 
plans  for  the  settlement  of  his  conquests.  The  Panu- 
chese,  a  fierce  people  on  the  borders  of  the  Panuco,  on 
the  Atlantic  coast,  had  taken  up  arms  against  the  Span- 
iards. Cortes  marched  at  the  head  of  a  considerable 
force  into  their  country,  defeated  them  in  two  pitched 
battles,  and,  after  a  severe  campaign,  reduced  the  war- 
like tribe  to  subjection. 

A  subsequent  insurrection  was  punished  with  greater 
severity.  They  rose  on  the  Spaniards,  massacred  five 
hundred  of  their  oppressors,  and  menaced  with  destruc- 
tion the  neighboring  settlement  of  San  Estevan.  Cortes 
ordered  Sandoval  to  chastise  the  insurgents ;  and  that 
officer,  after  a  campaign  of  incredible  hardship,  com- 

"  Relacion  de  Vergara,  MS. — Rel.  Terc.  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana, 
pp.  309-314. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  158. — The 
7-ci;idorc5  of  Me.xico  and  other  places  remonstrated  against  Coites' 
leaving  the  Valley  to  meet  Tdpia,  on  the  ground  that  his  presence  was 
necessary  to  overawe  the  natives.  (MS.,  Coyoacan,  Dec.  12,  1521.) 
The  general  acquiesced  in  the  force  of  a  remonstrance  which  it  is  no« 
improbable  was  made  at  his  own  suggestion. 
Vol.  III.  20 


230         SUBSEQUEXT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

pletely  routed  the  .barbarians,  captured  four  hundred 
of  their  chiefs,  and,  after  the  affected  formalities  of  a 
trial,  sentenced  every  man  of  them  to  the  stake  or  the 
gibbet.  "By  which  means,"  says  Cortes,  "God  be 
praised  !  the  safety  of  the  Spaniards  was  secured,  and 
the  province  once  more  restored  to  tranquillity  and 
peace." '3  He  had  omitted  to  mention  in  his  letter 
his  ungenerous  treatment  of  Guatemozin.  But  the 
undisguised  and  naive  manner,  so  to  speak,  in  which 
he  details  these  circumstances  to  the  emperor,  shows 
that  he  attached  no  discredit  to  the  deed.  It  was  the 
just  recompense  of  i-ebelUoii;  a  word  that  has  been 
made  the  apology  for  more  atrocities  than  any  other 
word, — save  religion. 

During  this  interval  the  great  question  in  respect  to 
Cortes  and  the  colony  had  been  brought  to  a  decisive 
issue.  The  general  must  have  succumbed  under  the 
insidious  and  implacable  attacks  of  his  enemies,  but 
for  the  sturdy  opposition  of  a  few  powerful  frienas 
zealously  devoted  to  his  interests.  Among  them  may 
be  mentioned  his  own  father,  Don  Martin  Cortes,  a 
discreet  and  efficient  person,"*  and  the  duke  de  Bejar, 
a  powerful  nobleman,  who  from  an  early  period  had 
warmly  espoused  the  cause  of  Cortes.  By  their  repre- 
sentations the  timid  regent  was  at  length  convinced 
that  the  measures  of  Fonseca  were  prejudicial  to  the 
interests  of^the  crown,  and  an  order  was  issued  inter- 
's "  Como  j'a  (loado  nuestro  Senor)  estaba  toda  la  Provincia  muy 
pacifica,  y  segura."     Rel.  Quarta  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  367. 

'4  The  Munoz  collection  of  MSS.  contains  a  ptower  of  attorney 
given  by  Cortes  to  his  father,  authorizing  him  to  manage  all  negotia- 
tions with  the  emperor  and  with  private  persons,  to  conduct  all  law- 
suits on  his  behalf,  to  pay  over  and  receive  money,  etc. 


COMPLAINTS  AGAIXST  CORTES. 


231 


dieting  him  from  further  interference  in  any  matters  in 
which  Cortes  was  concerned. 

While  the  exasperated  prelate  was  chafing  under  this 
affront,  both  the  commissioners  Tapia  and  Narvaez 
arrived  in  Castile.  The  latter  had  been  ordered  to  Co- 
johuacan  after  the  surrender  of  the  capital,  where  his 
cringing  demeanor  formed  a  striking  contrast  to  the 
swaggering  port  which  he  had  assumed  on  first  enter- 
ing the  country.  When  brought  into  the  presence  of 
Cortes,  he  knelt  down,  and  would  have  kissed  his 
hand,  but  the  latter  raised  him  from  the  ground,  and, 
during  his  residence  in  his  quarters,  treated  him  with 
every  mark  of  respect.  The  general  soon  afterwards 
permitted  his  unfortunate  rival  to  return  to  Spain, 
where  he  proved,  as  might  have  been  anticipated,  a 
most  bitter  and  implacable  enemy. '^ 

These  two  personages,  reinforced  by  the  discontented 
prelate,  brought  forward  their  several  charges  against 
Cortes  with  all  the  acrimony  which  mortified  vanity 
and  the  thirst  of  vengeance  could  inspire.  Adrian  was 
no  longer  in  Spain,  having  been  called  to  the  chair  of 
St.  Peter;  but  Charles  the  Fifth,  after  his  long  absence, 
had  returned  to  his  dominions,  in  July,  1522.  The 
royal  ear  was  instantly  assailed  with  accusations  of 
Cortes  on  the  one  hand  and  his  vindication  on  the 
other,  till  the  young  monarch,  perplexed,  and  unable 
to  decide  on  the  merits  of  the  question,  referred  the 
whole  subject  to  the  decision  of  a  board  selected  for 
the  purpose.  It  was  drawn  partly  from  the  members 
of  his  privy  council,  and  partly  from  the  Indian  depart- 

'5  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  158. 


232         SUBSEQUEA^T  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

ment,  with  the  Grand  Chancellor  of  Naples  as  its 
president,  and  constituted  altogether  a  tribunal  of  the 
highest  respectability  for  integrity  and  wisdom.'' 

By  this  learned  body  a  patient  and  temperate  hear- 
ing was  given  to  the  parties.  The  enemies  of  Cortes 
accused  him  of  having  seized  and  finally  destroyed  the 
fleet  intrusted  to  him  by  Velasquez  and  fitted  out  at 
the  governor's  expense ;  of  having  afterwards  usurped 
powers  in  contempt  of  the  royal  prerogative ;  of  the 
unjustifiable  treatment  of  Narvaez  and  Tapia,  when 
they  had  been  lawfully  commissioned  to  supersede  him; 
of  cruelty  to  the  natives,  and  especially  to  Guatemozin ; 
of  embezzling  the  royal  treasures,  and  remitting  but  a 
small  part  of  its  dues  to  the  crown  ;  of  squandering  the 
revenues  of  the  conquered  countries  in  useless  and 
wasteful  schemes,  and  particularly  in  rebuilding  the 
capital  on  a  plan  of  unprecedented  extravagance ;  of 
pursuing,  in  short,  a  system  of  violence  and  extortion, 
without  respect  to  the  public  interest  or  any  other  end 
than  his  own  selfish  aggrandizement. 

In  answer  to  these  grave  charges,  the  friends  of 
Cortes  adduced  evidence  to  show  that  he  had  defrayed 
with  his  own  funds  two-thirds  of  the  cost  of  the  ex- 
pedition. The  powers  of  Velasquez  extended  only  to 
traffic,  not  to  establish  a  colony.  Yet  the  interest  of 
the  crown  required  the  latter.  The  army  had  theie- 
fore  necessarily  assumed  this  power  to  themselves ;  but, 
having  done  so,  they  had  sent  intelligence  of  their  pro- 

i6  Sayas,  Annales  de  Aragon  (Zaragoza,  1666),  cap.  63,  78. — It  is  a 
sufficient  voucher  for  the  respectability  of  this  court  that  we  find  in  it 
the  name  of  Dr.  Gahndez  de  Carbajal,  an  eminent  Castihan  jurist, 
grown  gray  in  the  service  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  whose  confidence 
he  enjoyed  to  the  highest  degree. 


COMPLAINTS  AGAINST  CORTES. 


23J 


ceedings  to  the  emperor  and  solicited  his  confirmation 
of  them.  The  rupture  with  Narvaez  was  that  com- 
mander's own  fault;  since  Cortes  would  have  met  him 
amicably,  had  not  the  violent  measures  of  his  rival, 
threatening  the  ruin  of  the  expedition,  compelled  him 
to  an  opposite  course.  The  treatment  of  Tapia  was 
vindicated  on  the  grounds  alleged  to  that  officer  by  the 
municipality  at  Cempoalla.  The  violence  to  Guate 
mozin  was  laid  at  the  door  of  Alderete,  the  royal 
treasurer,  who  had  instigated  the  soldiers  to  demand  it. 
The  remittances  to  the  crown,  it  was  clearly  proved, 
so  far  from  falling  short  of  the  legitimate  fifth,  had 
considerably  exceeded  it.  If  the  general  had  expended 
the  revenues  of  the  country  on  costly  enterprises  and 
public  works,  it  was  for  the  interest  of  the  country  that 
he  did  so,  and  he  had  incurred  a  heavy  debt  by  strain- 
ing his  own  credit  to  the  utmost  for  the  same  great 
objects.  Neither  did  they  deny  that,  in  the  same 
spirit,  he  was  now  rebuilding  Mexico  on  a  scale  suited 
to  the  metropolis  of  a  vast  and  opulent  empire. 

They  enlarged  on  the  opposition  he  had  experienced 
throughout  his  whole  career  from  the  governor  of  Cuba, 
and  still  more  from  the  bishop  of  Burgos,  which  latter 
functionary,  instead  of  affording  him  the  aid  to  have 
been  expected,  had  discouraged  recruits,  stopped  his 
supplies,  sequestered  such  property  as  from  time  to 
time  he  had  sent  to  Spain,  and  falsely  represented  his 
remittances  to  the  crown  as  coming  from  the  governor 
of  Cuba.  In  short,  such  and  so  numerous  were  the 
obstacles  thrown  in  his  path  that  Cortes  had  been 
heard  to  say  "  he  had  found  it  more  difficult  to  con- 
tend  against   his   own  countrymen   than  against   the 


234         SUBSEQUENl^  CAREER    OF   CORTES. 

Aztecs."  They  concluded  with  expatiating  on  the  bril- 
liant results  of  his  expedition,  and  asked  if  the  council 
were  prepared  to  dishonor  the  man  who,  in  the  face  of 
such  obstacles  and  with  scarcely  other  resources  than 
what  he  found  in  himself,  had  won  an  empire  for  Cas- 
tile such  as  was  possessed  by  no  European  potentate  ! '' 
This  last  appeal  was  irresistible.  However  irregular 
had  been  the  manner  of  proceeding,  no  one  could  deny 
the  grandeur  of  the  results.  There  was  not  a  Spaniard 
that  could  be  insensible  to  such  services,  or  that  would 
not  have  cried  out  ''Shame!"  at  an  ungenerous  re- 
quital of  them.  There  were  three  Flemings  in  the 
council ;  but  there  seems  to  have  been  no  difference 
of  opinion  in  the  body.  It  was  decided  that  neither 
Velasquez  nor  P'onseca  should  interfere  further  in  the 
concerns  of  New  Spain.  The  difficulties  of  the  former 
with  Cortes  were  regarded  in  the  nature  of  a  private 
suit;  and,  as  such,  redress  must  be  sought  by  the  reg- 
ular course  of  law.  The  acts  of  Cortes  were  confirmed 
in  their  full  extent.  He  was  constituted  Governor, 
Captain-General,  and  Chief  Justice  of  New  Spain,  with 
power  to  appoint  to  all  offices,  civil  and  military,  and 
to  order  any  person  to  leave  the  country  whose  resi- 
dence there  he  might  deem  prejudicial  to  the  interests 
of  the  crown.  This  judgment  of  the  council  was 
ratified  by  Charles  the  Fifth,  and  the  commission  in- 
vesting Cortes  with  these  ample  powers  was  signed  by 
the  emperor  at  Valladolid,  October  15th,  1522.  A 
liberal  salary  was  provided,  to  enable  the  governor  of 

17  Sayas,  Annales  de  Aragon,  cap.  78. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec. 
3,  lib.  4,  cap.  3. — Probanza  en  la  Villa  Segura,  MS. —  Declamciones 
1e  Puertocarrero  y  de  Montejo,  MS. 


A 


CONFIRMED   IN  HIS  AUTHORITY. 


235 


New  Spain  to  maintain  his  office  with  suitable  dignity. 
The  favor  of  his  sovereign  was  rendered  still  more 
welcome  by  a  letter  of  the  same  date,  written  by  him 
to  the  general,  in  which,  after  expatiating  on  the  sei"- 
vices  of  Cortes,  he  declares  it  to  be  his  intention  to 
make  him  such  a  requital  as  they  well  deserve-.'^  The 
principal  officers  were  recompensed  with  honors  and 
substantial  emoluments  ;  and  the  troops,  together  with 
some  privileges  grateful  to  the  vanity  of  the  soldier, 
received  the  promise  of  liberal  grants  of  land.  The 
emperor  still  further  complimented  them  by  a  letter 
written  to  the  army  with  his  own  hand,  in  which  he 
acknowledged  its  services  in  the  fullest  manner.'' 

From  this  hour  the  influence  of  Fonseca  in  the  In- 
dian department  was  at  an  end.  He  did  not  long  sur- 
vive his  chagrin,  as  he  died  in  the  following  year.  No 
man  was  in  a  situation  to  do  more  for  the  prosperity  of 
his  country  than  the  bishop  of  Burgos.  For  more  than 
thirty  years,  ever  since  the  first  dawn  of  discovery  under 
Columbus,  he  had  held  supreme  control  over  colonial 
affairs ;  and  it  lay  with  him,  therefore,  in  an  especial 
degree,  to  give  ardor  to  enterprise,  and  to  foster  the 
youthful  fortunes  of  the  colonies.     But  he  lay  like  a 

'^  \"  E  porque  soy  certificado  de  lo  mucho  que  vos  en  ese  descu- 
brimiento  e  conquista  y  en  tornar  a  ganar  la  dicha  ciudad  e  provincias 
h,i')i'is  fecho  e  trabajado,  de  que  me  he  tenido  e  tengo  por  muy  ser- 
vido,  e  tcngo  la  voluntad  que  es  razon  para  vos  favorecer  y  hacer  la 
merced  que  vuestros  servicios  y  trabajos  merecen." — The  whole  letter 
is  inserted  by  Alaman  in  his  Disertaciones  historicas,  torn.  i.  apend. 
2,  p.  144,  et  seq.] 

'9  Nombianiiento  de  Governador  y  Capitan  General  y  Justicia 
Mayor  de  Nueva-Espaiia,  MS. — Also  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Con- 
quista, cap.  168. 


236         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

blight  upon  them.  He  looked  with  an  evil  eye  on  ihe 
most  illustrious  of  the  Spanish  discoverers,  and  sought 
only  to  throw  impediments  in  their  career.  Such  had 
been  his  conduct  towards  Columbus,  and  such  to  Cortes. 
By  a  wise  and  generous  jiolicy,  he  might  have  placed 
his  name  among  the  great  lights  of  his  age.  As  it  was, 
he  only  served  to  bring  these  into  greater  lustre  by  con- 
trast with  his  own  dark  and  malignant  nature.  His 
career  shows  the  overweening  ascendency  which  tlie 
ecclesiastical  profession  possessed  in  Castile  in  the  six- 
teenth century ;  when  it  could  raise  a  man  to  so  im- 
portant a  station,  for  which  he  was  totally  unfit,  and 
keep  him  there  after  he  had  proved  himself  to  be  so.^ 
The  messengers  who  bore  the  commission  of  Cortes 
to  Mexico  touched  on  their  way  at  Cuba,  where  the 
tidings  were  proclaimed  by  sound  of  trumpet.  It  was 
a  death-blow  to  the  hopes  of  Velasquez.  Exasperated 
by  the  failure  of  his  schemes,  impoverished  by  the 
expense  of  expeditions  of  which  others  had  reaped  the 
fruits,  he  had  still  looked  forward  to  eventual  redress, 
and  cherished  the  sweet  hope  of  vengeance, — long 
delayed.  That  hope  was  now  gone.  There  was  slight 
chance  of  redress,  he  well  knew,  in  the  tedious  and 
thorny  litigation  of  the  Castilian  courts.  Ruined  in 
fortune,  dishonored  before  the  nation,  the  haughty 
spirit  of  the  governor  was  humbled  in  the  dust.     He 

=°  The  character  of  Fonseca  has  been  traced  by  the  same  hand  which 
has  traced  that  of  Columbus.  (Irving's  Life  and  Voyages  of  Cohiin- 
bus,  Appendix,  No.  32.)  Side  by  side  they  will  go  down  to  posterity 
in  the  beautiful  page  of  the  historian,  though  the  characters  of  the 
two  individuals  have  been  inscribed  with  pens  as  different  from  each 
other  as  the  golden  and  iron  pen  which  Paolo  Giovio  tells  us  he  ein- 
Rloyed  in  his  compositions. 


J 


CONFIRMED  IN  HIS  AUTHORITY.  237 

would  take  no  comfort,  but  fell  into  a  sullen  melan- 
choly, and  in  a  {^\v  months  died — if  report  be  true — ■ 
of  a  broken  heart. ^' 

The  portrait  usually  given  of  Velasquez  is  not  favor- 
able. Yet  Las  Casas  speaks  kindly  of  him,  and,  when 
his  prejudices  are  not  involved,  there  can  be  no  better 
authority.  But  Las  Casas  knew  him  when,  in  his  earlier 
days,  the  missionary  first  landed  in  Cuba.  The  gov- 
ernor treated  him  with  courtesy,  and  even  confidence ; 
and  it  was  natural  that  the  condescension  of  a  man 
of  high  family  and  station  should  have  made  its  im- 
pression on  the  feelings  of  the  poor  ecclesiastic.  In 
most  accounts  he  is  depicted  as  a  haughty,  irascible 
person,  jealous  of  authority  and  covetous  of  wealth. 
He  quarrelled  with  Grijalva,  Cortes'  predecessor,  ap- 
parently without  cause.  With  as  little  reason,  he 
bi  oke  with  Cortes  before  he  left  the  port.  He  proposed 
objects  to  himself  in  their  nature  incompatible.  He 
proposed  that  others  should  fight  his  battles,  and  that 
he  should  win  the  laurels ;  that  others  should  make 
discoveries,  and  that  he  should  reap  the  fruits  of  them. 
None  but  a  weak  mind  would  have  conformed  to  his 
conditions,  and  a  weak  mind  could  not  have  effected 
his  objects.  His  appointment  of  Cortes  put  him  in  a 
false  position  for  the  rest  of  his  life.  His  efforts  to 
retrieve  his  position  only  made  things  worse.  The 
a]>pointment  of  Cortes  to  the  command  was  scarcely 
a  greater  error  than  the  subsequent  appointment  of 
Naivaezand  of  Tapia.  The  life  of  Velasquez  was  a 
series  of  errors. 

Narvaez  had  no  better  fate  than  his  friend  the  gov- 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  158. 


238        SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

ernor  of  Cuba.  In  the  hope  of  retrieving  his  fortunes, 
he  continued  to  pursue  his  adventurous  career,  and  em- 
barked in  an  expedition  to  Honduras.  It  was  his  last ; 
and  Las  Casas,  who  had  little  love  for  the  Conquerors, 
and  who  had  watched  the  acts  of  cruelty  perpetrated 
by  Narvaez,  concludes  the  notice  of  his  death  with  the 
assurance  that  the  "devil  took  possession  of  his  soul." 
The  announcement  of  the  emperor's  commission 
confirming  Cortes  in  the  supreme  authority  of  New 
Spain  was  received  there  with  general  acclamation. 
The  army  rejoiced  in  having  at  last  secured  not  merely 
an  amnesty  for  their  irregular  proceedings,  but  a  dis- 
tinct acknowledgment  of  their  services.  The  nomina- 
tion of  Cortes  to  the  supreme  command  put  his  muid 
at  ease  as  to  the  past,  and  opened  to  him  a  noble  thea- 
tre for  future  enterprise.  The  soldiers  congratulated 
themselves  on  the  broad  powers  conferred  on  their 
commander,  and,  as  they  reckoned  up  their  scars  and 
their  services,  indulged  in  golden  dreams  and  the  most 
vague  and  visionary  expectations.  It  is  not  strange 
that  their  expectations  should  have  been  disappointed. 


CHAPTER    II. 

MODERN    MEXICO. SETTLEMENT   OF    THE    COUNTRY. 

CONDITION    OF    THE    NATIVES. CHRISTIAN     MISSION- 
ARIES.  CULTIVATION    OF    THE    SOIL.  — VOYAGES    AND 

EXPEDITIONS. 

I522-I524. 

In  less  than  four  years  from  the  destruction  of  Mex- 
ico, a  new  city  had  risen  on  its  ruins,  which,  if  inferior 
to  the  ancient  capital  in  extent,  surpassed  it  in  mag- 
nificence and  strength.  It  occupied  so  exactly  the 
same  site  as  its  predecessor,  that  the  plaza  mayor,  or 
great  square,  was  the  same  spot  which  had  been  covered 
by  the  huge  teocalli  and  the  palace  of  Montezuma; 
while  the  principal  streets  took  their  departure  as 
before  from  this  central  point,  and,  passing  through 
the  whole  length  of  the  city,  terminated  at  the  prin- 
cipal causeways.  Great  alterations,  however,  took 
place  in  the  fashion  of  the  architecture.  The  streets 
were  widened,  many  of  the  canals  were  filled  up,  and 
the  edifices  were  constructed  on  a  plan  better  accom- 
modated to  European  taste  and  the  wants  of  a  Euro- 
pean population. 

On  the  site  of  the  temple  of  the  Aztec  war-god  rose 
the  stately  cathedral  dedicated  to  St.  Francis;'  and,  as 

'  [.■According  to  Senor  Alaman,  the  cathedral,  instead  of  being  dedi- 
cated to  Saint  Francis,  was  consecrated  to  the  Assumption  of  the 
Virgin.     Conquista  de  Mejico  (trad,  de  Vega),  torn.  ii.  p.  254.] 

(239) 


240         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

if  to  complete  the  triumphs  of  the  Cross,  the  founda- 
tions were  laid  with  the  broken  images  of  the  Aztec 
gods.''  In  a  corner  of  the  square,  on  the  ground  once 
covered  by  the  House  of  Birds,  btood  a  Franciscan 
convent,  a  magnificent  pile,  erected  a  few  years  after 
the  Conquest  by  a  lay  brother,  Pedro  de  Gante,  a 
natural  son,  it  is  said,  of  Charles  the  Fifth. ^  In  an 
opposite  quarter  of  the  same  square  Cortes  caused  his 
own  palace  to  be  constructed.  It  was  built  of  hewn 
stone,  and  seven  thousand  cedar  beams  are  said  to  have 
been  used  for  the  interior.*  The  government  after- 
wards appropriated  it  to  the  residence  of  the  viceroys ; 
and  the  Conqueror's  descendants,  the  dukes  of  Monte- 
leone,  were  allowed  to  erect  a  new  mansion  in  another 
part  o(t\\c plaza,  on  the  spot  which,  by  an  ominous  coin- 
cidence, had  been  covered  by  the  palace  of  Montezuma.^ 
The  houses  occupied  by  the  Spaniards  were  of  stone, 
combining  with  elegance  a  solid  strength  which  made 
them  capable  of  defence  like  so  many  fortresses.*  The 
Indian  buildings  were  for  the  most  part  of  an  inferior 
quality.  They  were  scattered  over  the  ancient  district 
of  Tlatelolco,  where  the  nation  had  made  its  last  stand 
for  freedom.  This  quarter  was  also  provided  with  a 
spacious  cathedral ;  ^  and  thirty  inferior  churches  at- 
tested the  care  of  the  Spaniards  for  the  spiritual  welfare 

'  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  4,  cap.  8. 

3  Clavigero,  Stor.  de!  Messico,  torn.  i.  p.  271. — Humboldt,  Essai 
politique,  torn.  ii.  p.  58. 

4  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  ubi  supra. 

5  Humboldt,  Essai  politique, 'torn.  ii.  p.  72. 

^  Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii.  fol.  309. 

7  [Alaman  asserts  that  there  was  no  cathedral  in  Tl.atelolco,  but  a 
Franciscan  convent,  dedicated  to  St.  James,  which  still  exists.  Con- 
quista  de  Mejico  (trad,  de  Vega),  torn.  ii.  p.  255.] 


MODERN  MEXICO.  241 

of  the  natives.®  It  was  in  watching  over  his  Indian 
flock,  and  in  the  care  of  the  hospitals  with  which  the 
new  capital  v/as  speedily  endowed,  that  the  good  Father 
Olmedo,  when  oppressed  by  growing  infirmities,  spent 
the  evening  of  his  days.' 

To  give  greater  security  to  the  Spaniards,  Cortes 
caused  a  strong  fortress  to  be  erected  in  a  place  since 
known  as  the  Matadero.^"  It  was  provided  with  a 
dock-yard,  and  the  brigantines  which  had  served  in 
the  siege  of  Mexico  were  long  preserved  there  as  me- 
morials of  the  Conquest.  When  the  fortress  was  com- 
pleted, the  general,  owing  to  the  evil  offices  of  Fonseca, 
found  himself  in  want  of  artillery  and  ammunition  for 
its  defence.  He  supplied  the  former  deficiency  by 
causing  cannon  to  be  cast  in  his  own  founderies,  made 
of  the  copper  which  was  common  in  the  country,  and 
tin  which  he  obtained  with  more  difficulty  from  the 
mines  of  Tasco.  By  this  means,  and  a  contribution 
which  he  received  from  the  shipping,  he  contrived  to 
mount  his  walls  with  seventy  pieces  of  ordnance.  Stone 
balls,  much  used  in  that  age,  could  easily  be  made  ; 
but  for  the  manufacture  of  his  powder,  although  there 
was  nitre  in  abundance,  he  was  obliged  to  seek  the 
sulphur  by  a  perilous  expedition  into  the  bowels  of  the 
great  volcaji.^^  Such  were  the  resources  displayed  by 
Cortes,  enabling  him  to  supply  every  deficiency,  ana 
to  triumph  over  every  obstacle  which  the  malice  of  his 
enemies  had  thrown  in  his  path. 

'  ReL  d'un  gentil"  huomo,  np.  Ramusio,  iibi  supra. 
9  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  (^onquista,  cap.  177. 
«°  Rel.  Quarta  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  376,  nota. 
"  For  an  account  of  this  singular  enterprise,  see  atite,  vol.  ii.  p.  46. 
Vol.  tit.— I.  21 


242         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

The  general's  next  care  was  to  provide  a  population 
for  the  capital.  He  invited  the  Spaniards  thither  by 
grants  of  lands  and  houses,  while  the  Indians,  with 
politic  liberality,  were  permitted  to  live  under  their 
own  chiefs  as  before,  and  to  enjoy  various  immunities. 
With  this  encouragement,  the  Spanish  quarter  of  the 
city  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  great  square  could 
boast  in  a  few  years  two  thousand  families ;  while  the 
Indian  district  of  Tlatelolco  included  no  less  than, 
thirty  thousand."  The  various  trades  and  occupations 
were  resumed ;  the  canals  were  again  covered  with 
barges ;  two  vast  markets  in  the  respective  quarters 
of  the  capital  displayed  all  the  different  products  and 
manufactures  of  the  surrounding  country  ;  and  the  city 
swarmed  with  a  busy,  industrious  population,  in  which 
the  white  man  and  the  Indian,  the  conqueror  and  the 
conquered,  mingled  together  promiscuously  in  peace- 
ful and  picturesque  confusion.  Not  twenty  years  had 
elapsed  since  the  Conquest,  when  a  missionary  who 
visited  it  had  the  confidence,  or  the  credulity,  to  assert 
that  *'  Europe  could  not  boast  a  single  city  so  fair  and 
opulent  as  Mexico."  '^ 

The  metropolis  of  our  day  would  seem  to  stand  in  a 
different  situation  from  that  reared  by  the  Conquerors; 

"  Cortes,  reckoning  only  the  Indian  population,  says  treinta  mil 
vectnos.  (Rel.  Quarta,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  375.)  Gomara,  speaking 
of  Mexico  some  years  later,  estimates  the  number  of  Spanish  house- 
hclders  as  in  the  text.     Cronica,  cap.  162. 

'3  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  7. — Yet  this  is 
scarcely  stronger  language  than  that  of  the  Anonymous  Conqueror: 
"  Cosi  ben  ordinate  et  di  si  belle  piazze  et  strade,  quanto  d'  altre  citti 
che  siano  al  mondo."  Rel.  d'un  gentil'  huomo,  ap.  Ramusio,  torn.  iii. 
fol.  309. 


SETTLEMENT  OF   THE   COUNTRY. 


243 


for  the  waters  no  longer  flow  through  its  streets,  nor' 
wash  the  ample  circumference  of  its  walls.  These 
waters  have  retreated  within  the  diminished  basin  of 
Tezcuco  ;  and  the  causeways,  which  anciently  traversed 
the  depths  of  the  lake,  are  not  now  to  be  distinguished 
from  the  other  avenues  to  the  capital.  But  the  city, 
embellished,  it  is  true,  by  the  labors  of  successive  vice- 
roys, is  substantially  the  same  as  in  the  days  of  the 
Conquerors ;  and  the  massive  grandeur  of  the  few 
buildings  that  remain  of  the  primitive  period,  and  the 
general  magnificence  and  symmetry  of  its  plan,  attest 
the  far-sighted  policy  of  its  founder,  which  looked 
beyond  the  present  to  the  wants  of  coming  genera- 
tions. 

The  attention  of  Cortes  was  not  confined  to  the 
capital.  He  was  careful  to  establish  settlements  in 
every  part  of  the  country  which  afforded  a  favorable 
position  for  them.  He  founded  Zacatula  on  the 
shores  of  the  miscalled  Pacific,  Coliman  in  the  terri- 
tory of  Michoacan,  San  Estevan  on  the  Atlantic  coast, 
probably  not  far  from  the  site  of  Tampico,  Medellin 
(so  called  after  his  own  birthplace)  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  modern  Vera  Cruz,  and  a  port  near  the 
river  Antigua,  from  which  it  derived  its  name.  It  was 
designed  to  take  the  place  of  Villa  Rica,  which,  as  ex- 
perience had  shown,  from  its  exposed  situation,  afforded 
no  protection  to  shipping  against  the  winds  that  sweep 
over  the  Mexican  Gulf.  Antigua,  sheltered  within  the 
recesses  of  a  bay,  presented  a  more  advantageous  posi- 
tion. Cortes  established  there  a  board  of  trade,  con 
nected  the  settlement  by  a  highway  with  the  capital, 
and  fondly  predicted  that  his  new  city  would  become 


244         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

the  great  emporium  of  the  country.''*  But  in  this  he 
was  mistaken.  From  some  cause,  not  very  obvious, 
the  port  of  entry  was  removed,  at  the  close  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  to  the  modern  Vera  Cruz,  which, 
without  any  superiority,  probably,  of  topographical 
position,  or  even  of  salubrity  of  climate,  has  remained 
ever  since  the  great  commercial  capital  of  New  Spain. 
Cortes  stimulated  the  settlement  of  his  several  colo- 
nies by  liberal  grants  of  land  and  municipal  privileges. 
The  great  difficulty  was  to  induce  women  to  reside  in 
the  country ;  and  without  them  he  felt  that  the  colo- 
nies, like  a  tree  without  roots,  must  soon  perish.  By 
a  singular  provision,  he  required  every  settler,  if  a 
married  man,  to  bring  over  his  wife  within  eighteen 
months,  on  pain  of  forfeiting  his  estate.  If  he  were 
too  poor  to  do  this  himself,  the  government  would 
assist  him.  Another  law  imposed  the  same  penalty 
on  all  bachelors  who  did  not  provide  themselves  with 
wives  within  the  same  period.  The  general  seems  to 
have  considered  celibacy  as  too  great  a  luxury  for  a 
young  country.'^ 

14  <■  Y  tengo  por  cierto,  que  aquel  Pueblo  ha  de  ser,  despues  de  esta 
Ciudad,  el  major  que  obiere  en  esta  Nueva  Espana."  (Rel.  Quarta, 
ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  382.)  The  archbishop  confounds  this  town  with 
the  modern  Vera  Cruz.  But  the  general's  description  of  the  port 
refutes  this  supposition,  and  confirms  our  confidence  in  Clavigero's 
statement  that  the  present  city  was  founded  by  the  Conde  de  Monte- 
rey, at  the  lime  mentioned  in  the  text.     See  ante,  vol.  i.  p.  345,  note. 

'5  Ordenanzas  municipales,  Tenochtitlan,  Marzo,  1524,  MS.* — The 


•  i^The  exact  date  is  given  at  the  close  of  the  document — "  fccha  en 
esta  dicha  ciudad  [de  Temixtitan]  a  veinte  dias  del  mes  de  marzo  de 
mil  y  quinientos  e  veinte  y  cuatro  anos."     Sir  Arthur  Helps  says  a 


SETTLEMENT  OF  THE  COUNT  A  Y. 


245 


His  own  wife,  Dona  Catalina  Xuarez,  was  among 
those  who  came  over  from  the  Islands  to  New  Spain. 

Oidinances  made  by  Cortes  fur  the  government  of  the  country  during 
his  viceroyalty  are  still  preserved  in  Mexico;  and  the  copy  in  my 
possession  was  transmitted  to  me  from  that  capital.  They  give 
ample  evidence  of  the  wise  and  penetrating  spirit  which  embraced 
every  object  worthy  of  the  attention  of  an  enlightened  ruler;  and  I 
will  quote,  in  the  original,  the  singular  provisions  mentioned  in  the 
text : 

"  Item.  For  que  mas  se  manifieste  la  voluntad  que  los  pobladores 
de  estas  partes  tienen  de  residir  y  permanecer  en  ellas,  mando  que 
todas  las  personas  que  tuvieren  Indios,  que  fueren  casados  en  Castilla 
6  en  otras  partes,  que  traigan  sus  rnugeres  dentro  de  un  ano  y  medio 
primero  siguientes  de  como  estas  ordenanzas  fueren  pregonadas,  so 
pena  de  perder  los  Indios,  y  todo  lo  con  ellos  adquirido  e  grangeado; 
y  por  que  muchas  personas  podrian  poner  por  achaque  aunque  tuvi- 
esen  aparejo  de  decir  que  no  tienen  dineros  para  enviar  por  ellas,  por 
hende  las  tales  personas  que  tuvieran  esta  necesidad  parescan  ante  el 
Ro.  Pe.  Fray  Juan  de  Tecto  y  ante  Alonso  de  Estrada,  tesorero  de  su 
Magestad,  &  les  informar  de  su  necesidad,  para  que  ellos  la  comuni- 
quen  d  mi,  y  su  necesidad  se  remedie;  y  si  algunas  personas  hay  que 
casados  y  no  tienen  sus  mugeres  en  esta  tierra,  y  quisieran  traerlas, 
sepan  que  trayendolas  serdn  ayudadas  as!  mismo  para  las  traer,  dando 
fianzas. 

"  Item.  Por  quanto  en  esta  tierra  hay  muchas  personas  que  tienen 
Indios  de  encomienda  y  no  son  casados,  por  hende  por  que  conviene 
asi  para  la  salud  de  sus  conciencias  de  los  tales  por  estar  en  buen  es- 
tado,  como  por  la  poblacion  e  noblecimiento  de  sus  tierras,  mando 
que  las  tales  personas  se  casen,  traigan  y  tengan  sus  mugeres  en  esta 
tierra  dentro  de  un  ano  y  medio,  despues  que  fueren  pregonadas  estas 
dichas  Ordenanzas,  e  que  no  haciendo  lo  por  el  mismo  caso  scan  pri- 
vados  y  picrdan  los  tales  Indios  que  asi  tienen." 


copy  sent  by  Cortes  to  the  emperor  in  OctoVjer  of  the  same  year  "  has 
been  lost,  but  the  orders  manifestly  related  to  this  subject  of  encoini- 
endas."  The  original  seems  also  to  have  disappeared.  But  an  ancient 
copy  of  these,  as  well  as  of  subsequent  ordinances  and  instructions 
of  a  similar  nature,  is  preserved  in  the  archives  of  the  duke  of  Terra- 
21* 


246         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

According  to  Bernal  Diaz,  her  coming  gave  him  no 
particular  satisfaction.'^  It  is  possible  ;  since  his  mar- 
riage with  her  seems  to  have  been  entered  into  with 
reluctance,  and  her  lowly  condition  and  connections 
stood  somewhat  in  the  way  of  his  future  advancement. 
Yet  they  lived  happily  together  for  several  years,  ac- 
cording to  the  testimony  of  Las  Casas ;  '^  and,  what- 
ever he  may  have  felt,  he  had  the  generosity,  or  the 
prudence,  not  to  betray  his  feelings  to  the  world.  On 
landing,  Dona  Catalina  was  escorted  by  Sandoval  to 

'^  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  160. 
17  An/e,  vol.  i.  p.  242. 


nova  y  Monteleone  in  the  Hospital  of  Jesus  at  Mexico,  and  the  whole 
series  was  published,  so  far  back  as  1844,  by  Senor  Alaman,  in  his 
Disertaciones  historicas,  torn.  i.  pp.  105-143.  The  contents,  therefore, 
are  not  a  matter  of  inference.  They  do  not  relate  chiefly  or  directly 
to  the  cncoviiendas,  that  system  having  been  already  established  and 
become,  in  the  language  of  Alaman,  "  the  basis  of  the  whole  organi- 
zation of  the  country."  The  "  Ordenanzas,"  while  they  incidentally 
modify  the  system,  consist  for  the  most  part  of  regulations  suggested 
by  the  general  condition  and  circumstances  of  a  new  colony,  ""'hey 
make  provision  for  the  military  equipment  and  inspection  of  the 
settlers,  with  a  view  to  their  readiness  for  service  ;  for  their  permanent 
residence  in  the  country,  which  is  made  a  condition  of  their  holding 
repartlm'tentos :  for  the  conversion  of  the  natives,  their  protection 
against  robbery  and  oppression,  and  the  education  of  the  children  of 
their  chiefs;  for  the  cultivation  of  imported  plants  and  grain,  and  the 
raising  of  cattle,  sheep,  and  swine ;  for  facilitating  traffic  by  the  estab- 
lishment of  markets,  adjustment  of  prices,  etc. ;  and  for  the  organira- 
tion  of  the  municipalities,  prescribing  their  powers  and  forms  of  admin- 
istration. Some  of  these  provisions  are  still  in  force,  while  others, 
though  obsolete,  indicate  the  origin  of  certain  existing  customs.  Taken 
together,  they  contain,  in  the  opinion  of  Alaman,  the  foundation  of 
all  the  later  institutions  of  the  country, — "  el  fundamento  de  todas 
nuestras  instituciont's." — Ed.] 


SETTLEMENT  OF   THE    COUNTRY.  247 

the  capital,  where  she  was  kindly  received  by  her  hus- 
band, and  all  the  respect  paid  to  her  to  which  she  was 
entitled  by  her  elevated  rank.  But  the  clima'te  of  the 
table-land  was  not  suited  to  her  constitution,  and  she 
died  in  three  months  after  her  arrival/^  An  event  so 
auspicious  to  his  worldly  prospects  did  not  fail,  as  we 
shall  see  hereafter,  to  provoke  the  tongue  of  scandal  to 
the  most  malicious,  but,  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say, 
unfounded,  inferences. 

In  the  distribution  of  the  soil  among  the  Conquerors, 
Cortes  adopted  the  vicious  system  of  rcpartiinientos, 
universally  practised  among  his  countrymen.  In  a  let- 
ter to  the  emperor,  he  states  that  the  superior  capacity 
of  the  Indians  in  New  Spain  had  made  him  regard  it 
as  a  grievous  thing  to  condemn  them  to  servitude,  as 
had  been  done  in  the  Islands.  But,  on  further  trial, 
he  had  found  the  Spaniards  so  much  harassed  and  im- 
poverished that  they  could  not  hope  to  maintain  them- 
selves in  the  land  without  enforcing  the  services  of  the 
natives,  and  for  this  reason  he  had  at  length  waived 
his  own  scruples  in  compliance  with  their  repeated  re- 
monstrances." This  was  the  wretched  pretext  used  on 
the  like  occasions  by  his  countrymen  to  cover  up  this 
flagrant  act  of  injustice.  The  crown,  however,  in  its 
instructions  to  the  general,  disavowed  the  act  and  an- 
nulled the  repartiinientos.'"^  It  was  all  in  vain.  The 
necessities,  or  rather  the   cupidity,  of  the  colonists, 

•**  Of  asthma,  according  to  Bernal  Diaz  (Hist,  de  la  Conqu'sta,  cap. 
160);  but  her  death  seems  to  have  been  too  sudden  to  be  attributed 
to  that  disease.     I  shall  return  to  the  subject  hereafter. 

'9  Rel.  Terc,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  319,  320. 

=0  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  5,  cap.  i. 


248        SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

easily  evaded  the  royal  ordinances.*      The  colonial 
legislation  of  Spain  shows,  in  the  repetition  of  enact- 


*  [Tliis  remark  would  imply  that  the  instructions  were  published 
and  some  attempts  at  least  made  to  enforce  them.  That  such  was  not 
the  case  we  learn  from  a  remarkable  private  letter  of  Cortes  to  the 
emperor,  S'^nt  with  the  "  Relacion  Quarta,"  and  bearing  the  same 
date, — October  15,  1524.  Referring  first  to  an  order  that  the  Spanish 
settlers  should  be  allowed  to  have  free  intercourse  with  the  Indian 
population  as  a  means  of  promoting  conversion,  he  declines  to  comply 
with  it,  on  the  ground  that  the  effects  would  be  most  pernicious.  The 
natives,  he  says,  would  be  subjected  to  violence,  robbery,  and  vexa- 
tions of  all  kinds.  Even  with  the  present  rigorous  rule  forbidding 
any  Spaniard  to  leave  his  settlement  and  go  among  the  Indians  with- 
out a  special  license,  the  evils  resulting  from  this  intercourse  were  so 
great  that  if  he  and  his  officers  should  attend  solely  to  their  suppression 
they  would  be  unable  to  effect  it,  the  territory  being  so  vast.  If  all 
the  Spaniards  now  in  the  country  or  on  their  way  to  it  were  friars  en- 
gaged in  the  work  of  conversion,  entire  freedom  of  intercourse  would 
no  doubt  be  profitable.  But,  the  reverse  being  the  case,  such  also 
would  be  the  effect.  Most  of  the  Spaniards  who  came  were  men  of 
base  condition  and  manners,  addicted  to  every  sort  of  vice  and  sin  ; 
and  if  free  intercourse  were  allowed,  the  natives  would  be  converted 
to  evil  rather  than  to  good,  and,  seeing  the  difference  between  what 
was  preached  and  what  was  practised,  would  make  a  jest  of  what  was 
taught  them  by  the  priests,  thinking  it  was  meant  merely  to  bring  them 
into  servitude.  The  injuries  done  them  would  lead  to  rebellion  ;  they 
would  profit  by  their  acquired  knowledge  to  arm  themselves  better, 
and  being  so  many  and  the  Spaniards  so  few,  the  latter  would  be  cut 
off  singly,  as  had  already  happened  in  many  cases,  and  the  greatest 
work  of  conversion  since  the  time  of  the  apostles  would  come  to  a 
stop. 

Turning  then  to  the  emperor's  prohibition  of  the  rcparthnientos, 
as  a  thing  which  his  conscience  would  not  suffer,  the  theologians  hav- 
ing declared  that  since  God  had  made  the  Indians  free  their  liberty 
ought  not  to  be  taken  away,  Cortes  states  that  he  has  not  only  not 
complied  with  this  order,  but  he  has  kept  it  secret  except  from  the 
officials,  whom  he  has  forbidden  to  make  it  public.  His  reasons  for 
thus  acting  are  as  follows:    ist.  The   Spaniards   are  unable  to  liv^ 


CONDITION  OF   THE   NATIVES. 


249 


ments  against  slavery,  the  perpetual  struggle  that  sub- 
sisted between  the  crown  and  the  colonists,  and  the 
impotence  ol"  the  former  to  enforce  measures  repug- 
nant to  the  interests,  at  all  events  to  the  avarice,  of 
the  latter.  New  Spain  furnishes  no  exception  to  the 
general  fact. 

The  TIascalans,  in  gratitude  for  their  signal  services, 
were  exempted,  at  the  recommendation  of  Cortes,  from 
the  doom  of  slavery.     It  should  be  added  that  the 


except  by  the  labor  of  the  Indians,  and  if  deprived  of  this  they  would 
be  obliged  to  leave  the  country.  2d.  His  system  of  repariimienlos  is 
such  that  by  it  the  Indians  are  in  fact  taken  out  of  captivity,  their  con- 
dition under  their  former  masters  havmg  been  one  of  intolerable  ser- 
vitude, in  which  they  were  not  only  deprived  of  all  but  the  barest  means 
of  subsistence,  but  they  and  their  children  were  sacrificed  to  the  idols 
in  numbers  horrible  to  hear  of,  it  being  a  certified  fact  that  in  the 
great  temple  of  Mexico  alone,  at  a  single  festival,  one  of  many  that 
were  held  annually,  eight  thousand  persons  had  been  sacrificed;  all 
this,  with  innumerable  other  wrongs,  had  now  ceased;  and  the  surest 
punishment  which  could  be  inflicted  on  the  Indians  was  the  threat  to 
send  them  back  to  their  former  masters.  3d.  Enumerating  the  various 
provisions  he  has  made  for  obviating  the  evils  of  the  system  as  prac- 
tised in  the  Islands,  where,  during  a  residence  of  twenty  years,  he  had 
ample  knowledge  of  its  workings,  he  asserts  that,  in  the  mode  in 
which  it  has  been  established  and  regulated  by  him,  it  will  lead  not  to 
tlie  diminution  but  to  the  preservation  and  increase  of  the  natives, 
besides  securing  a  provision  for  the  settlers  and  large  revenues  to  the 
crown,  and  he  contends  that  the  repartimientos,  instead  of  being 
abrogated,  should  be  made  hereditary,  so  that  the  possessors  might 
have  a  stronger  interest  in  the  proper  cultivation  of  the  soil,  in- 
stead of  seeking  to  extract  from  it  the  most  that  was  pobsible  in  a 
given  time. 

The  letter,  which  concludes  by  noticing  and  rejecting  some  minor 
points  in  the  emperor's  instructions,  has  been  recently  discovered,  and 
is  perhaps  the  ablest  document  that  has  come  down  to  us  with  the 
signature  of  Cortes.  It  has  been  published  by  Senor  Icazbalccta,  in 
his  Col.  de  Doc.  para  la  Hist,  de  Mexico,  torn.  i. — Ed.] 


250         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

general,  in  granting  the  rcpartiniientos,  made  many 
humane  regulations  for  limiting  the  power  of  the 
master,  and  for  securing  as  many  privileges  to  the 
natives  as  were  compatible  with  any  degree  of  com- 
pulsory service.^'  These  limitations,  it  is  true,  were 
too  often  disregarded  \  and  in  the  mining  districts,  in 
particular,  the  situation  of  the  poor  Indian  was  often 
deplorable.  Yet  the  Indian  population,  clustering  to- 
gether in  their  own  villages  and  living  under  their  own 
magistrates,  have  continued  to  prove  by  their  numbers, 
fallen  as  these  have  below  their  primitive  amount,  how 
far  superior  was  their  condition  to  that  in  most  other 
parts  of  the  vast  colonial  empire  of  Spain.''''  This  con- 
dition has  been  gradually  ameliorated,  under  the  in- 
fluence of  higher  moral  views  and  larger  ideas  of  gov- 
ernment, until  the  servile  descendants  of  the  ancient 
lords  of  the  soil  have  been  permitted,  in  republican 
Mexico,  to  rise — nominally,  at  least — to  a  level  with 
the  children  of  their  conquerors. 

Whatever  disregard  he  may  have  shown  to  the  polit- 
ical rights  of  the  natives,  Cortes  manifested  a  commend- 
able solicitude  for  their  spiritual  welfare.  He  requested 
the  emperor  to  send  out  holy  men  to  the  country;  not 

2'  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  4,  lib.  6,  cap.  5. — Ordenanzas,  MS. 
■ — The  ordinances  prescribe  the  service  of  the  Indians,  the  hours  they 
may  be  employed,  their  food,  compensation,  and  the  like.  They  re- 
quire the  cnco7nendero  to  provide  them  with  suitable  means  of  religious 
instruction  and  places  of  worship.  But  what  avail  good  laws,  which 
in  their  very  nature  imply  the  toleration  of  a  great  abuse  ? 

"  The  whole  population  of  New  Spain  in  i8io-is  estimated  by  Don 
Fernando  Navarro  y  Noriega  at  about  6,000,000;  of  whom  more  thnn 
half  were  pure  Indians,  The  author  had  the  best  means  for  arriving 
at  a  correct  result.  See  Humboldt,  Essai  politique,  torn.  i»  p;j.  318, 
319,  note. 


CHRISTIAN  MISSIONARIES.  251 

bishops  and  pampered  prelates,  who  too  often  squan- 
dered the  substance  of  the  Church  in  riotous  living, 
but  godly  persons,  members  of  religious  fraternities, 
whose  lives  might  be  a  fitting  commentary  on  their 
teaching.  Thus  only,  he  adds, — and  the  remark  is 
worthy  of  note, — can  they  exercise  any  influence  over 
the  natives,  who  have  been  accustomed  to  see  the  least 
departure  from  morals  in  their  own  priesthood  punished 
with  the  utmost  rigor  of  the  law.^^  In  obedience  to 
these  suggestions,  twelve  Franciscan  friars  embarked 
for  New  Spain,  which  they  reached  early  in  1524. 
They  were  men  of  unblemished  jDurity  of  life,  nour- 
ished with  the  learning  of  the  cloister,  and,  like  many 
others  whom  the  Romish  Church  has  sent  forth  on 
such  apostolic  missions,  counted  all  personal  sacrifices 
as  little  in  the  sacred  cause  to  which  they  were  de- 
voted.^'* 

*3  Rel.  Quarta,  ap.  Lorenzana,  pp.  391-394. — The  petition  of  the  Con- 
querors was  acceded  to  by  the  government,  which  further  prohibited 
"  attorneys  and  men  learned  in  the  law  from  setting  foot  in  the  coun- 
try, on  the  ground  that  experience  had  shown  they  would  be  sure  by 
their  evil  practices  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  community."  (Herrera, 
Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  5,  cap.  2.)  These  enactments  are  but  an  in- 
different tribute  to  the  character  of  the  two  professions  in  Castile. 

24  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  i,  cap.  i. — Camargo, 
Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.  [My  views  of  the  character  of  the  Spanish 
missionaries  find  favor  with  Seiior  Alaman,  who  warmly  eulogizes  the 
spirit  of  self-sacrifice  and  the  untiring  zeal  which  they  showed  in  pro- 
pagating the  gospel  among  the  natives :  "  El  Sr.  Prescott  hace  de  los 
misioneros  el  justo  aprecio  que  sus  virtudes  merecieron,  y  sus  elogios 
son  tanto  mas  recomendables,  cuanto  que  sus  opiniones  religiosas 
parece  deberian  hacerle  contrario  d  ellos.  En  efecto,  solo  la  iglesia 
catolica  ha  producido  misioneros  infiamados  de  un  .verdadcro  celo 
religiose,  que  los  ha  hecho  sacrificar  su  vida  por  la  propagacion  de 
la  religion  y  en  beneficio  de  la  humanidad."     Conquista  de  Mejico 


252         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

The  presence  of  the  reverend  fathers  in  the  country 
was  greeted  with  general  rejoicing.  The  inhabitants 
of  the  towns  through  which  the-y  passed  came  out  in  a 
body  to  welcome  them ;  processions  were  formed  of 
the  natives  bearing  wax  tapers  in  their  hands,  and  the 
bells  of  the  churches  rang  out  a  joyous  peal  in  honor 
of  their  arrival.  Houses  of  refreshment  were  provided 
for  them  along  their  route  to  the  capital ;  and  when 
they  entered  it  they  were  met  by  a  brilliant  cavalcade 
of  the  principal  cavaliers  and  citizens,  with  Cones  at 
their  head.  The  general,  dismounting,  and  Lending 
one  knee  to  the  ground,  kissed  the  robes  of  Father 
Martin  of  Valencia,  the  principal  of  the  fraternity 
The  natives,  filled  with  amazement  at  the  viceroy'3 
humiliation  before  men  whose  naked  feet  and  tattered 
garments  gave  them  the  aspect  of  mendicants,  hence- 
forth regarded  them  as  beings  of  a  superior  nature. 
The  Indian  chronicler  of  Tlascala  does  not  conceal  his 
admiration  of  this  edifying  condescension  of  Cortex, 

which  he  pronounces  "  one  of  the  most  heroical  acts 
of  his  life  !"  ^5 

(trad,  de  Vega),  torn.  ii.  p.  255.  Mr.  Gallatin,  also,  in  his  "  Notes  ^n 
the  Semi-civilized  Nations  of  America,"  pays  a  hearty  tribute  to  the 
labors  of  the  Roman  Catholic  missionaries  in  the  New  World;  "The 
Dominican  monks,  though  inquisitors  and  relentless  persecutors  in 
Spain,  became  in  America  the  protectors  of  the  Indians.  .  .  .  The 
praise  must  be  extended  to  all  the  Catholic  priests,  whether  Franf  is- 
cans  or  Jesuits,  rnonks  or  curates.  All,  from  the  beginning,  were, 
have  ever  been,  and  continue  to  be,  the  protectors  and  the  friends  of 
the  Indian  race."  Transactions  of  the  American  Ethnological  So- 
c'ety,  i.  213.] 

^j  "  Cuyo  hecho  del  rotisimo  y  humilde  recebimiento  fue  uno  de  los 
heroicos  hechos  que  este  Capitan  hizo,  porque  fue  documento  para 
que  con  mayor  fervor  los  naiurales  desta  tlerra  viniesen  a  la  conver 


CHRISTIAN  MISSIONARIES.       ■  253 

The  missionaries  lost  no  time  in  the  good  work  of 
conversion.  They  began  their  preaching  through  in- 
terpreters, until  they  had  acquired  a  competent  knowl- 
edge of  the  language  themselves.  They  opened  schools 
and  founded  colleges,  in  which  the  native  youth  were 
instructed   in  profane  as  well  as   Christian  learning,* 

sion  de  nuestra  fee."  (Caniargo,  Hist,  de  Tlascala,  MS.- — See  also 
Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  171.)  Archbishop  Lorenzana 
falls  nothing  short  of  the  Tlascalan  historian  in  his  admiration  of  the 
religious  zeal  of  the  great  Conquistador,  which,  he  assures  us,  "  en- 
tirely overwhelms  him,  as  savoring  so  much  more  of  the  apostolic 
missionary  than  of  the  soldier!"     Lorenzana,  p.  393,  nota. 


*  [A  singular  tribute  to  the  thoroughness  of  the  instruction  thus 
given,  and  the  facility  with  which  it  was  imbibed,  is  rendered  in  a  long 
complaint  on  the  subject  addressed  to  the  emperor  by  Geronimo  Lo- 
pez, under  date  of  October  20,  1541.  The  writer,  a  person  evidently 
commissioned  to  send  home  reports  on  the  condition  of  the  coimtry, 
denounces  the  system  of  education  instituted  by  the  Franciscan  monks 
as  diabolically  pernicious, — "  muy  danoso  como  el  diablo."  He  con- 
siders that  the  Indians  should  at  the  most  be  taught  to  repeat  the 
Pater  Noster  and  Ave  Maria,  the  Creed  and  the  Commandments,  with- 
out any  expositions,  or  any  distinction  of  the  persons  of  the  Trinity 
and  their  attributes,  above  all  without  learning  to  read  and  write. 
Instead  of  this,  they  are  taught  not  only  these  pernicious  branches 
of  knowledge,  but  punctuation,  music, — nay,  even  grammar!  Their 
natural  ability  is  so  great,  and  the  devil  is  so  largely  interested  in  the 
matter,  that  they  have  acquired  a  skill  in  forming  different  kinds  of 
letters  which  is  marvellous,  and  a  great  number  of  them  are  thus  en- 
abled to  carry  on  a  correspondence  and  learn  what  is  going  on  in  the 
country  from  one  sea  to  the  other.  There  are  boys  among  them  who 
speak  as  elegant  Latin  as  Tullius.  Tiiey  have  translated  and  read  the 
whole  of  the  Scriptures, — the  same  thing  that  has  ruined  so  many  in 
Spain  and  given  birth  to  a  thousand  heresies.  A  secular  ecclesiastic 
told  him  that,  having  visited  one  of  the  colleges,  he  found  there  two 
hundred  students,  who  stunned  him  with  questions  about  religion,  till 
the  place  seemed  to  him  hell,  and  its  inmates  disciples  of  Satan.— 
Icazbalceta,  Col.  de  Doc.  para  la  Hist,  de  Me.xico,  torn.  ii. — Ed.] 
Vol.  III.  22 


£54         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

The  ardor  of  the  Indian  neophyte  emulated  that  of  his 
teacher.  In  a  few  years  every  vestige  of  the  primitive 
teocallis\y2&  effaced  from  the  land.  The  uncouth  idols 
of  the  country,  and,  unhappily,  the  hieroglyphical  man- 
uscripts, shared  the  same  fate.  Yet  the  missionary  and 
the  convert  did  much  to  repair  these  losses  by  their 
copious  accounts  of  the  Aztec  institutions,  collected 
from  the  most  authentic  sources.'* 

The  business  of  conversion  went  on  prosperously 
among  the  several  tribes  of  the  great  Nahuatlac  family. 
In  about  twenty  years  from  the  first  advent  of  the  mis- 
sionaries, one  of  their  body  could  make  the  pious 
vaunt  that  nine  millions  of  converts — a  number  prob- 
ably exceeding  the  population  of  the  country — had 
been  admitted  within  the  Christian  fold!':"  The  Aztec 
worship  was  remarkable  for  its  burdensome  ceremonial, 
and  prepared  its  votaries  for  the  pomp  and  splendors 
of  the  Romish  ritual.     It  was  not  difficult  to  pass  from 

2*  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  3,  cap.  i. — Father  Saha- 
gun,  who  has  done  better  service  in  this  way  than  any  other  of  his 
order,  describes  with  simple  brevity  the  rapid  process  of  demolition. 
"  We  took  the  children  of  the  caciques,"  he  says,  "  into  our  schools, 
where  we  taught  them  to  read  and  write,  and  to  chant.  The  children 
of  the  poorer  natives  were  brought  together  in  the  court-yard,  and 
instructed  there  in  the  Christian  faith.  After  our  teaching,  one  or  two 
brethren  took  the  pupils  to  some  neighboring  teocalli,  and,  by  work- 
ing at  it  for  a  few  days,  they  levelled  it  to  the  ground.  In  this  way 
they  demolished,  in  a  short  time,  all  the  Aztec  temples,  great  and 
small,  so  that  not  a  vestige  of  them  remained."  (Hist,  de  Nueva- 
Espafia,  tom.  iii.  p.  77.)  This  passage  helps  to  explain  why  so  few 
arcliitectural  relics  of  the  Indian  era  still  survive  in  Mexico. 

»7  "  De  manera  que  a  mi  juicio  y  verdaderamente  seran  bautizados 
en  este  tiempo  que  digo,  que  seran  quince  anos,  mas  de  nueve  millo- 
nes  de  dnimas  de  Indios."  Toribio,  Hist,  de  los  Indios,  MS.,  Parte  2, 
cap.  3. 


CIIRISTIAX  MJSSIOXA RIES. 


255 


the  fasts  and  festivals  of  the  one  religion  to  the  fasts 
and  festivals  of  the  other;  to  transfer  their  homage 
from  the  fantastic  idols  of  their  own  creation  to  the 
beautiful  forms  in  sculpture  and  in  painting  which 
decorated  the  Christian  cathedral.  It  is  true,  they 
could  have  comprehended  little  of  the  dogmas  of  their 
new  faith,  and  little,  it  may  be,  of  its  vital  spirit. 
But,  if  the  philosopher  may  smile  at  the  reflection  that 
conversion,  under  these  circumstances,  was  one  of 
form  rather  than  of  substance,  the  philanthropist  will 
console  himself  by  considering  how  much  the  cause  of 
hunianity  and  good  morals  must  have  gained  by  the 
substitution  of  these  unsull'ed  rit.'s  for  the  brutal 
abominations  of  the  Aztecs. 

The  Conquerors  settled  in  such  parts  of  the  country 
as  best  suited  their  inclinations.  Many  occupied  the 
southeastern  slopes  of  the  Cordilleras  towards  the  rich 
valley  of  Oaxaca.  Many  more  spread  themselves  over 
the  broad  surface  of  the  table-land,  which,  from  its 
elevated  pdsition,  reminded  them  of  the  plateau  of 
their  own  Castiles.  Here,  too,  they  were  in  the  range 
of  those  inexhaustible  mines  which  have  since  poured 
their  silver  deluge  over  Europe.  The  mineral  re 
sources  of  the  land  were  not,  indeed,  fully  explored 
or  comprehended  till  at  a  much  later  period ;  but 
some  few,  as  the  mines  of  Zacatecas,  Guanaxuato,  and 
Tasco, — the  last  of  which  was  also  known  in  Mon- 
tezuma's time, — had  begun  to  be  wrought  within  a 
generation  after  the  Conquest. ""^ 

"8  Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  i.  p.  43. — Humboldt,  Essai 
politique,  torn.  iii.  pp.  115,  145.— Esposicion  de  Don  Lucas  Alanian 
(Mexico,  1828),  p.  59. 


256         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

But  the  best  wealth  of  the  first  settlers  was  in  the 
vegetable  products  of  the  soil,  whether  indigenous,  or 
introduced  from  abroad  by  the  wise  economy  of  Cortes. 
He  had  earnestly  recommended  the  crown  to  require 
all  vessels  coming  to  the  country  to  bring  over  a  cer- 
tain quantity  of  seeds  and  plants.*'  He  made  it  a 
condition  of  the  grants  of  land  on  the  plateau,  that 
the  proprietor  of  every  estate  should  plant  a  specified 
number  of  vines  in  it.^°  He  further  stipulated  that  no 
one  should  get  a  cleai  title  to  his  estate  until  he  had 
occupied  it  eight  years.''  He  knew  that  permanent 
residence  could  alone  create  that  interest  in  the  soil 
which  would  lead  to  its  efficient  culture,  and  that  the 
opjposite  system  had  caused  the  impoverishment  of  the 
best  plantations  in  the  Islands.  His  various  regu- 
lations, some  of  them  not  a  little  distasteful  to  the 
colonists,  augmented  the  agricultural  resources  of  the 
country  by  the  addition  of  the  most  important  Euro- 
pean grains  and  other  vegetables,  for  which  the  diver- 
sified climate  of  New  Spain  was  admirably  adapted. 
The  sugar-cane  was  transplanted  from  the  neighboring 
islands  to  the  lower  level  of  the  country,  and,  together 
with  indigo,  cotton,  and  cochineal,  formed  a  more  de- 
sirable staple  for  the  colony  than  its  precious  metals. 

«9  "  Paraque  cada  Navio  traiga  cierta  cantidad  de  Plantas,  y  que  no 
pueda  salir  sin  ellas,  porque  sera  mucha  causa  para  la  Poblacion,  y 
p^rpetuacion  de  ella."     Rel.  Quarta  de  Cortes,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  357. 

3-^  "  Item,  que  cualquier  vecino  que  tubiere  Indies  de  repartimiento 
sea  obligado  a  poner  en  ellos  en  cada  un  aiio  con  cada  cien  Indies  de 
los  que  tuvieren  de  repartimiento  mil  sarmientos  aunque  scan  de  la 
planta  de  su  tierra,  escogiendo  la  niejor  que  pudiesse  hallar."  Orde 
nanzas  municipales,  aiio  de  1524,  MS. 

3'  Ordenanzas  municipales,  ano  de  1524,  MS. 


CULTIVATION  OF   THE   SOIL.  257 

Under  the  sun  of  the  tropics,  the  peach,  the  almond, 
the  orange,  the  vine,  and  the  olive,  before  unknown 
there,  flourished  in  the  gardens  of  the  table-land,  at  an 
elevation  twice  as  great  as  that  at  which  the  clouds  are 
suspended  in  summer  above  our  heads.  The  importa- 
tion of  a  European  fruit  or  vegetable  was  hailed  by  the 
simple  colonists  with  delight.  The  first  produce  of 
the  exotic  was  celebrated  by  a  festival,  and  the  guests 
greeted  each  other,  as  on  the  appearance  of  an  old 
familiar  friend,  who  called  up  the  remembrance  of  the 
past  and  the  tender  associations  of  their  native  land.^' 
While  thus  occupied  with  the  internal  economy  of 
the  country,  Cortes  was  still  bent  on  his  great  schemes 
of  discovery  and  conquest.  In  the  preceding  chapter 
we  have  seen  him  fitting  out  a  little  fleet  at  Zacatula 
to  explore  the  shores  of  the  Pacific.  It  was  burnt  in 
the  dock-yard  when  nearly  completed.  This  was  a 
serious  calamity,  as  most  of  the  materials  were  to  be 
transported  across  the  country  from  Villa  Rica.  Cor- 
tes, however,  with  his  usual  prorai)tness,  took  measures 
to  repair  the  loss.  He  writes  to  the  emperor  that 
another  squadron  will  soon  be  got  ready  at  the  same 
port,  and,  "he  doubts  not,  will  put  his  Majesty  in  pos- 
session of  more  lands  and  kingdoms  than  the  naticn 
has  ever  heard  of"!^^     This  magnificent  vaunt  shows 

3-  ["  No  general  interest  would  attach  to  the  private  undertakings 
of  Cortes,  if  the  sole  object  of  them  had  been  the  aggrandizement  of 
nit  own  fortune.  But  they  were  in  fact  the  germs  of  what  are  now 
tlie  most  important  branches  of  the  national  wealth ;  and  they  prove 
the  grandeur  of  those  views  which  in  the  times  of  the  Conquest  gave 
an  impulse  to  whatever  promised  to  contribute  to  the  prosperity  of  tlic 
country."     Alaman,  Disertaciones  historicas,  tom.  ii.  p.  63.] 

33  "  Tengo  de  ser  causa,  que  Vuestra  Cesarea  Magestad  sea  en  estas 


258         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

the  common  sentiment  of  the  Spaniards  at  that  time, 
who  looked  on  the  Pacific  as  the  famed  Indian  Ocean, 
studded  with  golden  islands  and  teeming  with  the  rich 
treasures  of  the  East. 

A  principal  object  of  this  squadron  was  the  discovery 
of  a  strait  which  should  connect  the  Atlantic  with  the 
Pacific.  Another  squadron,  consisting  of  five  vessels, 
was  fitted  out  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  to  take  the  direc- 
tion of  Florida,  with  the  same  view  of  detecting  a 
strait.  For  Cortes  trusted — we  at  this  day  may  smile  at 
the  illusion — that  one  might  be  found  in  that  direction 
which  should  conduct  the  navigator  to  those  waters 
which  had  been  traversed  by  the  keels  of  Magellan  I^'' 

The  discovery  of  a  strait  was  the  great  object  to 
which  nautical  enterprise  in  that  day  was  directed,  as 
it  had  been  ever  since  the  time  of  Columbus.  It  was 
in  the  sixteenth  century  what  the  discovery  of  the 
Northwest  passage  has  been  in  our  own  age, — the  ignis 
fatiius  of  navigators.  The  vast  extent  of  the  Ameri- 
can continent  had  been  ascertained  by  the  voyages  of 
Cabot  in  the  North,  and  of  Magellan  very  recently  in 
the  South.  The  proximity,  in  certain  quarters,  of  the 
two  great  oceans  that  washed  its  eastern  and  western 
shores  had  been  settled  by  the  discoveries  both  of 
Balboa  and  of  Cortes.     European  scholars  could  not 

paries  Seiior  de  mas  Reynos,  y  Senorios  que  los  que  hasta  hoy  en 
nuestra  Nacion  se  tiene  noticia."  Rel.  Quarta  de  Cortes,  ap.  Loren- 
zana,  p.  374. 

34  "  Much  as  I  esteem  Hernando  Cortes,"  exclaims  Oviedo,  "  for 
the  greatest  captain  and  most  practised  in  militarj'  matters  of  any  we 
have  known,  I  think  such  an  opinion  shows  he  was  no  great  cos- 
mographer."  (Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  41.)  Oviedo  had 
lived  to  see  its  fallacy. 


VOYAGES  AND  EXPEDITIONS.  259 

believe  that  Nature  had  worked  on  a  plan  so  repug- 
nant, apparently,  to  the  interests  of  humanity,  as  to 
interpose,  through  the  whole  length  of  the  great  con- 
tinent, such  a  barrier  to  communication  between  the 
adjacent  waters.  The  correspondence  of  men  of 
science,'^  the  instructions  of  the  Court,  the  letters  of 
Cortes,  like  those  of  Columbus,  touch  frequently  on 
this  favorite  topic.  "Your  Majesty  may  be  assured," 
he  writes,  ''that,  as  I  know  how  much  you  have  at 
heart  the  discovery  of  this  great  secret  of  a  strait,  I 
shall  postpone  all  interests  and  projects  of  my  own, 
some  of  them  of  the  highest  moment,  for  the  fulfilment 
of  this  great  object."^* 

It  was  partly  with  the  same  view  that  the  general 
caused  a  considerable  armament  to  be  equipped  and 
placed  under  the  command  of  Cristoval  de  Olid,  the 
brave  officer  who,  as  the  reader  will  remember,  had 
charge  of  one  of  the  great  divisions  of  the  besieging 
army.  He  was  to  steer  for  Honduras  and  plant  a 
colony  on  its  northern  coast.  A  detachment  of  Olid's 
squadron  was  afterwards  to  cruise  along  its  southern 
shore  towards  Darien  in  search  of  the  mysterious  strait. 
The  country  was  reported  to  be  full  of  gold ;  so  full 
that  "the  fishermen  used  gold  weights  for  their  nets." 
The  life  of  the  Spanish  discoverers  was  one  long  day- 
dream. Illusion  after  illusion  chased  one  another  like 
the  bubbles  which  the  child  throws  off  from  his  pipe, 
as  bright,  as  beautiful,  and  as  empty.  They  lived  in  a 
world  of  enchantment.^^ 

35  Martyr,  Opus  Epist.,  ep.  811. 

3fi  Rcl.  Quarta,  ap.  Lorcnzana,  p.  385. 

37  The  illusion  at  home  was  kept  up,  in  some  measure,  by  the  daz- 


2  6o        SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

Together  with  these  maritime  expeditions,  Cortes 
fitted  out  a  powerful  expedition  by  land.  It  was  in- 
trusted to  Alvarado,  who,  with  a  large  force  of  Span- 
iards and  Indians,  was  to  descend  the  southern  slant 
of  the  Cordilleras  and  penetrate  into  the  countries  that 
lay  beyond  the  rich  valley  of  Oaxaca.  The  cam- 
paigns of  this  bold  and  rapacious  chief  terminated  in 
the  important  conquest  of  Guatemala.  The  general 
required  his  captains  to  send  him  minute  accounts  of 
the  countries  which  they  visited,  the  productions  of 
the  soil,  and  their  general  resources.  The  result  was 
several  valuable  and  interesting  communications. ^^  In 
his  instructions  for  the  conduct  of  these  expeditions, 
he  enjoined  a  considerate  treatment  of  the  natives, 
and  inculcated  a  policy  which  may  be  called  humane, 
as  far  as  humanity  is  compatible  with  a  system  of  sub- 
jugation.^^  Unfortunately,  the  character  of  his  officers 
too  often  rendered  these  instructions  unavailing. 

In  the  prosecution  of  his  great  enterprises,  Cortes, 
within  three  short  years  after  the  Conquest,  had  re- 

zling  display  of  gold  and  jewels  remitted  from  time  to  time,  wrought 
into  fanciful  and  often  fantastic  forms.  One  of  the  articles  sent  home 
by  Cortes  was  a  piece  of  ordnance,  made  of  gold  and  silver,  of  very 
fine  workmanship,  the  metal  of  which  alone  cost  2^,000  />esos  de  oru. 
Oviedo,  who  saw  it  in  the  palace,  speaks  with  admiracion  of  this 
magnificent  toy.     Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  41. 

38  Among  these  may  be  particularly  mentioned  the  Letters  of  .Mva- 
rado  and  Diego  de  Godoy,  transcribed  by  Oviedo  in  his  Hist,  de  las 
Ind.,  MS.  (lib.  33,  cap.  42-44),  and  translated  by  Ramusio  for  his 
rich  collection,  Viaggi,  tom.  iii. 

39  See,  among  others,  his  orders  to  his  kinsman,  Francisco  Cortes, — 
"  Instruccion  civil  y  militar  por  la  Expedicion  de  la  Costa  de  Colima.' 
The  paper  is  dated  in  1524,  and  forms  part  of  the  Muiioz  collection 
of  MSS. 


VOVJGIiS  AJVD   EXPEDITIONS.  261 

duced  under  the  dominion  of  Castile  an  extent  of 
country  more  than  four  hundred  leagues  in  length,  as 
he  affirms,  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  and  more  than  five 
hundred  on  the  Pacific,  and,  with  t]ie  exception  of  a 
few  interior  provinces  of  no  great  importance,  had 
brought  them  to  a  condition  of  entire  tranquillity/" 
In  accomplishing  this,  he  had  freely  expended  the 
revenues  of  the  crown,  drawn  from  tributes  siuiilar  to 
tliose  which  had  been  anciently  paid  by  the  natives 
to  their  own  sovereigns;  and  he  had,  moreover,  in- 
curred a  large  debt  on  his  own  account,  for  which  he 
demanded  remuneration  from  the  government.  The 
celebrity  of  his  name,  and  the  dazzling  reports  of  the 
conquered  countries,  drew  crowds  of  adventurers  to 
New  Spain,  who  furnished  the  general  with  recruits  for 
his  various  enterprises. 

Whoever  would  form  a  just  estimate  of  this  remark- 
able man  must  not  confine  himself  to  the  history  of  the 
Conquest.  His  military  career,  indeed,  places  him  on 
a  level  with  the  greatest  captains  of  his  age.  But  the 
period  subsequent  to  the  Conquest  affords  different, 
and  in  some  respects  nobler,  points  of  view  for  the 
study  of  his  character.  For  we  then  see  him  devising 
a  system  of  government  for  the  motley  and  antagonist 
races,  so  to  speak,  now  first  brought  under  a  common 
dominion;  rci)airing  the  mischiefs  of  war;  and  em- 
ploying his  efforts  to  detect  the  latent  resources  of  the 

40  Rel.  Quartn,  ap.  Lorenzana,  p.  371. — "Well  may  we  wonder," 
exclaims  his  archiepiscopal  editor,  "  that  Cortes  and  his  soldiers  could 
have  ovtrrun  and  subdued,  in  so  short  a  time,  countries,  many  of 
them  so"  rough  and  difficult  of  access  that  even  at  the  present  day  we 
can  hardly  penetrate  them  !"     Ibid.,  nota. 


262         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

country  and  to  stimulate  it  to  its  highest  power  of 
production.  The  narrative  may  seem  tame,  after  the 
recital  of  exploits  as  bold  and  adventurous  as  those  of 
a  paladin  of  romance.  But  it  is  only  by  the  perusal 
of  this  narrative  that  we  can  form  an  adequate  concep- 
tion of  the  acute  and  comprehensive  genius  of  Cortes. 


CHAPTER    III. 

DEFECTION  OF  OLID. — DREADFUL  MARCH  TO    HONDURAS. 

—  EXECUTION    OF   GUATEMOZIN, DONA    MARINA.  — 

ARRIVAL   AT   HONDURAS. 

I524-I526. 

In  the  last  chapter  we  have  seen  that  Cristoval  de 
Olid  was  sent  by  Cortes  to  plant  a  colony  in  Honduras. 
The  expedition  was  attended  with  consequences  which 
had  not  been  foreseen.  Made  giddy  by  the  possession 
of  power,  Olid,  when  he  had  reached  his  place  of  des- 
tination, determined  to  assert  an  independent  juris- 
diction for  himself.  His  distance  from  Mexico,  he 
flattered  himself,  might  enable  him  to  do  so  witii  im- 
punity. He  misunderstood  the  character  of  Cortes, 
when  he  supposed  that  any  distance  would  be  great 
enough  to  shield  a  rebel  from  his  vengeance. 

It  was  long  before  the  general  received  tidings  of 
Olid's  defection.  But  no  sooner  was  he  satisfied  of  this 
than  he  despatched  to  Honduras  a  trusty  captain  and 
kinsman,  Francisco  de  las  Casas,  with  directions  to 
arrest  his  disobedient  officer.  Las  Casas  was  wrecked 
on  the  coast,  and  fell  into  Olid's  hands,  but  eventually 
succeeded  in  raising  an  insurrection  in  the  settlement, 
seized  the  person  of  Olid,  and  beheaded  that  unhappy 
delinquent  in  the  market-place  of  Naco.' 

«  Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. 

(263) 


264        SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

Of  these  proceedings,  Cortes  learned  only  what  re- 
lated to  the  shipwreck  of  his  lieutenant.  He  saw  all 
the  mischievous  consequences  that  must  arise  from 
Olid's  example,  especially  if  his  defection  were  to  go 
unpunished.  He  determined  to  take  the  affair  into 
his  own  hands,  and  to  lead  an  expedition  in  person  to 
Honduras.  He  would  thus,  moreover,  be  enabled  to 
ascertain  from  personal  inspection  the  resources  of  the 
country,  which  were  reputed  great  on  the  score  of 
mineral  wealth,  and  would  perhaps  detect  the  point 
of  communication  between  the  great  oceans,  which  had 
so  long  eluded  the  efforts  of  the  Spanish  discoverers. 
He  was  still  fuither  urged  to  this  step  by  the  uncom- 
fortable position  in  which  he  had  found  himself  of  late 
in  the  capital.  Several  functionaries  had  recently  been 
sent  from  the  mother  country  for  the  ostensible  pur- 
pose of  administering  the  colonial  revenues.  But  they 
served  as  spies  on  the  general's  conduct,  caused  him 
many  petty  annoyances,  and  sent  back  to  court  the 
most  malicious  reports  of  his  purposes  and  proceedings. 
Cortes,  in  short,  now  that  he  •  was  made  Governor- 
General  of  the  country,  had  less  real  power  than  when 
he  held  no  legal  commission  at  all. 

The  Spanish  force  which  he  took  with  him  did  not 
probably  exceed  a  hundred  horse  and  forty  or  perhaps 
fifty  foot ;  to  which  were  added  about  three  thousand 
Indian  auxiliaries.^  Among  them  were  Guatemozin 
and  the  cacique  of  Tacuba,  with  a  few  others  of  highest 

=  Carta  de  Albornos,  MS.,  Mexico,  Dec.  15,  1525. — Carta  Quinta 
de  Cortes,  MS. — The  authorities  do  not  precisely  agree  as  to  the 
numbers,  which  were  changing,  probably,  with  every  step  of  their 
march  across  the  table-land. 


DEFECTION  OF   OLID.  265 

rank,  whose  consideration  with  their  countrymen  would 
make  them  an  obvious  nucleus  round  which  disaffection 
might  gather.  The  general's  personal  retinue  consisted 
of  several  pages,  young  men  of  good  family,  and  among 
tliera  Montejo,  the  future  conqueror  of  Yucatan ;  a 
butler  and  steward ;  several  musicians,  dancers,  jug- 
glers, and  buffoons,  showing,  it  might  seem,  more  of 
the  effeminacy  of  an  Oriental  satrap  than  the  hardy 
valor  of  a  Spanish  cavalier. '  Yet  the  imputation  of 
effeminacy  is  sufficiently  disproved  by  the  terrible 
march  which  he  accomplished. 

Towards  the  end  of  October,  1524,  Cortes  began  his 
march.  As  he  descended  the  sides  of  the  Cordilleras, 
he  was  met  by  many  of  his  old  companions  in  arms, 
who  greeted  their  commander  with  a  hearty  welcome, 
and  some  of  them  left  their  estates  to  join  the  expe- 
dition.'' He  halted  in  the  province  of  Coatzacualco 
(Huazacualco)  until  he  could  receive  intelligence  re- 
specting his  route  from  the  natives  of  Tabasco.  They 
furnished  him  with  a  map,  exhibiting  the  principal 
places  whither  the  Indian  traders  who  wandered  over 
these  wild  regions  were  in  the  habit  of  resorting. 
With  the  aid  of  this  map,  a  compass,  and  such  guides  as 
from  time  to  time  he  could  pick  up  on  his  journey,  he 
proposed  to  traverse  that  broad  and  level  tract  which 
forms  the  base  of  Yucatan  and  spreads  from  the  Coat- 
zacualco River  to  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Honduras. 

3  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  175. 

4  Among  these  was  Captain  Diaz,  who,  however,  left  the  pleasant 
farm,  which  he  occupied  in  the  province  of  Coatzacualco,  with  a  very 
ill  grace,  to  accompany  the  expedition.  "  But  Cortes  commanded  it, 
and  we  dared  not  say  no,"  says  the  veteran.     Ibid.,  cap.  174. 

A'Ol     III. — M  23 


266         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

"  I  shall  give  your  Majesty,"  he  begins  his  celebrated 
Letter  to  the  emperor,  describing  this  expedition,  "an 
account,  as  usual,  of  the  most  remarkable  events  of  my 
journey,  every  one  of  which  might  form  the  subject  of 
a  separate  narration."     Cortes  did  not  exaggerate. ^ 

The  beginning  of  the  march  lay  across  a  low  and 
marshy  level,   intersected  by  numerous  little  streams, 

5  This  celebrated  Letter,  which  has  never  been  published,  is  usually 
designated  as  the  Carta  Quiiita,  or  "  Fifth  Letter,"  of  Cortes.  It  is 
nearly  as  long  as  the  longest  of  the  printed  letters  of  the  Conqueror,  is 
written  in  the  same  clear,  simple,  business-like  manner,  and  is  as  full 
of  interest  as  any  of  the  preceding.  It  gives  a  minute  account  of  the 
expedition  to  Honduras,  together  with  events  that  occurred  in  the 
year  following.  It  bears  no  date,  but  was  probpbly  written  in  that 
year  from  Me.xico.  The  original  manuscript  is  in  the  Imperial  Library 
at  Vienna,  which,  as  the  German  sceptre  was  swayed  at  that  time  by 
the  same  hand  v.iiich  held  the  Castilian,  contains  many  documents  of 
value  for  the  illustration  of  Spanish  history.* 


®  [It  is  scarcely  credible  that  a  long  and  important  document  in  ?n 
official  form  should  have  borne  no  date,  and  we  may  therefore  suspect 
that  the  manuscript  at  Vienna,  if  unmutilated,  is  not  the  original.  A 
copy  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Madrid,  purporting  to  have  been  made 
"from  the  original"  by  Alonso  Diaz,  terminates  as  follows:  "  De  la 
cibdad  de  Temixtitan,  desta  Nueva  Espana  a  fres  del  mes  de  setiem- 
bre  del  nascimiento  de  miestro  Sehor  e  Salvador  yesu-Cristo  de  1526." 
This  date  is  confirmed  by  a  passage  in  a  letter  which  will  be  found 
cited  in  the  notes  to  the  next  chapter  with  the  date  of  Sept.  11,  but 
of  which  there  are  in  fact  two  originals,  the  duplicate  being  dated 
Sept.  3.  It  gives  a  summary,  for  the  emperor's  own  perusal,  of  the 
matters  narrated  at  length  in  the  Carta  Quiiita,  which  it  thus  describes: 
"  Asi  mesmo  envio  agora  a  V.  M.  con  lo  presente  wna.  relacion  bion 
larga  y  particular  de  todo  lo  que  me  subcedio  en  el  camino  que  hice  i 
las  Hibueras,  y  al  cabo  della  hago  saber  a  V.  M.  muy  per  extenso  lo 
que  ha  pasado  y  se  ha  hecho  en  esta  Nueva  Espana  despues  que  yo 
parte  de  la  isla  de  Cuba  para  ella."  See  Col.  de  Doc.  ined.  para  la 
Historia  de  Espana,  tom.  i. — Ed.] 


DREADFUL    MARCH  TO   HONDURASr--      267 

which  form  the  head-waters  of  the  Rio  de  Tabasco,  and 
of  the  other  rivers  that  discharge  themselves,  to  the 
north,  into  the  Mexican  Gulf.  The  smaller  streams 
they  forded,  or  passed  in  canoes,  suffering  their  horses 
to  swim  across  as  they  held  them  by  the  bridle.  Rivers 
of  more  formidable  size  they  crossed  on  floating  bridges. 
It  gives  one  some  idea  of  the  difficulties  they  had  to 
encounter  in  this  way,  when  it  is  stated  that  the  Span- 
iards were  obliged  to  construct  no  less  than  fifty  of 
these  bridges  in  a  distance  of  less  than  a  hundred 
miles!*  One  of  them  was  more  than  nine  hundred 
paces  in  length.  Their  troubles  were  much  augmented 
by  the  difficulty  of  obtaining  subsistence,  as  the  natives 
frequently  set  fire  to  the  villages  on  their  approach, 
leaving  to  the  way-worn  adventurers  only  a  pile  of 
smoking  ruins. 

It  would  be  useless  to  encumber  the  page  with  the 
names  of  Indian  towns  which  lay  in  the  route  of  the 
army,  but  which  may  be  now  obsolete,  and,  at  all  events, 
have  never  found  their  way  into  a  map  of  the  country.' 

*  "  Es  tierra  mui  baja  y  de  muchas  sienegas,  tanfo  que  en  tiempo 
de  invierno  no  se  puede  andar,  ni  se  sirve  sino  en  canoas,  y  con 
pasarla  yo  en  tiempo  de  seca,  desde  la  entrada  hasta  la  salida  de  ella, 
que  puede  aver  veinti  leguas,  se  hizieion  mns  de  cinquenta  puenles, 
que  sin  se  hazer,  fuera  imposible  pasar."  Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes, 
MS. 

7  I  have  examined  some  of  the  most  ancient  maps  of  tlie  countr)', 
by  Spanish,  French,  and  Dutch  cosmographers,  in  order  to  determine 
the  route  of  Cortes.  An  inestimable  collection  of  these  maps,  made 
by  the  learned  German  Ebeling,  is  to  be  found  in  the  library  of  Har- 
vard University.  I  can  detect  on  them  only  four  or  five  of  the  places 
indicated  by  the  general.  They  are  the  places  mentioned  in  the  text, 
and,  though  few,  may  serve  to  show  the  general  direction  of  the  march 
of  th  '  armv. 


268         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

The  first  considerable  place  which  they  reached  was 
Iztapan,'  pleasantly  situated  in  the  midst  of  a  fruitful 
region,  on  the  banks  of  one  of  the  tributaries  of  the 
Rio  de  Tabasco.  Such  was  the  extremity  to  Avhich  the 
Spaniards  had  already,  in  the  course  of  a  few  weeks, 
been  reduced  by  hunger  and  fatigue,  that  the  sight  of 
a  village  in  these  dreary  solitudes  was  welcomed  by  his 
followers,  says  Cortes,  "with  a  shout  of  joy  that  was 
echoed  back  from  all  the  surrounding  woods."  The 
army  was  now  at  no  great  distance  from  the  ancient 
city  of  Palenque,  the  subject  of  so  much  speculation 
in  our  time.  The  village  of  Las  Tres  Crazes,  indeed, 
situated  between  twenty  and  thirty  miles  from  Palen- 
qu5,  is  said  still  to  commemorate  the  passage  of  the 
Conquerors  by  the  existence  of  three  crosses  which 
they  left  there.  Yet  no  allusion  is  made  to  the  ancient 
capital.  Was  it  then  the  abode  of  a  populous  and 
flourishing  community,  such  as  once  occupied  it,  to 
judge  from  the  extent  and  magnificence  of  its  remains? 
Or  was  it,  even  then,  a  heap  of  mouldering  ruins, 
buried  in  a  wilderness  of  vegetation,  and  thus  hidden 
from  the  knowledge  of  the  surrounding  country?  If 
the  former,  the  silence  of  Cortes  is  not  easy  to  be 
explained. 

On  quitting  Iztapan,  the  Spaniards  struck  across  a 
country  having  the  same  character  of  a  low  and  marshy 
soil,  checkered  by  occasional  patches  of  cultivation, 
and  covered  with  forests  of  cedar  and  Brazil  wood, 
which  seemed  absolutely  interminable.  The  overhang- 
ing foliage  threw  so  deep  a  shade  that,  as  Cortes  says, 
the  soldiers  could  not  see  where  to  set  their  feet.*     To 

*  "  Donde  se  ponian  los  pies  en  el  suelo  a9ia  arriba  la  claridad  del 


DREADFUL    MARCH  TO   HONDURAS.        269 

add  to  their  perplexity,  their  guides  deserted  them ; 
and,  when  they  climbed  to  the  summits  of  the  tallest 
trees,  they  could  see  only  the  same  cheerless,  inter- 
minable line  of  waving  woods.  The  compass  and  the 
map  furnished  the  only  clue  to  extricate  them  from  this 
gloomy  labyrinth  ;  and  Cprtes  and  his  officers,  among 
whom  was  the  constant  Sandoval,  spreading  out  their 
chart  on  the  ground,  anxiously  studied  the  probable 
direction  of  their  route.  Their  scanty  supplies  mean- 
while had  entirely  failed  them,  and  they  appeased  the 
cravings  of  appetite  by  such  roots  as  they  dug  out  of 
the  earth,  or  by  the  nuts  and  berries  that  grew  wild  in 
the  woods.  Numbers  fell  sick,  and  many  of  the  Indians 
sank  by  the  way,  and  died  of  absolute  starvation. 

When  at  length  the  troops  emerged  from  these  dismal 
forests,  their  path  was  crossed  by  a  river  of  great  depth, 
and  far  wider  than  any  which  they  had  hitherto  trav- 
ersed. The  soldiers,  disheartened,  broke  out  into 
murmurs  against  their  leader,  who  was  plunging  them 
deeper  and  deeper  in  a  boundless  wilderness,  where 
they  must  lay  their  bones.  It  was  in  vain  that  Cortes 
encouraged  them  to  construct  a  floating  bridge,  which 
might  take  them  to  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river.  It 
seemed  a  work  of  appalling  magnitude,  to  which  their 
wasted  strength  was  uncciual.  He  was  more  successful 
in  his  appeal  to  the  Indian  auxiliaries,  till  his  own  men, 
put  to  shame  by  the  ready  obedience  of  the  latter, 
engaged  in  the  work  with  a  hearty  good  will,  wliich 
enabled  them,  although  ready  to  drop  from  fatigue,  10 

cielo  no  se  veia,  tanta  era  la  espesura  y  alteza  de  los  ^tboles,  que  aun- 
que  se  subian  en  algunos,  no  podian  descubrir  un  tirci  de  piedra." 
Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. 

23^ 


V/ 


cyo        SUBSEQL'EiXT  CAREER    OE  CORTES. 

accomplish  it  at  the  end  of  four  days.  It  was,  indeed, 
the  only  expedient  by  which  they  could  hope  to  extri- 
cate themselves  from  their  perilous  situation.  The 
bridge  consisted  of  one  thousand  pieces  of  timber, 
each  of  the  thickness  of  a  man's  body  and  full  sixty 
feet  long.'  When  we  consider  that  the  timber  was  all 
&':anding  in  the  forest  at  the  commencement  of  the 
labor,  it  must  be  admitted  to  have  been  an  achieve- 
ment worthy  of  the  Spaniards.  The  well-compacted 
beams  presented  a  solid  structure  which  nothing,  says 
Cortes,  but  fire  could  destroy.  It  excited  the  admira- 
tion of  the  natives,  who  came  from  a  great  distance  to 
see  it ;  and  "  the  bridge  of  Cortes  "  remained  for  many 
a  year  the  enduring  monument  of  that  commander's 
energy  and  perseverance. 

The  arrival  of  the  army  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the 
river  involved  them  in  new  difficulties.  The  ground 
was  so  soft  and  saturated  with  water  that  the  horses 
floundered  up  to  their  girths,  and,  sometimes  plunging 
into  quagmires,  were  nearly  buried  in  the  mud.  It 
was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that  they  could  be  extri- 
cated by  covering  tlie  wet  soil  with  the  foliage  and  the 
boughs  of  trees,  when  a  stream  of  water,  which  forced 
its  way  through  the  heart  of  the  morass,  furnished  the 
jaded  animals  with  the  means  of  effecting  their  escape 
by  swimming."     As  the  Spaniards  emerged  from  these 

9  "  Porque  lleva  mas  que  mil  bigas,  que  la  menor  es  casi  tan  gorda 
como  un  cuerpo  de  un  hombre,  y  de  nueve  y  diez  brazas  en  largo." 
Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. 

'"  "  Pasada  toda  la  gente  y  cavallos  de  la  otra  parte  del  alcon  dimob 
lucgo  en  una  gran  9ienega,  que  durava  bien  tres  tiros  de  ballesta,  la 
cosa  mas  espantosa  que  jamas  las  gentes  vieron,  donde  todos  los 
cavallos  desen9illados  se  sumieron  hasta  las  orejas  sin  parecerse  otra 


DREADFUL    MARCH   TO   HONDURAS.         27) 

slimy  depths,  they  came  on  a  broad  and  rising  ground, 
which,  by  its  cultivated  fields  teeming  with  maize,  agi, 
or  pepper  of  the  country,  and  i\\&  yuca  i)lant,  intimated 
their  approach  to  the  capital  of  the  fruitful  province 
of  Aculan.  It  was  in  the  beginning  of  Lent,  1525,  a 
period  memorable  for  an  event  of  which  I  shall  give 
the  particulars  from  the  narrative  of  Cortes. 

The  general  at  this  ])lace  was  informed,  by  one  of 
the  Indian  converts  in  his  train,  that  a  conspiracy  had 
been  set  on  foot  by  Guatemozin,  with  the  cacique  of 
Tacuba,  and  some  other  of  the  principal  Indian  nobles, 
to  n^.assacre  the  Spaniards.  They  would  seize  the 
moment  when  the  army  should  be  entangled  in  tht 
passage  of  some  defile,  or  some  frightful  morass  like 
that  from  which  it  had  just  escaped,  where,  taken  at 
disadvantage,  it  could  be  easily  overpowered  by  the 
superior  number  of  the  Mexicans.  After  the  slaughter 
of  the  troops,  the  Indians  would  continue  their  march 
to  Honduras  and  cut  off  the  Spanish  settlements  there. 
Their  success  would  lead  to  a  rising  in  the  capital, 
and,  indeed,  throughout  the  land,  until  every  Spaniard 
should  be  exterminated,  and  the  vessels  in  the  ports  be 
seized,  and  secured  from  carrying  the  tidings  across  the 
waters. 

cosa,  y  querer  for9eiar  d  salir,  sumianse  mas,  de  manera  que  alll  per- 
dimos  toda  la  esperanza  de  poder  escapar  cavallos  ningunos,  pero 
lodavia  comenzamos  d  trabajar  y  componcrles  lia9es  de  ycrba  y  ranias 
grandes  de  bajo,  sobre  que  se  sostuviesen  y  no  se  sumicscn,  remedia- 
vanse  algo,  y  andando  trabajando  y  yendo  y  viniendo  de  la  una  parte 
a  la  otra,  abriose  por  medio  de  un  calejon  de  agua  y  9ieno,  que  los 
cavalos  comenzaron  algo  a  nadar,  y  con  esto  plugo  d  nuestro  Scnor 
que  salieron  todos  sin  peligro  ninguno."  Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes 
MS. 


272         SCBSEQL'£2\'T  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

No  sooner  had  Cortes  learned  the  particulars  of  this 
formidable  plot  than  he  arrested  Guatemozin  and  the 
principal  Aztec  lords  in  his  train.  The  latter  admitted 
the  fact  of  the  conspiracy,  but  alleged  that  it  had  been 
planned  by  Guatemozin  and  that  they  had  refused  to 
come  into  it.  Guatemozin  and  the  chief  cf  Tacuba 
neither  admitted  nor  denied  the  truth  of  the  accusa- 
tion, but  maintained  a  dogged  silence.  Such  is  the 
statement  of  Cortes."  Bernal  Diaz,  however,  who  was 
present  in  the  expedition,  assures  us  that  both  Guate- 
mozin and  the  cacique  of  Tacuba  declared  their  inno- 
cence. They  had  indeed,  they  said,  talked  more  than 
once  together  of  the  sufferings  they  were  then  endur- 
ing, and  had  said  that  death  was  preferable  to  seeing 
so  many  of  their  poor  followers  dying  daily  around 
them.  They  admitted,  also,  that  a  project  for  rising 
on  the  Spaniards  had  been  discussed  by  some  of  the 
Aztecs ;  but  Guatemozin  had  discouraged  it  from  the 
first,  and  no  scheme  of  the  kind  could  have  been  put 
into  execution  without  his  knowledge  and  consent." 
These  protestations  did  not  avail  the  unfortunate 
princes ;  and  Cortes,  having  satisfied,  or  affected  to 
satisfy,  himself  of  their  guilt,  ordered  them  to  imme- 
diate execution. 

When  brought  to  the  fatal  tree,  Guatemozin  dis- 
played the  intrepid  spirit  worthy  of  his  better  days.  "I 
knew  what  it  was,"  said  he,  "to  trust  to  your  false 
promises,  Malinche;  I  knew  that  you  had  destined  me 
to  this  fate,  since  I  did  not  fall  by  my  own  hand  when 
you  entered  my  city  of  Tenochtitlan.     Why  do  you 

"  Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. 
"  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  177. 


EXECUTION   OF  GUATEMOZIX. 


273 


slay  me  so  unjustly?  God  will  demand  it  of  you  !"  '^ 
The  cacique  of  Tacuba,  protesting  his  innocence,  de- 
clared that  he  desired  no  better  lot  than  to  die  by  the 
side  of  his  lord.  The  unfortunate  princes,  with  one 
or  more  inferior  nobles  (for  the  number  is  uncer- 
tain), were  then  executed  by  being  hung  from  the 
huge  branches  of  a  ceiha-ireQ.  which  overshadowed 
the  road.'^ 

Such  was  the  sad  end  of  Guatemozin,  the  last  em- 
peror of  the  Aztecs,  if  we  might  not  rather  call  him 
"the  last  of  the  Aztecs  ;"  since  from  this  time,  broken 
in  spirit  and  without  a  head,  the  remnant  of  the  nation 
resigned  itself,  almost  without  a  struggle,  to  the  stern 
yoke  of  its  oppressors.  Among  all  the  names  of  bar- 
barian princes,  there  are  few  entitled  to  a  higher  place 
on  the  roll  of  fame  than  that  of  Guatemozin.  He  was 
young,  and  his  public  career  was  not  long;  but  it  was 
glorious.  He  was  called  to  the  throne  in  the  convulsed 
and  expiring  hours  of  the  monarchy,  when  the  banded 
nations  of  Anahuac  and  the  fierce  European  were 
thundering  at  the  gates  of  the  capital.  It  was  a  post 
of  tremendous  responsibility ;  but  Guatemozin's  con- 
duct fully  justified  the  choice  of  l.iai  to  fill  it.  No 
one  can  refuse  his  admiration  to  the    intrepid  spirit 

'3  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  I.1  Conquista.  ubi  supra. 

14  According  to  Diaz,  both  Guatemozin  and  the  prince  of  Taenia 
had  embraced  the  religion  of  their  conquerors,  and  were  confessed  by 
a  Fninciscan  friar  before  their  execution.  We  are  further  asstired  bv 
the  s.\me  authority  that  "  they  were,  for  Indians,  very  good  Christians, 
and  beUeved  well  and  truly."  (Ibid.,  loc.  cit.)  One  is  reminded  of 
the  last  hours  of  Caupolican,  converted  to  C  iristianity  by  the  same 
men  who  tied  him  to  the  stake.  Sec  tlie  scene,  painted  in  the  frightful 
coloring  of  a  master-hand,  in  the  Araucana,  Canto  34. 
M* 


2  74        SC^BSEQL'EXT  CAREER    OE  CORTES. 

which  could  prolong  a  defence  of  his  city  while  one 
stone  was  left  upon  another ;  and  our  sympathies,  for 
the  time,  are  inevitably  thrown  more  inlo  the  scale 
of  the  rude  chieftain,  thus  battling  for  his  country's 
freedom,  than  into  that  of  his  civilized  and  successful 
antagonist. 's 

In  reviewing  the  circumstances  of  Guatemozin's 
death,  one  cannot  attach  much  weight  to  the  charge 
of  conspiracy  brought  against  him.  That  the  Indians, 
brooding  over  their  wrongs  and  present  sufferings, 
should  have  sometimes  talked  of  revenge,  would  not 
be  surprising.  But  that  any  chimerical  scheme  of  an 
insurrection,  like  that  above  mentioned,  should  have 
been  set  on  foot,  or  even  sanctioned,  by  Guatem.ozin, 
is  altogether  improbable.  That  prince's  explanation 
of  the  affair,  as  given  by  Diaz,  is,  to  say  the  least, 
quite  as  deserving  of  credit  as  the  accusation  of  the 
Indian  informer.'^     The  defect  of  testimony  and  the 

'S  Guatemozin's  beautiful  wife,  the  princess  Tecuichpo,  the  daughter 
of  Montezuma,  lived  long  enough  after  his  death  to  give  her  hand  to 
four  Castilians,  all  of  noble  descent.  (See  ante,  vol.  ii.  p.  339,  note 
36.)  She  is  described  as  having  been  as  well  instructed  in  the  Catholic 
faith  as  any  woman  in  Castile,  as  most  gracious  and  winning  in  her 
deportment,  and  as  having  contributed  greatly,  by  her  example,  and 
the  deference  with  which  she  inspired  the  Aztecs,  to  the  tranquillity  of 
the  conquered  country.  This  pleasing  portrait,  it  may  be  well  enough 
to  mention,  is  by  the  hand  of  her  husband,  Don  Thoan  Cano.  See 
Appendix,  Part  2,  No.  11. 

»*  The  Indian  chroniclers  regard  the  pretended  conspiracy  of  Gua- 
temozin  as  an  invention  of  Cortes.  The  informer  himself,  when  after- 
wards put  to  the  torture  by  the  cacique  of  Tezcuco,  declared  that  he 
had  made  no  revelation  of  this  nature  to  the  Spanish  commander. 
Ixtlilxochitl  vouches  for  the  truth  of  this  story.  (Venida  de  los  Es- 
paSoles,  pp.  83-93.)     2^'  who  will  vouch  for  Ixtlilxochitl? 


EXECUTION  OF  GUATEMOZIN. 


275 


distance  of  time  make  it  difficult  for  us,  at  the  present 
day,  to  decide  the  question.  We  have  a  surer  criterion 
of  the  truth  in  the  opinion  of  those  who  were  eye- 
witnesses of  the  transaction.  It  is  given  in  the  words 
of  the  old  chronicler  so  often  quoted.  "The  execu- 
tion of  Guatemozin,"  says  Diaz,  "was  most  unjust, 
and  was  thought  wrong  by  all  of  us."  '' 

The  most  probable  explanation  of  the  affair  seems  to 
be  that  Guatemozin  was  a  troublesome  and,  indeed, 
formidable  captive.  Thus  much  is  intimated  by  Cortes 
himself,  in  his  Letter  to  the  emperor.'®  The  fallen 
sovereign  of  Mexico,  by  the  ascendency  of  his  char- 
acter, as  well  as  by  his  previous  station,  maintained 
an  influence  over  his  countrymen  which  would  have 
enabled  him  with  a  breath,  as  it  were,  to  rouse  their 
smothered,  not  extinguished,  animosity  into  rebel- 
lion. The  Spaniards,  during  the  first  years  after  the 
Conquest,  lived  in  constant  apprehension  of  a  rising 
of  the  Aztecs.  This  is  evident  from  numerous  pas- 
sages in  the  writings  of  the  time.  It  was  under  the 
same  apprehension  that  Cortes  consented  to  embarrass 
himself  with  his  royal  captive  on  this  dreary  expedi- 
tion. And  in  such  distrust  did  he  hold  him  that, 
even  while  in  Mexico,  he  neither  rode  abroad,  nor 
walked  to  any  great  distance,  according  to  Gomara, 
without  being  attended  by  Guatemozin.'' 

I"  "  Y  fue  esta  muerte  que  les  dieron  muy  injustamenle  dada.  y 
parecio  mal  d  todos  los  que  ibaiHos  aquella  Jornada."  Hist,  de  la 
Conqtiista,  cap.  177. 

»8  "  Guatemozin,  Seiior  que  fue  de  esta  Ciudad  de  Temixtitan,  i 
quien  yo  despues  que  la  gane  he  tenido  siempre  preso,  teniendole  por 
hombre  buUicioso,  y  le  Ueve  conmigo."     Carta  Quinta,  MS. 

»9  "  y  le  hacian  aqudla  mesma  reverencia,  i  ceremonias,  que  d 


276         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

Parties  standing  in  such  relations  to  each  other  could 
have  been  the  objects  only  of  mutual  distrust  and  aver- 
sion. The  forlorn  condition  of  the  Spaniards  on  the 
present  march,  which  exposed  them  in  a  peculiai 
degree  to  any  sudden  assault  from  their  wily  Indian 
vassals,  increased  the  suspicions  of  Cortes.  Thus  pre- 
disposed to  think  ill  of  Guatemozin,  the  general  lent  a 
ready  ear  to  the  first  accusation  against  him.  Charges 
were  converted  into  proofs,  and  condemnation  followed 
close  upon  the  charges.  By  a  single  blow  he  proposed 
to  rid  himself  and  the  state  forever  of  a  dangerous 
enemy, — the  more  dangerous,  that  he  was  an  enemy  in 
disguise.  Had  he  but  consulted  his  own  honor  and  his 
good  name,  Guatemozin' s  head  was  the  last  on  which 
he  should  have  suffered  an  injury  to  fall.  "  He  should 
have  cherished  him,"  to  borrow  the  homely  simile  of 
his  encomiast,  Gomara,  "like  gold  in  a  napkin,  as  the 
best  trophy  of  his  victories. ' '  ^° 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  real  motives  of  his 
conduct  in  this  affair,  it  seems  to  have  left  the  mind 
of  Cortes  but  ill  at  ease.  For  a  long  time  he  was 
moody  and  irritable,  and  found  it  difficult  to  sleep 
at  night.  On  one  occasion,  as  he  was  pacing  an  upper 
chamber  of  a  tcocaUi  in  which  he  was  quartered,  he 
missed  his  footing  in  the  dark,  and  was  precipitated 
from  a  height  of  some  twelve  feet  to  the  ground,  which 
occasioned  him  a  severe  contusion  on   the  head, — a 

Mote^uma,  i  creo  que  por  eso  le  llevaba  siempre  consigo  por  la 
Ciudad  d  Caballo  si  cavalgaba,  i  sino  a  pie  como  el  iba."  Cronica, 
cap.  170. 

*°  "  I  Cortes  debiera  guardarlo  vivo,  como  Oro  en  pario,  que  era  el 
triumpho,  i  gloria  de  sus  Victorias."     C'-onica.  cap.  170. 


EXECUTION  OF  GUATEMOZIN. 


277 


thing  too  palpable  to  be  concealed,  though  he  endeav- 
ored, says  the  gossiping  Diaz,  to  hide  the  knowledge 
of  it,  as  well  as  he  could,  from  the  soldiers.^' 

It  was  not  long  after  the  sad  scene  of  Guatemozin's 
execution  that  the  wearied  troops  entered  the  head 
town  of  the  great  province  of  Aculan  ;  a  thriving  com- 
munity of  traders,  who  carried  on  a  profitable  traffic 
with  the  farthest  quarters  of  Central  America.  Cortes 
notices  in  general  terms  the  excellence  and  beauty  of 
the  buildings,  and  the  hospitable  reception  which  he 
experienced  from  the  inhabitants. 

After  renewing  their  strength  in  these  comfortable 
quarters,  the  Spaniards  left  the  capital  of  Aculan,  the 
name  of  which  is  to  be  found  on  no  map,  and  held  on 
their  toilsome  way  in  the  direction  of  what  is  now 
called  the  Lake  of  Peten.  It  was  then  the  property 
of  an  emigrant  tribe  of  the  hardy  Maya  family,  and 
their  capital  stood  on  an  island  in  the  lake,  "with  its 
houses  and  lofty  teocallis  glistening  in  the  sun,"  says 
Bernal  Diaz,  "so  that  it  might  be  seen  for  the  distance 
of  two  leagues."  "  These  edifices,  built  by  one  of  the 
races  of  Yucatan,  displayed,  doubtless,  the  same  pecu- 
liarities of  construction  as  the  remains  still  to  be  seen 
in  that  remarkable  peninsula.  But,  whatever  may  have 
been  their  architectural  merits,  they  are  disposed  of  in 
a  brief  sentence  by  the  Conquerors. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  island  showed  a  friendly 
spirit,  and  a  docility  unlike  the  Avarlike  temper  of  theii 
countrymen  of  Yucatan.  They  willingly  listened  to 
the  Spanish  missionaries  who  accompanied  the  exjiedi- 

=1  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  ubi  supra. 
«  Ibid.,  cap.  178. 
Vol.  III.  24 


2^8         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

tion,  as  they  expounded  the  Christian  doctrines  through 
the  intervention  of  Marina.  The  Indian  interpreter 
was  present  throughout  this  long  march,  the  last  in 
which  she  remained  at  the  side  of  Cortes.  As  tliis,  too, 
is  the  last  occasion  on  which  she  will  appear  in  these 
pages,  I  will  mention,  before  parting  with  her,  an  in- 
teresting circumstance  that  occurred  when  the  army 
was  traversing  the'province  of  Coatzacualco.  Tliis,  it 
may  be  remembered,  was  the  native  country  of  Marina, 
where  her  infamous  mother  sold  her,  when  a  child,  to 
some  foreign  traders,  in  order  to  secure  her  inheritance 
to  a  younger  brother.  Cortes  halted  for  some  days  at 
this  place,  to  hold  a  conference  with  the  surrounding  ca- 
ciques on  matters  of  government  and  religion.  Among 
those  summoned  to  this  meeting  was  Marina's  mother, 
who  came,  attended  by  her  son.  No  sooner  did  they 
make  their  appearance  than  all  were  struck  with  the 
great  resemblance  of  the  cacique  to  her  daughter.  The 
two  parties  recognized  each  other,  though  they  had  no. 
met  since  their  separation.  The  mother,  greatly  terri- 
fied, fancied  that  she  had  been  decoyed  into  a  snare 
in  order  to  punish  her  inhuman  conduct.  But  Marina 
instantly  ran  up  to  her,  and  endeavored  to  allay  her 
fears,  assuring  her  that  she  should  receive  no  harm, 
and,  addressing  the  by-standers,  said  "that  she  was 
sure  her  mother  knew  not  what  she  did  when  she  sold 
her  to  the  traders,  and  that  she  forgave  her."  Then, 
tenderly  embracing  her  unnatural  parent,  she  gave  hei 
such  jewels  and  other  little  ornaments  as  she  wore 
about  her  own  person,  to  win  back,  as  it  would 
seem,  her  lost  affection.  Marina  added  that  "she  felt 
much  happier  than  before,  now  that  she  had  been  in^ 


DONA    MARINA. 


279 


striictcd  ill  the  Christian  faith  and  given  up  the  bloody 
worship  of  the  Aztecs."  ^^ 

In  the  coarse  of  the  expedition  to  Honduras,  Cortes 
gave  Marina  away  to  a  Castilian  knight,  Don  Juan 
Xaramillo,^"*  to  whom  she  was  wedded  as  his  lawful 
wife.  She  had  estates  assigned  to  her  in  her  native 
province,  where  she  probably  passed  the  remainder  of 
her  days.''^  From  this  time  the  name  of  Marina  dis- 
appears from  the  page  of  history.  But  it  has  been 
always  held  in  grateful  remembrance  by  the  Spaniards, 
for  the  important  aid  which  she  gave  them  in  effecting 
the  Conquest,  and  by  the  natives,  for  the  kindness  and 
sympathy  which  she  showed  them  in  their  misfortunes. 
Many  an  Indian  ballad  commemorates  the  gentle  vir- 
tues of  Malinche, — her  Aztec  epithet.  Even  now  licr 
spirit,  if  report  be  true,  watches  over  the  capital  which 

=3  Diaz,  who  was  present,  attests  the  truth  of  this  account  by  the 
most  solemn  adjuration  :  "  Y  todo  esto  que  digo,  se  lo  01  muy  certifi- 
cadamente  y  se  lo  juro,  amen."     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  37. 

=^4  [Alaman,  from  an  examination  of  the  municipal  archives  of  Me.\- 
ico,  finds  that  Juan  de  Jaramillo  was  commander  of  one  of  the  brig- 
antines  in  the  siege  of  Mexico.  He  subsequently  filled  the  office  of 
royal  standard-bearer  of  the  city,  and  was  several  times  chosen  to 
represent  it  in  the  assemblies  of  the  cities  of  New  Spain.  Conquista 
de  Mejico  (trad,  de  Vega),  tom.  ii.  p.  269.] 

25  [The  Spanish  government  showed  its  sense  of  the  services  of 
Marina  by  the  grant  of  several  estates  both  in  the  town  and  cotmtry. 
The  house  in  which  she  usually  resided  in  Mexico  was  in  the  street  of 
Medinas,  as  it  is  now  called,  which  then  bore  the  name  of  her  husband, 
Jaramillo.  She  had  a  pleasure-house  at  Chapultepec,  and  in  Cuyoa- 
can  a  garden  that  had  belonged  to  Montezuma.  She  lived  in  the 
enjoyment  of  wealth  and  much  consideration  from  her  coimtrymcn ; 
and,  as  we  see  mention  made  of  her  grandchild  during  her  lifetime,  we 
may  presume  she  reached  a  good  old  age.  Conquista  de  Mejico  (trad, 
de  Vega),  tom.  ii.  p.  269. — Alaman,  Disertaciones  histoncas,  tom.  ii, 
P-  293-] 


28o         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OE  CORTES. 

she  helped  to  win  ;  and  the  peasant  is  occasionally 
startled  by  the  apparition  of  an  Indian  princess,  dimly 
seer,  through  the  evening  shadows,  as  it  flits  among 
the  groves  and  grottos  of  the  royal  Hill  of  Chapol- 
tepec.^ 

By  the  Conqueror,  Marina  left  one  son,  Don  Martin 
Cortes.  He  rose  to  high  consideration,  and  was  made 
a  coiiiendador  of  the  order  of  St.  Jago.  He  was  sub- 
sequently suspected  of  treasonable  designs  against  the 
government ;  and  neither  his  parents'  extraordinary 
services,  nor  his  own  deserts,  could  protect  him  from 
a  cruel  persecution  ;  and  in  1568  the  son  of  Hernando 
Cortes  was  shamefully  subjected  to  the  torture  in  the 
very  capital  which  his  father  had  acquired  for  the 
Castilian  crown  ! 

The  inhabitants  of  the  isles  of  Peten — to  return  from 
our  digression — listened  attentively  to  the  preaching 
of  the  Franciscan  friars,  and  consented  to  the  instant 
demolition  of  their  idols,  and  the  erection  of  the 
Cross  upon  their  ruins. ^  A  singular  circumstance 
showed  the  value  of  these  hurried  conversions.  Cortes, 
on  his  departure,  left  among  this  friendly  people  one 
of  his  horses,  which  had  been  disabled  by  an  injury  in 
the  foot.  The  Indians  felt  a  reverence  for  the  animal, 
as  in  some  way  connected  with  the  mysterious  power  of 

=*  Life  in  Mexico,  let.  8. — The  fair  author  does  not  pretend  to  have 
been  favored  with  a  sight  of  the  apparition. 

=7  Villagutierre  says  that  the  Iztacs,  by  which  name  the  inhabitants 
of  these  islands  were  called,  did  not  destroy  their  idols  while  the 
Spaniards  remained  there.  (Historia  de  la  Conquista  de  la  Provincia 
de  el  Itza  (Madrid,  1701),  pp.  49,  50.)  The  historian  is  wrong,  since 
Cortes  expressly  asserts  that  the  images  were  broken  and  burnt  in  hia 
presence.     Carta  Quinta,  MS. 


PERILOUS   MARCH.  ^%^ 

the  white  men.  When  their  visitors  had  gone,  they 
offered  flowers  to  the  liorse,  and,  as  it  is  said,  prepared 
for  him  many  savory  messes  of  poultry,  such  as  they 
would  have  administered  to  their  own  sick.  Under 
this  extraordinary  diet  the  poor  animal  pined  away  and 
d'ed.  The  affrighted  Indians  raised  his  effigy  in  stone, 
and,  placing  it  in  one  of  their  teocallis,  did  homage  to 
it,  as  to  a  deity.  In  1618,  when  two  Franciscan  friars 
came  to  preach  the  gospel  in  these  regions,  then  scarcely 
better  known  to  the  Spaniards  than  before  the  time  of 
Cortes,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  objects  which  they 
found  was  this  statue  of  a  horse,  receiving  the  homage 
of  the  Indian  worshippers,  as  the  god  of  thunder  and 
lightning  !  -'^ 

It  would  be  wearisome  to  recount  all  the  perils  and 
hardships  endured  by  the  Spaniards  in  the  remainder 
of  their  journey.  It  would  be  repeating  only  the  inci- 
dents of  the  preceding  narrative,  the  same  obstacles  in 
their  path,  the  same  extremities  of  famine  and  fatigue, 
— hardships  more  wearing  on  the  spirits  than  encoun- 
ters with  an  enemy,  which,  if  more  hazardous,  are  also 
more  exciting.  It  is  easier  to  contend  with  man  than 
with  Nature.  Yet  I  must  not  omit  to  mention  the 
passage  of  the  Sierra  de  los  Pedcrnalcs,  "  the  Mountain 
of  Flints,"  which,  though  only  twenty-four  miles  in 
extent,  consumed  no  less  than  twelve  days  in  crossing 
it !  The  sharp  stones  cut  the  horses'  feet  to  pieces, 
while  many  were  lost  down  the  precipices  and  ravines ; 
so  that  when  they  had  reached  the  opposite  side  sixty- 
eight  of  these  valuable  animals  had  perished,  and  the 

*8  The  fact  is  recorded  by  Villagutierre,  Conquista  de  el  Itza,  pp. 
100-102,  and  CojuUado,  Hist,  de  Yucathan,  lib   i,  cap.  16. 
24* 


282         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

remainder  were,  for  the  most  part,  in  an  unserviceable 
condition  !  '^ 

The  rainy  season  had  now  set  in,  and  torrents  of 
water,  falling  day  and  night,  drenched  the  adventurers 
to  the  skin,  and  added  greatly  to  their  distresses.  The 
rivers,  swollen  beyond  their  usual  volume,  poured  along 
with  a  terrible  impetuosity  that  defied  the  construction 
of  bridges ;  and  it  was  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that, 
by  laying  trunks  of  trees  from  one  huge  rock  to  an- 
other, with  which  these  streams  were  studded,  they 
effected  a  perilous  passage  to  the  opposite  banks.  3° 

At  length  the  shattered  train  drew  near  the  Golfo 
Dolce,  at  the  head  of  the  Bay  oi  Honduras.  Their 
route  could  not  have  been  far  from  the  site  of  Copan, 
the  celebrated  city  whose  architectural  ruins  have  fur- 
nished such  noble  illustrations  for  the  pencil  of  Cather- 
wood.  But  the  Spaniards  passed  on  in  silence.  Nor, 
indeed,  can  we  wonder  that  at  this  stage  of  the  enter- 
prise they  should  have  passed  on  without  heeding  the 
vicinity  of  a  city  in  the  wilderness,  though  it  were  as 
glorious  as  the  capital  of  Zenobia ;  for  they  were  ar- 
rived almost  within  view  of  the  Spanish  settlements, 
the  object  of  their  long  and  wearisome  pilgrimage. 

=9  "  Y  querer  dezir  la  aspereza  y  fragosidad  de  este  Puerto  y  sierras, 
ni  quien  lo  dixese  lo  sabria  significar,  ni  quien  lo  oyese  podria  entea- 
der,  sino  que  sepa  V.  M.  que  en  ocho  leguas  que  duro  hasta^-«te 
puerto  estuvimos  en  las  andar  doze  dias,  digo  los  postreros  en  llegar 
al  c  '.bo  de  el,  en  que  murieron  sesenta  y  ocho  cavallos  despeiiados  y 
desxaretados,  y  todos  los  denias  vinieron  heridos  y  tan  lastimados  que 
i:o  pensamos  aprovecharnos  de  ninguno."  Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. 

3°  "  If  any  unhappy  wretch  had  become  giddy  in  this  transit,"  says 
Cortes.  "  he  must  inevitably  have  been  precipitated  into  the  gulf  and 
perished.  There  were  upwards  of  twenty  of  these  frightful  passes." 
Carta  Quinta,  MS.  * 


ARRIVAL   AT  HONDURAS.  283 

The  place  which  they  were  now  approaching  was 
Naco,  or  San  Gil  de  Buena  Vista,  a  Spanish  settlement 
on  the  Golfo  Dolce.  Cortes  advanced  cautiously,  pre- 
pared to  fall  on  the  town  by  surprise.  He  had  held 
on  his  way  with  the  undeviating  step  of  the  North 
American  Indian,  who,  traversing  morass  and  moun- 
tain and  the  most  intricate  forests,  guided  by  the 
instinct  of  revenge,  presses  straight  towards  the  mark, 
and,  when  he  has  reached  it,  springs  at  once  on  his 
unsuspecting  victim.  Before  Cortes  made  his  assault, 
his  scouts  fortunately  fell  in  with  some  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  place,  from  whom  they  received  tidings  of 
the  death  of  Olid,  and  of  the  re-establishment  of  his 
own  authority.  Cortes,  therefore,  entered  the  place 
like  a  friend,  and  was  cordially  welcomed  by  his  coun- 
trymen, greatly  astonished,  says  Diaz,  "  by  the  presence 
among  them  of  the  general  so  renowned  throughout 
these  countries."  ^' 

The  colony  was  at  this  time  sorely  suffering  from 
famine ;  and  to  such  extremity  was  it  soon  reduced 
that  the  troops  would  probably  have  found  a  grave  in 
the  very  spot  to  which  they  had  looked  forward  as  the 
goal  of  their  labors,  but  for  the  seasonable  arrival  of  a 
vessel  with  supplies  from  Cuba.  With  a  perseverance 
which  nothing  could  daunt,  Cortes  made  an  examina- 
tion of  the  surrounding  country,  and  occupied  a  month 
more  in  exploring  dismal  swamps,  steaming  with  un- 
wholesome exhalations,  and  infected  with  bilious  fevers 
and  with  swarms  of  venomous  insects  which  left  peace 

31  "  Espantaronse  en  gmn  manera,  y  como  siipieron  que  era  Cortes 
q  tan  nombrado  era  en  todas  estas  partes  de  las  Indias,  y  en  Cas- 
lilla,  no  sabia  que  se  hazer  de  placer."    Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  179. 


2S4        SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

neither  by  day  nor  night.  At  length  he  embarked 
witli  a  part  of  his  forces  on  board  of  two  brigantines, 
and,  after  touching  at  one  or  two  ports  in  the  bay, 
anchored  off  Truxiilo,  the  principal  Spanish  settlement 
on  that  coast.  The  surf  was  too  high  for  him  easily  to 
effect  a  landing ;  but  the  inhabitants,  overjoyed  at  his 
arrival,  rushed  into  the  shallow  water  and  eagerly  bore 
back  the  general  in  their  arms  to  the  shore. ^^ 

After  he  had  restored  the  strength  and  spirits  of  his 
men,  the  indefatigable  commander  prepared  for  a  new 
expedition,  the  object  of  which  was  to  explore  and  to 
reduce  the  extensive  province  of  Nicaragua.  One  may 
well  feel  astonished  at  the  adventurous  spirit  of  the 
man  Avho,  unsubdued  by  the  terrible  sufferings  of  his 
recent  march,  should  so  soon  be  prepared  for  another 
enterprise  equally  appalling.  It  is  difficult,  in  this  age 
of  sober  sense,  to  conceive  the  character  of  a  Castilian 
cavalier  of  the  sixteenth  century,  a  true  counterpart  of 
which  it  would  not  have  been  easy  to  find  in  any  other 
nation,  even  at  that  time, — or  anywhere,  indeed,  save 
in  those  tales  of  chivalry,  which,  however  wild  and 
extravagant  they  may  seem,  were  much  more  true  to 
character  than  to  situation.  The  mere  excitenifinfoT" 
exploring  the  strange  and  the  unknown  was  a  sufficient 
compensation  to  the  Spanish  adventurer  for  all  his  toils 
and  trials.  It  seems  to  have  been  ordered  by  Provi- 
dence that  such  a  race  of  men  should  exist  contempo- 
raneously wnth  the  discovery  of  the  New  World,  that 
those  regions  should  be  brought  to  light  which  were 
beset  with  dangers  and  difficulties  so  appalling  as  might 

3"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  179,  et  seq. — Herrera, 
Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  8,  cap. 3,  4. — Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. 


A  J?  RIVAL    AT  HONDURAS. 


285 


have  tended  to  overawe  and  to  discourage  the  ordi- 
nary spirit  of  adventure.  Yet  Cortes,  though  filled  with 
this  spirit,  proposed  nobler  ends  to  himself  than  those 
of  the  mere  vulgar  adventurer.  In  the  expedition  to 
Nicaragua  he  designed,  as  he  had  done  in  that  to 
Honduras,  to  ascertain  the  resources  of  the  country  in 
general,  and,  above  all,  the  existence  of  any  means  of 
communication  between  the  great  oceans  on  its  borders. 
If  none  such  existed,  it  would  at  least  establish  this  fact, 
the  knowledge  of  which,  to  borrow  his  own  language, 
was  scarcely  less  important. 

The  general  proposed  to  himself  the  further  object 
of  enlarging  the  colonial  empire  of  Castile.  The  con- 
quest of  Mexico  was  but  the  commencement  of  a  series 
of  conquests.  To  the  warrior  who  had  achieved  this, 
nothing  seemed  impracticable;  and  scarcely  would  any 
thing  have  been  so,  had  he  been  properly  sustained.  It 
is  no  great  stretch  of  imagination  to  see  the  Conqueror 
of  Mexico  advancing  along  the  provinces  of  the  vast 
Isthmus, — Nicaragua,  Costa  Rica,  and  Darien, — until  he 
liad  planted  his  victorious  banner  on  the  shores  of  the 
Gulf  of  Panama;  and,  while  it  was  there  fanned  by  the 
breezes  from  the  golden  South,  the  land  of  the  Incas, 
to  see  him  gathering  such  intelligence  of  this  land  as 
would  stimulate  him  to  carry  his  arms  still  farther, 
and  to  anticipate,  it  might  be,  the  splendid  career  of 
Pizarro  ! 

But  from  these  dreams  of  ambition  Cortes  was 
suddenly  aroused  by  such  tidings  as  convinced  him 
that  his  absence  from  iVlexico  was  already  too  far 
prolonged,  and  that  he  must  return  without  delay, 
if  he  would  save  the  capital  or  the  country. 


CHAPTER    IV. 

DISTURBANCES    IN    MEXICO. — RETURN    OF   CORTES. — DIS- 
TRUST  OF   THE   COURT. — CORTES   RETURNS   TO   SPAIN. 

DEATH    OF   SANDOVAL. BRILLIANT   RECEPTION    OF 

CORTES. HONORS    CONFERRED    ON   HIM. 

1526-1530. 

V 

The  intelligence  alluded  to  in  the  preceding  chapter 
was  conveyed  in  a  letter  to  Cortes  from  the  licentiate 
Zuazo,  one  of  the  functionaries  to  whom  the  general 
had  committed  the  administration  of  the  country 
during  his  absence.  It  contained  full  particulars  of 
the  tumultuous  proceedings  in  the  capital.  No  sooner 
had  Cortes  quitted  it,  than  dissensions  broke  out 
among  the  diiferent  members  of  the  provisional  gov- 
ernment. The  misrule  increased  as  his  absence  was 
prolonged.  At  length  tidings  were  received  that  Cortes 
with  his  whole  army  had  perished  in  the  morasses 
of  Chiapa.  The  members  of  the  government  showed 
no  reluctance  to  credit  this  story.  They  now  openly 
paraded  their  own  authority;  proclaimed  the  general's 
death  ;  caused  funeral  ceremonies  to  be  performed  in 
his  honor;  took  possession  of  his  property  wherever 
they  could  meet  with  it,  piously  devoting  a  small  part 
of  the  proceeds  to  purchasing  masses  for  his  soul,  while 
the  remainder  was  appropriated  to  pay  off  what  was 
called  his  debt  to  the  state.  They  se  zed,  in  like 
(  286) 


RETURN   OF  CORTES.  287 

manner,  the  property  of  other  individuals  engaged  in 
tlie  expedition.  From  these  outrages  they  proceeded 
toothers  against  the  Spanish  residents  in  the  city,  until 
the  Franciscan  missionaries  left  the  capital  in  disgust, 
while  the  Indian  population  were  so  sorely  oppressed 
that  great  apprehensions  were  entertained  of  a  general 
riiing.  Zuazo,  who  communicated  these  tidings,  im- 
pl(;rcd  Cortes  to  quicken  his  return.  He  was  a  tem- 
perate man,  and  the  opposition  which  he  had  made 
to  the  tyrannical  measures  of  his  comrades  had  been 
rewarded  with  exile.' 

The  general,  greatly  alarmed  by  this  account,  saw 
that  no  alternative  was  left  but  to  abandon  all  further 
schemes  of  conquest,  and  to  return  at  once,  if  he 
would  secure  the  preservation  of  the  empire  which  he 
had  won.  He  accordingly  made  the  necessary  arrange- 
ments for  settling  the  administration  of  the  colonies 
at  Honduras,  and  embarked  with  a  small  number  of 
followers  for  Mexico. 

He  had  not  been  long  at  sea  when  he  encountered 
such  a  terrible  tempest  as  seriously  damaged  his  vessel 
and  compelled  him  to  return  to  port  and  refit.  A 
second  attempt  proved  equally  unsuccessful  ;  and 
Cortes,  feeling  that  his  good  star  had  deserted  him, 
saw  in  this  repeated  disaster  an  intimation  from 
Heaven  that  he  was  not  to  return.''  He  contented 
h.imself,  therefore,  with  sending  a  trusty  messenger  to 
advise  his  friends  of  his  personal  safety  in  Honduras. 
He  then   instituted  processions  and  public  prayers  to 

•  Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
cap.  1S5. — Relacion  del  Tesorero  Strada,  MS.,  Mexico,  1526. 
»  Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. 


288        SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

ascertain  the  will  of  Heaven  and  to  deprecate  its  anger. 
His  health  now  showed  the  effects  of  his  recent  suffer- 
ings, and  declined  under  a  wasting  fever.  His  spirits 
sank  with  it,  and  he  fell  into  a  state  of  gloomy  de- 
spondency. Bernal  Diaz,  speaking  of  him  at  this  time, 
says  that  nothing  could  be  more  wan  and  emaciated 
than  his  person,  and  that  so  strongly  was  he  possessed 
with  the  idea  of  his  approaching  end  that  he  procured 
a  Franciscan  habit, — for  it  was  common  to  be  laid  out 
in  the  habit  of  some  one  or  other  of  the  monastic 
orders, — in  which  to  be  carried  to  the  grave. ^ 

From  this  deplorable  apathy  Cortes  was  roused  by 
fresh  advices  urging  his  presence  in  Mexico,  and  by 
the  judicious  efforts  of  his  good  friend  Sandoval,  who 
had  lately  returned,  himself,  from  an  excursion  into 
the  interior.  By  his  persuasion,  the  general  again 
consented  to  try  his  fortunes  on  the  seas.  He  em- 
barked on  board  of  a  brigantine,  with  a  few  followers, 
and  bade  adieu  to  the  disastrous  shores  of  Honduras, 
April  25,  1526.  He  had  nearly  made  the  coast  of  New 
Spain,  when  a  heavy  gale  threw  him  off  his  course  and 
drove  him  to  the  island  of  Cuba.  After  staying  there 
some  time  to  recruit  his  exhausted  strength,  he  again 
put  to  sea,  on  the  i6th  of  May,  and  in  eight  days  landed 
near  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  whence  he  proceeded  about 
five  leagues  on  foot  to  Medellin. 

Cortes  was  so  much  changed  by  disease  that  his  person 
was  not  easily  recognized.  But  no  sooner  was  it  known 
that  the  general  had  returned  than  crowds  of  people, 
white  men  and  natives,  thronged  from  all  the  neigh- 

3  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  184.  et  seq.^ — Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes, 
MS 


RETURA'  OF  CORTES.  289 

boring  country  to  welcome  him.  The  tidings  spread 
far  and  wide  on  the  wings  of  the  wind,  and  his  progress 
to  the  capital  was  a  triumphal  procession.  The  inhab- 
itants came  from  the  distance  of  eighty  leagues  to  have 
a  sight  of  him  ;  and  they  congratulated  one  another 
on  the  presence  of  the  only  man  who  could  rescue  the 
country  from  its  state  of  anarchy.  It  was  a  resurrec- 
tion of  the  dead, — so  industriously  had  the  reports  of 
his  death  been  circulated,  and  so  generally  believed.* 

At  all  the  great  towns  where  he  halted  he  was  sump- 
tuously entertained.  Triumphal  arches  were  thrown 
across  the  road,  and  the  streets  were  strewed  with 
flowers  as  he  passed.  After  a  night's  repose  at  Tez- 
cuco,  he  made  his  entrance  in  great  state  into  the 
capital.  The  municipality  came  out  to  welcome  him, 
and  a  brilliant  cavalcade  of  armed  citizens  formed  his 
escort ;  while  the  lake  was  covered  with  barges  of  the 
Indians,  all  fancifully  decorated  with  their  gala  dresses, 
as  on  the  day  of  his  first  arrival  among  them.  The 
streets  echoed  to  music,  and  dancing,  and  sounds  of 
jubilee,  as  the  procession  held  ori  its  way  to  the  great 
convent  of  St.  Francis,  where  thanksgivings  were 
offered  up  for  the  safe  return  of  the  general,  who  then 
proceeded  to  take  up  his  quarters  once  more  in  his 
own  princely  residence. ^  It  was  in  June,  1526,  when 
Cortes  re-entered  Mexico  ;  nearly  two  years  had  elapsed 
since  he  had  left  it,  on  his  difficult  march  to  Honduras, 
— a  march  which  led  to  no  important  results,  but  which 

4  Cart.i  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista, 
cap.  189,  190. — Carta  de  Cortes  al  Emperador,  MS.,  Mexico,  Sept. 
ti,  1526. 

5  Carta  de  Ocaiia,  MS.,  Agosto  31,  1526. — Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes, 
MS. 

Vol..  III. — N  25 


290         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF   CORTES. 

consumed  nearly  as  much  time,  and  was  attended  with 
sufferings  quite  as  severe,  as  the  Conquest  of  Mexico 
itself.* 

Cortes  did  not  abuse  his  present  advantage.  He, 
indeed,  instituted  proceedings  against  his  enemies  ;  but 
he  followed  them  up  so  languidly  as  to  incur  the  impu- 
tation of  weakness.  It  is  the  only  instance  in  which 
he  has  been  accused  of  weakness ;  arid,  since  it  was 
shown  in  redressing  his  own  injuries,  it  maybe  thought 
to  reflect  no  discredit  on  his  character.^ 

He  was  not  permitted  long  to  enjoy  the  sweets  of 
triumph.  In  the  month  of  July  he  received  advices 
of  the  arrival  of  a  juez  de  residencia  on  the  coast,  sent 
by  the  court  of  Madrid  to  supersede  him  temporarily 
in  the  government.  The  crown  of  Castile,  as  its  colo- 
nial empire  extended,  became  less  and  less  capable 
of  watching  over  its  administration.     It  was  therefore 

*  "  What  Cortes  suffered,"  says  Dr.  Robertson,  "  on  this  inarch, — a 
distance,  according  to  Gomara,  of  3000  miles"  (the  distance  must 
be  greatly  exaggerated), — "from  famine,  from  the  hostility  of  the 
natives,  from  the  climate,,  and  from  hardships  of  every  species,  has 
nothing  in  history  parallel  to  it,  but  what  occurs  in  the  adventures  of 
the  other  discoverers  and  conquerors  of  the  New  World.  Cortes 
was  employed  in  this  dreadful  service  above  two  years ;  and,  though 
it  was  not  distinguished  by  any  splendid  event,  he  exhibited,  during 
the  course  of  it,  greater  personal  courage,  more  fortitude  of  mind, 
more  perseverance  and  patience,  than  in  any  other  period  or  scene  in 
his  life."  (Hist,  of  America,  note  96.)  The  historian's  remarks  are 
juGt ;  as  the  passages  which  I  have  borrowed  from  the  extraordinary 
record  of  the  Conqueror  may  show.  Those  who  are  desirous  of  see- 
ing something  of  the  narrative  told  in  his  own  way  will  find  a  few 
pages  of  it  translated  in  the  Appendix,  Part  2,  No.  14. 

7  "  Y  esto  yo  lo  oi  dezir  a  los  del  Real  Consejo  de  Indias,  estando 
presente  el  seiior  Obispo  Fray  Bartolome  de  las  Casas,  que  se  des- 
cuido  mucho  Cortes  en  ello,  y  se  lo  tuvieron  d  floxedad."  BrrnaJ 
Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  190. 


DISTRUST  OF   THE    COURT. 


291 


obliged  to  place  vast  powers  in  the  hands  of  its  vice- 
roys;  and,  as  suspicion  naturally  accompanies  weak- 
ness, it  was  ever  prompt  to  listen  to  accusations  against 
these  powerful  vassals.  In  such  cases  the  government 
adopted  the  expedient  of  sending  out  a  commissioner, 
or  jiiez  de  residencia,  with  authority  to  investigate  the 
conduct  of  the  accused,  to  suspend  him  in  the  mean 
while  from  his  office,  and,  after  a  judicial  examination, 
to  reinstate  him  in  it  or  to  remove  him  altogether, 
according  to  the  issue  of  the  trial.  The  enemies  of 
Cortes  had  been  for  a  long  time  busy  in  undermining 
his  influence  at  court,  and  in  infusing  suspicions  of 
his  loyalty  in  the  bosom  of  the  emperor.  Since  his 
elevation  to  the  government  of  the  country  they  had 
redoubled  their  mischievous  activity,  and  they  assailed 
his  character  with  the  foulest  imputations.  They 
charged  him  with  appropriating  to  his  own  use  the 
gold  which  belonged  to  the  crown,  and  especially  with 
secreting  the  treasures  of  Montezuma.  He  was  said  to 
have  made  false  reports  of  the  provinces  he  had  con- 
quered, that  ho,  might  defraud  the  exchequer  of  its 
lawful  revenues.  He  had  distributed  the  principal 
offices  among  his  own  creatures,  and  had  acquired  an 
unbounded  influence,  not  only  over  the  Spaniards,  but 
the  natives,  who  were  all  ready  to  do  his  bidding.  He 
had  expended  large  sums  in  fortifying  both  the  capital 
and  his  own  palace;  and  it  was  evident,  from  the  mag- 
nitude of  his  schemes  and  his  preparations,  that  he 
designed  to  shake  off  his  allegiance  and  to  establish  an 
independent  sovereignty  in  New  Spain.* 

8  Memorial  de  Luis  Cardenas,  MS. — Carta  de  Diego  de  Ocana, 
MS. — Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  8,  cap.  14,  15. 


292         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

The  government,  greatly  alarmed  by  these  formida- 
ble charges,  the  probability  of  which  they  could  not 
estimate,  appointed  a  commissioner  v/ith  full  powers  to 
investigate  the  matter.  The  person  selected  for  th-s 
delicate  office  was  Luis  Ponce  de  Leon,  a  man  of  high 
family,  young  for  such  a  post,  but  of  a  mature  judg- 
ment and  distinguished  for  his  moderation  and  equity. 
I'he  nomination  of  such  a  minister  gave  assurance  that 
the  crown  meant  to  do  justly  by  Cortes. 

The  emperor  wrote  at  the  same  time  with  his  own 
hand  to  the  general,  advising  him  of  this  step,  and 
assuring  him  that  it  was  taken,  not  from  distrust  of  his 
integrity,  but  to  afford  him  the  opportunity  of  placing 
that  integrity  in  a  clear  light  before  the  world. ' 

Ponce  de  Leon  reached  Mexico  in  July,  1526.  He 
was  received  with  all  respect  by  Cortes  and  the  mu- 
nicipality of  the  capital ;  and  the  two  parties  inter- 
changed those  courtesies  with  each  other  which  gave 
augury  that  the  future  proceedings  would  be  conducted 
in  a  spirit  of  harmony.  -Unfortunately,  this  fair  begin- 
ning was  blasted  by  the  death  of  the  commissioner  in 
a  few  weeks  after  his  arrival,  a  circumstance  which  did 
not  fail  to  afford  another  item  in  the  loathsome  mass 
of  accusation  heaped  upon  Cortes.  The  commissioner 
fell  the  victim  of  a  malignant  fever,  which  carried  off 
a  number  of  those  who  had  come  over  in  the  vessel 
with  him." 

On  his  death-bed.  Ponce  de  Leon  delegated  his 
authority  to  an  infirm  old  man,  who  survived  but  a  few 

9  Carta  del  Emperador,  MS.,  Toledo,  Nov.  4,  1525. 
'°  Bemal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  192. — Carta  de  Cortes  aJ 
Emperador,  MS.,  Mexico,  Set.  11,  1526. 


DISTRUST  OF   THE    COURT. 


293 


months,*  and  transmitted  the  reins  of  government  to  0 
person  named  Estrada,  or  Strada,  the  royal  treasurer 

■"  [This  person,  the  licentiate  Marcos  de  Aguilar,  showed,  durinj; 
his  sliort  tenure  of  office,  much  greater  zeal  and  activity  tlian  would 
be  inferred  from  the  slight  mention  of  him  by  historians.  Prescott  has 
omitted  to  state  that  a  principal  point  in  tlie  instructions  given  to 
I'once  de  Leon  related  to  the  question  of  the  rcpartiiitieittos  and  other 
meUiods  of  treating  the  Indians,  in  regard  to  which  he  was  to  obtain 
tlie  opinions  of  the  authorities  and  other  principal  persons  and  of  the 
Dominican  and  Franciscan  friars.  Sir  Arthur  Helps,  who  notices  this 
fact,  adds  that  it  "  led  to  no  result,"  the  instructions  on  this  subject  to 
Ponce  de  Leon  being  on  his  death  "  forgotten  or  laid  aside."  But  a 
series  of  documents  published  by  Senor  Icazbalceta  (Col.  de  Doc. 
para  la  Hist,  de  Mexico,  tom.  ii.)  shows,  on  the  contrary,  that  they 
were  promptly  and  fully  carried  out  by  Aguilar,  who  considered  this 
to  be  the  principal  business  of  the  commission,  and  one,  as  he  wrote 
to  the  em|)eror,  requiring  despatch,  since  the  very  existence  of  the 
native  population  depended  on  immediate  action.  He  accordingly 
consulted  all  the  officials.  Cortes  himself  included,  the  other  chief 
residents  of  the  city,  such  as  Alvarado  and  Sandoval,  and  the  members 
of  the  two  religious  orders,  obtaining  written  opinions,  individual  as 
well  as  collective,  which  he  transmitted  with  his  own  report  to  the 
emperor.  The  great  majority  of  the  persons  consulted,  including  all 
the  monks,  while  differing  on  some  matters  of  detail,  concurred  in 
urging  the  necessity  of  the  rcparlimientos  and  in  recommending  that 
they  should  be  made  hereditary. 

The  same  result  followed  an  inquiry  instituted  in  1532  and  the  fol- 
lowing years.  Among  the  opinions  delivered  on  that  occasion  is  one 
deserving  of  particular  notice,  both  for  the  manner  in  which  it  is  en- 
forced and  the  character  of  the  writer, — Fray  Domingo  de  Batanzos, 
whose  career  has  been  agreeably  sketched,  though  his  views  on  the 
present  matter  have  been  misapprehended,  by  Sir  .Arthur  Helps.  The 
three  objects  to  be  kept  in  view,  he  begins  by  remarking,  are  the 
good  treatment  and  preservation  of  the  natives,  the  establishment  and 
security  of  the  Spanish  settlers,  and  the  augmentation  of  the  roval 
revenues.  The  proper  means  to  be  adopted  are  also  threefold :  the 
7-eparlimicntos  extended  and  perpetuated,  the  abandonment  of  the 
idea  of  reserving  ce.vis!n\  pueblos  to  be  held  by  the  crown  and  managed 
by  its  officers,  and  the  appointment  of  good  governors,  since  the  best 
25* 


294        SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

one  of  the  officers  sent  from  Spain  to  take  charge  of 
the  finances,  and  who  was  personally  hostile  to  Cortes. 

measures  are  of  no  avail  if  not  ably  administered.  The  objections  to 
the  crown's  reserving  2iny  pueblos  for  itself  are,  that  the  officers  will  be 
employed  solely  in  collecting  the  tribute,  the  Indians  will  receive  no 
protection  or  religious  instruction,  and  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  will 
be  always  degenerating,  since  no  one  will  have  an  interest  in  main- 
taining or  improving  its  condition.  The  repartimientos,  on  the  con- 
trary, by  giving  the  holders  a  direct  interest  in  the  better  cultivation  of 
the  soil  and  the  increase  of  the  people,  will  insure  both  these  results ; 
and  though  under  this  system  the  royal  revenues  may  be  diminished 
for  a  time,  they  will  in  the  end  be  greatly  augmented  through  the 
general  improvement  of  the  country.  The  great  misfortune  has  been 
that  the  authorities  at  home  pursue  a  policy  which  directly  contravenes 
their  own  intentions :  wishing  to  benefit,  they  destroy ;  wishing  to  en- 
rich, they  impoverish;  wishing  to  save  the  Indians,  they  e.xterminate 
them.  There  is  needed  a  man  with  the  mind  and  resolution  of 
Charlemagne  or  Cresar,  to  adopt  a  plan  and  carry  it  out.  Instead  of 
this,  the  course  pursued  is  that  of  endless  changes  and  experiments, 
like  a  perpetual  litigation.  It  is  a  sure  sign  that  God  intends  destruc- 
tion when  men  are  unable  to  find  a  remedy.  In  the  present  case, 
well-meaning  and  holy  men  have  sought  one  in  vain.  In  his  opinion, 
which  he  knows  will  be  unheeded,  the  system  which  has  in  it  the 
least  evil  and  the  most  good  is  that  of  hereditary  repartimientos, 
which  should  be  established  once  for  all.  In  a  later  letter  he  says, 
"  The  person  least  deceived  about  the  affairs  of  this  country  is  I,  who 
know  its  fate  as  if  I  saw  it  with  my  eyes  and  touched  it  with  my 
hands."  He  predicts  the  extermination  of  the  Indians  within  fifty 
years.  He  has  always  believed  and  asserted  that  they  would  perish, 
and  the  laws  and  measures  founded  on  any  other  supposition  have  all 
been  bad.  The  wonderful  thing  is,  he  rem.irks,  with  an  apparent 
allusion  to  Las  Casas,  that  the  men  of  greatest  sanctity  and  zeal  for 
good  are  those  who  have  done  the  most  harm.  (Icazbalceta,  Col.  de 
Doc.  para  la  Hist,  de  Mexico,  tom.  ii.)  That  the  prediction  of  Batan- 
Z03  has  been  falsified  by  the  event  may  be  attributed  to  a  variety  of 
causes :  the  vastness  of  the  country  and  the  comparative  density  of 
the  native  population  ;  the  social  and  industrial  habits  of  the  latter,  so 
different  from  those  of  more  northern  tribes  ;  the  decline  of  the  Span- 
ish power  and  of  that  spirit  of  conquest  which,  by  keeping  up  a  con- 


DISTRUST  OF  THE    COURT.  295 

The  Spanish  residents  would  have  persuaded  Cortes 
to  assert  for  himself  at  least  an  equal  share  of  the 
authority,  to  which  they  considered  Estrada  as  having 
no  suiiticient  title.  But  the  general,  with  singular 
moderation,  declined  a  competition  in  this  matter, 
and  determined  to  abide  a  more  decided  expression  of 
his  sovereign's  will.  To  his  mortification,  the  nomi- 
nation of  Estrada  was  confirmed ;  and  this  dignitary 
soon  contrived  to  inflict  on  his  rival  all  those  annoy- 
ances by  which  a  little  mind  in  possession  of  unex- 
pected power  endeavors  to  assert  superiority  over  a 
great  one.  The  recommendations  of  Cortes  were 
disregarded,  his  friends  mortified  and  insulted,  his 
attendants  outraged  by  injuries.  One  of  the  domes- 
tics of  his  friend  Sandoval,  for  some  slight  offence, 
was  sentenced  to  lose  his  hand ;  and  when  the  general 
remonstrated  against  these  acts  of  violence  he  was 
peremptorily  commanded  to  leave  the  city !  The 
Spaniards,  indignant  at  this  outrage,  would  have  taken 
up  arms  in  his  defence  ;  but  Cortes  would  allow  no 

slant  stream  of  emigration  and  ardor  of  enterprise,  might  have  led  to 
a  conflict  of  races;  and  the  sedulous  protection  afforded  to  the  In- 
dians by  the  government  and  the  church.  Their  welfare  was  the  ob- 
ject of  constant  investigation  and  a  long  series  of  enactments.  Slavery 
was  in  their  case  entirely  abolished.  The  repartimientos  were  made 
hereditary,  but  the  rights  and  power  of  the  eucomenderos  were  care- 
fully restricted,  and  the  personal  services  at  first  exacted  were  ulti- 
mately commuted  for  a  fixed  tribute.  Living  together  in  communities 
which  resembled  so  many  small  republics,  governed  by  their  own  laws 
and  chiefs,  guided  and  protected  by  the  priests,  exempt  from  military 
service  and  all  the  burdens  imposed  by  the  state  on  the  rest  of  the 
population,  the  Indians  constituted,  down  to  the  period  of  Independ- 
ence, a  separate  and  privileged  class,  despised,  it  is  true,  but  not  op- 
pressed, by  the  superior  race. — Ed.] 


296         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

resistance,  and,  simply  remarking  "that  it  was  well  that 
those  who  at  the  price  of  their  blood  had  won  the 
capital  should  not  be  allowed  a  footing  in  it,"  with- 
drew to  his  favorite  villa  of  Cojohuacan,  a  few  miles 
distant,  to  await  there  the  result  of  these  strange  pro- 
ceedings." 

The  suspicions  of  the  court  of  IMadrid,  meanwhile, 
fanned  by  the  breath  of  calumny,  had  reached  the  most 
preposterous  height.  One  might  have  supposed  that  it 
fancied  the  general  was  organizing  a  revolt  throughout 
the  colonies  and  meditated  nothing  less  than  an  in- 
vasion of  the  mother  country.  Intelligence  having 
been  received  that  a  vessel  might  speedily  be  expected 
from  New  Spain,  orders  were  sent  to  the  different 
ports  of  the  kingdom,  and  even  to  Portugal,  to  seques- 
trate the  cargo,  under  the  expectation  that  it  contained 
remittances  to  the  general's  family  which  belonged  to 
the  crown;  while  his  letters,  affording  the  most  lumi- 
nous account  of  all  his  proceedings  and  discoveries,  were 
forbidden  to  be  printed.  Fortunately,  however,  three 
letters,  constituting  the  most  important  part  of  the 
Conqueror's  correspondence,  had  been  given  to  the 
public,  some  years  previous,  by  the  indefatigable  press 
of  Seville. 

The  court,  moreover,  made  aware  of  the  incompe- 
tency of  the  treasurer,  Estrada,  to  the  present  delicate 
conjuncture,  now  intrusted  the  whole  affair  of  the  in- 
quiry to  a  commission  dignified  with  the  title  of  the 
Royal  Audience  of  New  Spain.  This  body  was  clothed 
with  full  powers  to  examine  into  the  charges  against 

"  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  194. — Carta  de  Cortes 
al  Emperador,  MS.,  Set.  11,  1526. 


DISTRUST  OF  THE    COURT. 


297 


Cortes,  with  instructions  to  send  him  back,  as  a  pre- 
liminary measure,  to  Castile, — peacefully  if  they  could, 
but  forcibly  if  necessary.  Still  afraid  that  its  belliger- 
ent vassal  might  defy  the  autliority  of  this  tribunal, 
the  government  resorted  to  artifice  to  effect  his  return. 
The  president  of  the  Indian  Council  was  commanded 
to  write  to  him,  urging  his  presence  in  Spain  to  vin- 
dicate himself  from  the  charges  of  his  enemies,  and 
offering  his  personal  co-operation  in  his  defence.  The 
emperor  further  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Audience,  con- 
taining his  commands  for  Cortes  to  return,  as  the  gov- 
ernment wished  to  consult  him  on  matters  relating  to 
the  Indies,  and  to  bestow  on  him  a  recompense  suited 
to  his  high  deserts.  This  letter  was  intended  to  be 
shown  to  Cortes." 

But  it  was  superfluous  to  put  in  motion  all  this  com- 
plicated machinery  to  effect  a  measure  on  which  Cortes 
was  himself  resolved.  Proudly  conscious  of  his  own 
unswerving  loyalty,  and  of  the  benefits  he  had  ren- 
dered to  his  country,  he  was  deeply  sensible  to  this 
unworthy  requital  of  them,  especially  on  the  very 
theatre  of  his  achievements.  He  determined  to  abide 
no  longer  where  he  was  exposed  to  such  indignities, 
but  to  proceed  at  once  to  Spain,  present  himself  before 
his  sovereign,  boldly  assert  his  innocence,  and  claim 
redress  for  his  wrongs  and  a  just  reward  for  his  services. 
In  the  close  of  his  letter  to  the  emperor,  detailing 
the  painful  expedition  to  Honduras,  after  enlarging  on 
the  magnificent  schemes  he  had  entertained  of  discov- 
e2y  in  the  South  Sea,  and  vindicating  himself  from  thi^ 

"  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  4,  lib.  2,  cap.  i ;  and  lib.  3,  cap.  8. 
N* 


298         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

charge  of  a  too  lavish  expenditure,  he  concludes  with 
the  lofty  yet  touching  declaration  "that  he  trusts  his 
Majesty  will  in  time  acknowledge  his  deserts ;  but,  if 
that  unhappily  shall  not  be,  the  world  at  least  will  be 
assured  of  his  loyalty,  and  he  himself  shall  have  the 
conviction  of  having  done  his  duty;  and  no  better 
inheritance  than  this  shall  he  ask  for  his  children.''  '^ 

No  sooner  was  the  intention  of  Cortes  made  known, 
than  it  excited  a  general  sensation  through  the  country. 
Even  Estrada  relented ;  he  felt  that  he  had  gone  too 
far,  and  that  it  was  not  his  policy  to  drive  his  noble 
enemy  to  take  refuge  in  his  own  land.  Negotiations 
were  opened,  and  an  attempt  at  a  reconciliation  was 
made,  through  the  bishop  of  Tlascala.  Cortes  received 
these  overtures  in  a  courteous  spirit,  but  his  resolution 
was  unshaken.  Having  made  the  necessary  arrange- 
ments, therefore,  in  Mexico,  he  left  the  Valley,  and 
proceeded  at  once  to  the  coast.  Had  he  entertained 
the  criminal  ambition  imputed  to  him  by  his  enemies, 
he  might  have  been  sorely  tempted  by  the  repeated 
offers  of  support  which  were  made  to  him,  whether  in 
good  or  in  bad  faith,  on  the  journey,  if  he  would  but 
reassume  the  government  and  assert  his  independence 
of  Castile.  But  these  disloyal  advances  he  rejected 
with  the  scorn  they  merited.'* 

'3  "  Todas  estas  entradas  estdn  ahora  para  partir  casi  a  una,  plega 
d  Dios  de  los  guiar  como  el  se  sirva,  que  yo  aunque  V.  M.  mas  me 
m.inde  desfavore9er  no  tengo  de  dejar  de  servir,  que  no  es  posiblc  que 
por  tiempo  V.  M.  no  conosca  mis  servicios,  y  ya  que  esto  no  sea,  yo 
me  satisfago  con  hazer  lo  que  debo,  y  con  saber  que  d  todo  el  mundo 
tengo  satisfecho,  y  les  son  notorios  mis  servicios  y  lealdad,  con  que 
los  hago,  y  no  quiero  otro  mayorazgo  sino  este."     Carta  Quinta,  MS, 

'4  Bernal  Diaz.  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  194. — Carta  de  Ocafia. 
MS.,  Agosto  31,  1526. 


CORTES  RETURNS   TO   SPAIN.  299 

On  his  arrival  at  Villa  Rica  he  received  the  painful 
tidings  of  the  death  of  his  father,  Don  Martin  Cortes, 
whom  he  had  hoped  so  soon  to  embrace  after  his  long 
and  eventful  absence.  Having  celebrated  his  obsequies 
with  every  mark  of  filial  respect,  he  made  preparations 
for  his  speedy  departure.  Two  of  the  best  vessels  in 
the  port  were  got  ready  and  provided  with  everything 
requisite  for  a  long  voyage.  He  was  attended  by  his 
friend  the  faithful  Sandoval,  by  Tapia,  and  some  other 
cavaliers  most  attached  to  his  person.  He  also  took 
with  him  several  Aztec  and  Tlascalan  chiefs,  and 
among  them  a  son  of  Montezuma,  and  another  of 
Maxixca,  the  friendly  old  Tlascalan  lord,  both  of  whom 
were  desirous  to  accompany  the  general  to  Castile. 
He  carried  home  a  large  collection  of  plants  and  min- 
erals, as  specimens  of  the  natural  resources  of  the 
country ;  several  wild  animals,  and  birds  of  gaudy 
plumage ;  various  fabrics  of  delicate  workmanship, 
especially  the  gorgeous  feather-work ;  and  a  number 
of  jugglers,  dancers,  and  buffoons,  who  greatly  aston- 
ished the  Europeans  by  the  marvellous  facility  of  their 
performances,  and  were  thought  a  suitable  present  for 
his  Holiness  the  Pope.'s  Lastly,  Cortes  displayed  his 
magnificence  in  a  rich  treasure  of  jewels,  among  which 
v/ere  emeralds  of  extraordinary  size  and  lustre,  gold 

'3  The  Pope,  who  was  of  the  joyous  Medici  family,  Clement  VIl., 
and  the  cardinals,  were  greatly  delighted  with  the  feats  of  the  Indian 
jugglers,  according  to  Diaz;  and  his  Holiness,  who,  it  maybe  added, 
received  at  the  same  time  from  Cortes  a  substantial  donative  of  gold 
and  jewels,  publicly  testified,  by  prayers  and  solemn  processions,  his 
great  sense  of  the  services  rendered  to  Christianity  by  the  Conquerors 
of  Mexico,  and  generously  requited  them  by  bulls  granting  plenary 
vibsolution  from  their  sins.     Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  195. 


300         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

to  the  amount  of  two  hundred  thousand  pesos  de  oj-o, 
and  fifteen  hundred  marks  of  silver.  "In  fine,"  says 
Herrera,  "  he  came  in  all  the  state  of  a  great  lord."  '* 
After  a  brief  and  prosperous  voyage,  Cortes  came  in 
sight  once  more  of  his  native  shores,  and,  crossing  the 
bar  of  Saltes,  entered  the  little  port  of  Palos  in  May, 
1528, — the  same  spot  where  Columbus  had  landed  five- 
and-thirty  years  before,  on  his  return  from  the  dis- 
covery of  the  Western  World.  Cortes  was  not  greeted 
with  the  enthusiasm  and  public  rejoicings  which  wel- 
comed the  great  navigator ;  and,  indeed,  the  inhabit- 
ants were  not  prepared  for  his  arrival.  From  Palos  he 
soon  proceeded  to  the  convent  of  La  Rabida,  the  same 
place,  also,  within  the  hospitable  walls  of  which  Co- 
lumbus had  found  a  shelter.  An  interesting  circum- 
stance is  mentioned  by  historians,  connected  with  his 
short  stay  at  Palos.  Francisco  Pizarro,  the  Conqueror 
of  Peru,  had  arrived  there,  having  come  to  Spain  to 
solicit  aid  for  his  great  enterprise.^  He  was  then  in 
the  commencement  of  his  brilliant  career,  as  Cortes 
might  be  said  to  be  at  the  close  of  his.  He  was  an 
old  acc^uaintance,  and  a  kinsman,  as  is  affirmed,  of  the 
general,  whose  mother  was  a  Pizarro.'^  The  meeting 
of  these  two  extraordinary  men,  the  Conquerors  of  the 
North  and  of  the  South  in  the  New  World,  as  they  set 
foot,  after  their  eventful  absence,  on  the  shores  of  theii 
native  land,  and  that,  too,  on  the  spot  consecrated  by 

'^  "  Y  eti  fin  venia  como  gran  Senor."  Hist,  gen.,  dec.  4,  lib.  3, 
cap.  8. 

«7  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  a,  lib.  4,  cap..  I. — Cavo,  Lo?  tres 
Siglos  de  Me.xico,  torn.  i.  p.  78. 

'8  Pizarro  y  OrelUina,  Varone.s  ilustres,  p.  121. 


DEATH  OF  SANDOVAL. 


301 


the  presence  of  Columbus,  has  something  in  it  striking 
to  the  imagination.  It  has  accordingly  attracted  the 
attention  of  one  of  the  most  illustrious  of  living  poets, 
who,  in  a  brief  but  beautiful  sketch,  has  depicted  the 
scene  in  the  genuine  coloring  of  the  age.'' 

While  reposing  from  the  fatigues  of  his  voyage,  at 
La  Rabida,  an  event  occurred  which  afflicted  Cortes 
deeply  and  which  threw  a  dark  cloud  over  his  return. 
This  was  the  death  of  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval,  his  trusty 
friend,  and  so  long  the  companion  of  his  fortunes. 
He  was  taken  ill  in  a  wretched  inn  at  Palos,  soon  after 
landing;  and  his  malady  gained  ground  so  rapidly 
that  it  was  evident  his  constitution,  impaired,  probably, 
by  the  extraordinary  fatigues  he  had  of  late  years  un- 
dergone, would  be  unable  to  resist  it.  Cortes  was 
instantly  sent  for,  and  arrived  in  time  to  administer 
the  last  consolations  of  friendship  to  the  dying  cavalier. 
Sandoval  met  his  approaching  end  with  composure, 
and,  having  given  the  attention  which  the  short  inter- 
val allowed  to  the  settlement  of  both  his  temporal  and 
spiritual  concerns,  he  breathed  his  last  in  the  arms  of 
his  commander. 

Sandoval  died  at  the  premature  age  of  thirty-one. *" 
He  was  in  many  respects  the  most  eminent  of  the  great 
captains  formed  under  the  eye  of  Cortes.  He  was  of 
good  family,  and  a  native  of  Medellin,  also  the  birth- 
place of  the  general,  for  whom  he  had  the  warmest 
personal  regard.  Cortes  soon  discerned  his  uncommon 
qualities,  and  proved    it   by  uniformly  selecting    the 

'9  See  the  conclusion  of  Rogers's  Voyage  of  Columbus. 
=»  Bernal  Diaz  says  that  Sandoval  was  twenty-two  years  old  when 
he  first  came  to  New  Spain,  in  15 19. — Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  205 
Vol.  III.  26 


302         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

young  ofificer  for  the  most  difficult  commissions.  His 
conduct  on  these  occasions  fully  justified  the  prefer- 
ence. He  was  a  decided  favorite  with  the  soldiers ; 
for,  though  strict  in  enforcing  discipline,  he  was  care- 
ful of  their  comforts  and  little  mindful  of  his  own. 
He  had  nothing  of  the  avarice  so  common  in  the  Cas- 
Lilian  cavalier,  and  seemed  to  have  no  other  ambition 
than  that  of  faithfully  discharging  the  duties  of  his 
profession.  He  was  a  plain  man,  affecting  neither  the 
showy  manners  nor  the  bravery  in  costume  which  dis- 
tinguished Alvarado,  the  Aztec  Tonatiuh.  The  expres- 
sion of  his  countenance  was  open  and  manly;  his 
chestnut  hair  curled  close  to  his  head ;  his  frame 
was  strong  and  sinewy.  He  had  a  lisp  in  his  utter- 
ance, which  made  his  voice  somewhat,  indistinct.  In- 
deed, he  was  no  speaker ;  but,  if  slow  of  speech,  he 
was  prompt  and  energetic  in  action.  He  had  precisely 
.  the  qualities  which  fitted  him  for  the  perilous  enter- 
prise in  which  he  had  embarked.  He  had  accom- 
plished his  task ;  and,  after  having  escaped  death, 
which  lay*waiting  for  him  in  every  step  of  his  path, 
had  come  home,  as  it  would  seem,  to  his  native  land, 
only  to  meet  it  there. 

His  obsequies  were  performed  with  all  solemnity  by 
the  Franciscan  friars  of  La  Rabida,  and  his  remains 
were  followed  to  their  final  resting-place  by  the  com- 
rades who  had  so  often  stood  by  his  side  in  battle. 
They  were  laid  in  the  cemetery  of  the  convent,  which, 
shrouded  in  its  forest  of  pines,  stood,  and  may  yet 
stand,  on  the  bold  eminence  that  overlooks  the  waste  of 
waters  so  lately  traversed  by  the  adventurous  soldier." 

"  Bemal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  195. 


JOURNEY  INTO    THE   INTERIOR.  303 

It  was  not  long  after  this  melancholy  event  that 
Cortes  and  his  suite  began  their  journey  into  the  in- 
terior. The  general  stayed  a  few  days  at  the  castle 
of  the  duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  the  most  powerful  of 
the  Andalusian  lords,  who  hospitably  entertained  him, 
and,  at  his  departure,  presented  him  with  several  noble 
Arabian  horses.  Cortes  first  directed  his  steps  towards 
Guadalupe,  where  he  passed  nine  days,  offering  up 
prayers  and  causing  masses  to  be  performed  at  Our 
Lady's  shrine  for  the  soul  of  his  departed  friend. 

Before  his  departure  from  La  Rabida,  he  had  written 
to  the  court,  informing  it  of  his  arrival  in  the  country. 
Great  was  the  sensation  caused  there  by  the  intelli- 
gence ;  the  greater,  that  the  late  reports  of  his  treason- 
able practices  had  made  it  wholly  unexpected.  His 
arrival  produced  an  immediate  change  of  feeling.  All 
cause  of  jealousy  was  now  removed  ;  and,  as  the  clouds 
which  had  so  long  settled  over  the  royal  mind  were 
dispelled,  the  emperor  seemed  only  anxious  to  show 
his  sense  of  the  distinguished  services  of  his  so  dreaded 
vassal.  Orders  were  sent  to  different  plades  on  the 
route  to  provide  him  with  suitable  accommodations, 
and  preparations  were  made  to  give  him  a  brilliant 
reception  in  the  capital. 

Meanwhile,  Cortes  had  formed  the  acquaintance 
at  Guadalupe  of  several  persons  of  distinction,  and 
among  them  of  the  family  of  the  cometidador  of  Leon, 
a  nobleman  of  the  highest  consideration  at  court.  The 
general's  conversation,  enriched  with  the  stores  of  a 
life  of  adventure,  and  his  manners,  in  which  the 
authority  of  habitual  command  was  tempered  by  the 
frank  and  careless  freedom  of  the  soldier,  made  a  most 


304        SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

favorable  impression  on  his  new  friends ;  and  their 
letters  to  the  court,  where  lie  was  yet  unknown,  height- 
ened the  interest  already  felt  in  this  remarkable  man. 
The  tidings  of  his  arrival  had  by  this  time  spread  far 
and  wide  throughout  the  country;  and,  as  he  resumed 
his  journey,  the  roads  presented  a  spectacle  such  as 
had  not  been  seen  since  the  return  of  Columbub. 
Cortes  did  not  usually  affect  an  ostentation  of  dress, 
though  he  loved  to  display  the  pomp  of  a  great  lord 
in  the  number  and  magnificence  of  his  retainers.  His 
train  was  now  swelled  by  the  Indian  chieftains,  who 
by  the  splendors  of  their  barbaric  finery  gave  addi- 
tional brilliancy,  as  well  as  novelty,  to  the  pageant. 
But  his  own  person  was  the  object  of  general  curiosity. 
The  houses  and  the  streets  of  the  great  towns  and  vil- 
lages were  thronged  with  spectators,  eager  to  look  on 
the  hero  who  with  his  single  arm,  as  it  were,  had  won 
an  empire  for  Castile,  and  who,  to  borrow  the  lan- 
guage of  an  old  historian,  "came  in  the  pomp  and 
glory,  not  so  much  of  a  great  vassal,  as  of  an  inde- 
pendent monarch."''^ 

As  he  approached  Toledo,  then  the  rival  of  Madrid, 
the  press  of  the  multitude  increased,  till  he  was  met  by 
the  duke  de  Bejar,  the  count  de  Aguilar,  and  others  of 
his  steady  friends,  who,  at  the  head  of  a  large  body  of 
the  principal  nobility  and  cavaliers  of  the  city,  came 
out  to  receive  him,  and  attended  him  to  the  quarters 

22  "  Vino  de  las  Indias  despues  de  la  conquista  de  Mexico,  con  tanto 
acompaiiamiento  y  magestad,  que  mas  parecia  de  Principe,  6  senor 
podcrosissimo,  que  de  Capitan  y  vasalio  de  algun  Rey  6  Emperador." 
Lanuza,  Historias  ecclesidsticas  y  seculares  de  Aragon  (Zaragoza. 
1622),  lib.  3,  cap.  14. 


BRILLIANT  RECEPTION  OF  CORTES. 


305 


prepared  for  his  residence.  It  was  a  proud  moment 
for  Cortes;  and  distrusting,  as  he  well  might,  his  re- 
ception by  his  countrymen,  it  afforded  him  a  greater 
satisfaction  than  the  brilliant  entrance  which,  a  few 
years  previous,  he  had  made  into  the  capital  of 
Mexico. 

The  following  day  he  was  admitted  to  an  audience 
by  the  emperor,  and  Cortes,  gracefully  kneeling  to  kiss 
the  liand  of  his  sovereign,  presented  to  him  a  memo- 
rial which  succinctly  recounted  his  services  and  the 
requital  he  had  received  for  them.  The  emperor  gra- 
ciously raised  him,  and  put  many  questions  to  him 
respecting  the  countries  he  had  conquered.  Charles 
was  pleased  with  the  general's  answers,  and  his  intel- 
ligent mind  took  great  satisfaction  in  inspecting  the 
curious  specimens  of  Indian  ingenuity  which  his  vassal 
had  brought  with  him  from  New  Spain.  In  subsequent 
conversations  the  emperor  repeatedly  consulted  Cortes 
on  the  best  mode  of  administering  the  government  of 
the  colonies,  and  by  his  advice  introduced  some  im- 
portant regulations,  especially  for  ameliorating  the 
condition  of  the  natives  and  for  encouraging  domestic 
industry. 

The  monarch  took  frequent  opportunity  to  show  the 
confidence  which  he  now  reposed  in  Cortes.  On  all 
public  occasions  he  appeared  with  him  by  his  side; 
and  once,  when  the  general  lay  ill  of  a  fever,  Charles 
paid  him  a  visit  in  person,  and  remained  some  time  in 
the  apartment  of  the  invalid.  This  was  an  extraor- 
dinary mark  of  condescension  in  the  haughty  court  of 
Castile  ;  and  it  is  dwelt  upon  with  becoming  emphasis 
by  the  nistorians  of  the  time,  who  seem  to  regard  it 
26^= 


3o6        SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

as  an  ample  compensation  for  all  the  sufferings  and 
services  of  Cortes. -^ 

The  latter  had  now  fairly  triumphed  over  opposition. 
The  courtiers,  with  that  ready  instinct  which  belongs 
to  the  tribe,  imitated  the  example  of  their  master ;  and 
even  envy  was  silent,  amidst  the  general  homage  that 
was  paid  to  the  man  who  had  so  lately  been  a  mark  for 
tlie  most  envenomed  calumny.  Cortes,  without  a  title, 
without  a  name  but  what  he  had  created  for  himself, 
was  at  once,  as  it  were,  raised  to  a  level  with  the 
proudest  nobles  in  the  land. 

He  was  so  still  more  effectually  by  the  substantial 
honors  which  were  accorded  to  him  by  his  sovereign 
in  the  course  of  the  following  year.  By  an  instrument 
dated  July  6th,  1529,  the  emperor  raised  him  to  the 
dignity  of  the  Marquis  of  the  Valley  of  Oaxaca ;  ^* 
and  the  title  of  "marquis,"  when  used  without  the 
name  of  the  individual,  has  been  always  appropriated 
in  the  colonies,  in  an  especial  manner,  to  Cortes,  21. 
the  title  of  "admiral"  was  to  Columbus. ^^ 

Two  other  instruments,  dated  in  the  same  month  of 
July,  assigned  to  Cortes  a  vast  tract  of  land  in  the  rich 
province  of  Oaxaca,  together  with  large  estates  in  the 

23  Gomara,  Cionica,  cap.  183. — Herrera.  Hist,  general,  dec.  4,  lib. 
4,  cap.  I. — Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  195. 

*♦  Titulo  de  Marques,  MS.,  Barcelona,  6  de  Julio,  1529. 

25  Humboldt,  Essai  politique,  torn.  ii.  p.  30,  note. — According  to 
Lanuza,  he  was  offered  by  the  emperor  the  Order  of  St.  Jago,  but 
declined  it,  because  no  encomienda  was  attached  to  it.  (Hist,  de  Ara- 
gon,  torn.  i.  lib.  3,  cap.  14.)  But  Caro  de  Torres,  in  his  History  of 
the  Military  Orders  of  Castile,  enumerates  Cortes  among  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Compostellan  fraternity.  Hist,  de  las  (jrdenes  militarns 
(Madrid,  1629),  fol.  103,  et  seq. 


i 


HONORS   CONFERRED    ON  HIM. 


307 


city  of  Mexico,  and  other  places  in  the  Valley.^*  The 
princely  domain  thus  granted  comprehended  more  than 
twenty  large  towns  and  villages,  and  twenty-three  thou- 
sand vassals.  The  language  in  which  the  gift  was 
made  greatly  enhanced  its  value.  The  preamble  of  the 
instrument,  after  enlarging  on  the  "  good  service^ 
rendered  by  Cortes  in  the  Conquest,  and  the  great 
benefits  resulting  therefrom,  both  in  respect  to  the 
ijicrease  of  the  Castilian  empire  and  the  advancement 
of  the  Holy  Catholic  Faith,"  acknowledges  "the  suf- 
ferings he  had  undergone  in  accomplishing  this  glorious 
work,  and  the  fidelity  and  obedience  with  which,  as  a 
good  and  trusty  vassal,  he  had  ever  served  the  crown."  "^ 
It  declares,  in  conclusion,  that  it  grants  this  recom- 
pense of  his  deserts  because  it  is  "  the  duty  of  princes 
to  honor  and  reward  those  who  serve  them  well  and 
loyally,  in  order  that  the  memory  of  their  great  deeds 
should  be  perpetuated,  and  others  be  incited  by  their 
example  to  the  performance  of  the  like  illustrious  ex- 
ploits." The  unequivocal  testimony  thus  borne  by  his 
sovereign  to  his  unwavering  loyalty  was  most  gratifying 
to  Cortes, — how  gratifying,  every  generous  soul  who  has 

^  Merced  de  Tierras  inniediatas  A  Mexico,  MS.,  Barcelona,  23  de 
Julio,  1529. — Merced  de  los  Vasallos,  MS.,  Barcelona,  6  de  Julio, 

1529- 

^  "  E  nos  liabemos  recibido  y  tenemos  de  vos  por  bien  servido  en 
ello,  y  acatando  los  grandes  provechos  cjue  de  vuestros  servicios  han 
redundado,  ansi  para  el  servicio  da  Nuestro  Sefior  y  aumento  de  su 
sant  I  fe  catolica,  y  en  las  dichas  tierras  que  estaban  sin  conocimiento 
ni  fe  se  han  plantado,  como  el  acrecentamiento  que  dello  ha  redun- 
dado d  nuestra  corona  real  destos  reynos,  y  los  trabajos  que  en  ello 
habeis  pasado,  y  la  fidelidad  y  obediencia  con  que  siempre  nos  hal^eis 
servido  como  bueno  e  fiel  servidor  y  vasallo  nuestro,  de  que  somos 
ciertos  y  confiados."     Merced  de  los  Vasallos,  MS. 


3o8         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

been  the  subject  of  suspicion  undeserved  will  readily 
estimate.  Tlie  language  of  the  general  in  after-time 
shows  how  deeply  he  was  touched  by  it.''* 

Yet  there  was  one  degree  in  the  scale,  above  which 
the  royal  gratitude  would  not  rise.  Neither  the  so- 
licitations of  Gortes,  nor  those  of  the  duke  de  Bejar 
and  his  other  powerful  friends,  could  prevail  on  the 
emperor  to  reinstate  him  in  the  government  of  Mexi(  o. 
The  country,  reduced  to  tranquillity,  had  no  longer 
need  of  his  commanding  genius  to  control  it ;  and 
Charles  did  not  care  to  place  again  his  formidable  vassal 
in  a  situation  which  might  revive  the  dormant  spark  of 
jealousy  and  distrust.  It  was  the  policy  of  the  crown 
to  employ  one  class  of  its  subjects  to  effect  its  con- 
quests, and  another  class  to  rule  over  them.  For  the 
latter  it  selected  men  in  whom  the  fire  of  ambition  was 
tempered  by  a  cooler  judgment  naturally,  or  by  the 
sober  influence  of  age.  Even  Columbus,  notwith- 
standing the  terms  of  his  original  "  capitulation  "  wi*^h 
the  crown,  had  not  been  permitted  to  preside  over  the 
colonies;  and  still  less  likely  would  it  be  to  concede 
this  power  to  one  possessed  of  the  aspiring  temper  of 
Cortes. 

But,  although  the  emperor  refused  to  commit  the 
civil  government  of  the  colony  into  his  hands,  he  rein- 
stated him  in  his  military  command.     By  a  royal  ordi- 

=3  "  Tlie  benignant  reception  which  I  experienced,  or.  my  return, 
from  your  Majesty,"  says  Cortes,  "your  kind  expressions  and  gener- 
ous treatment,  make  me  not  onjy  forget  all  my  toils  and  sufferings, 
but  even  cause  me  regret  that  I  have  not  been  called  to  endure  more 
in  your  service."  (Carta  de  Cortes  al  Lie.  Nunez,  MS.,  1535.)  'Iliis 
memorial,  addressed  to  his  agent  in  Castile,  was  designed  for  the 
emperor. 


HONORS  CONFERRED    ON  IIIM. 


309 


nance,  dated  also  in  July,  1529,  the  marquis  of  the 
Valley  was  named  Captain-General  of  New  Spain  and 
of  the  coasts  of  the  South  Sea.  He  was  empowered 
to  make  discoveries  in  the  Southern  Ocean,  with  the 
right  to  rule  over  such  lands  as  he  should  colonize,^ 
and  by  a  subsequent  grant  he  was  to  become  proprietor 
of  one-twelfth  of  all  his  discoveries. 3°  The  govern- 
ment had  no  design  to  relinquish  the  services  of  so  able 
a  commander.  But  it  warily  endeavored  to  withdraw 
him  from  the  scene  of  his  former  triumphs,  and  to 
throw  open  a  new  career  of  ambition,  that  might  stim- 
ulate him  still  further  to  enlarge  the  dominions  of  the 
crown. 

Thus  gilded  by  the  sunshine  of  royal  favor,  "  rival- 
hng,"  to  borrow  the  homely  comparison  of  an  old 
chronicler,  "Alexander  in  the  fame  of  his  exploits,  and 
Crassus  in  that  of  his  riches,"^'  with  brilliant  manners, 
and  a  person  which,  although  it  showed  the  effects  of 
hard  service,  had  not  yet  lost  all  the  attractions  of 
youth,  Cortes  might  now  be  regarded  as  offering  an 
enviable  alliance  for  the  best  houses  in  Castile.  It  was 
not  long  before  he  paid  his  addresses,  which  were 
favorably  received,  to  a  member  of  that  noble  house 

■^  Titulo  de  Capitan  General  cle  la  Nueva-Espana  y  Costa  del  Sur, 
MS.,  Barcelona,  6  de  |ulio,  1529. 

30  Asiento  y  Capitidacion  que  hizo  con  el  Emperador  Don  II.  Cortes, 
MS.,  Madrid,  27  de  Oct.,  1529. 

31  "  Que,  segun  se  dezia,  excedia  en  las  hazaiias  A  Alexandro  ATag- 
no,  y  en  las  riquezas  d.  Crasso."  (Lanuza,  Hist,  de  Aragon,  lib.  3, 
cap.  14.)  The  rents  of  the  marquis  of  the  Valley,  according  to  L. 
Marineo  Siculo,  who  lived  at  the  court  at  this  time,  were  about  60,000 
ducats  a  year.  Cosas  memorables  de  Espaiia  (Alcala  de  Hcnares, 
1539).  ft)l-  24- 


3IO         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

which  had  so  steadily  supported  him  in  the  dark  hour 
of  his  fortunes.  The  lady's  name  was  Dona  Juana  de 
Zuiiiga,  daughter  of  the  second  count  de  Aguilar,  and 
niece  of  the  duke  de  Bejar.^^  She  was  much  younger 
than  himself,  beautiful,  and,  as  events  showed,  not 
without  spirit.  One  of  his  presents  to  his  youthful 
bride  excited  the  admiration  and  envy  of  the  fairer 
part  of  the  court.  This  was  five  emeralds,  of  won- 
derful size  and  brilliancy.  These  jewels  had  been  cut 
by  the  Aztecs  into  the  shapes  of  flowers,  fishes,  and 
into  other  fanciful  forms,  with  an  exquisite  style  of 
workmanship  which  enhanced  their  original  value. ^^ 
They  were,  not  improbably,  part  of  the  treasure  of  the 
unfortunate  Montezuma,  and,  being  easily  portable, 
may  have  escaped  the  general  wreck  of  the  nodie  triste. 
The  queen  of  Charles  the  Fifth,  it  is  said, — it  may  be 
the  idle  gossip  of  a  court, — had  intimated  a  willing- 
ness to  become  proprietor  of  some  of  these  magnificent 

32  Dona  Juana  was  of  the  house  of  Arellano,  and  of  the  royal 
lineage  of  Navarre.  Her  father  was  not  a  very  wealthy  noble.  L. 
Marineo  Siculo,  Cosas  memorables,  fol.  24,  25. 

33  One  of  these  precious  stones  was  as  valuable  as  Shylock's  tur- 
quoise. Some  Genoese  merchants  in  Seville  offered  Cortes,  accord- 
ing to  Gomara,  40,000  ducats  for  it.  The  same  author  gives  a  more 
particular  account  of  the  jewels,  which  may  interest  some  readers.  It 
shows  the  ingenuity  of  the  artist,  who,  without  steel,  could  so  nicely 
cut  so  hard  a  material.  One  emerald  was  in  the  form  of  a  rose;  the 
second,  in  that  of  a  horn ;  a  third,  like  a  fish,  with  eyes  of  gold ;  the 
fourth  was  like  a  little  bell,  with  a  fine  pearl  for  the  tongue,  and  on 
the  rim  was  this  inscription,  in  Spanish  :  Bljssed  is  he  who  created  thee. 
The  fifth,  which  was  the  most  valuable,  was  a  small  cup  with  a  foot 
of  gold,  and  with  four  little  chains,  of  the  same  metal,  attached  to  a 
large  pearl  as  a  button.  The  edge  of  the  cup  was  of  gold,  on  which 
was  engraven  this  Latin  sentence:  Inter  7iatos  mulierum  non  suri'exit 
major.     Gomara,  Cronica,  cap.  184. 


HONORS   CONFERRED    ON  HIM.  311 

baubles  ;  and  the  preference  which  Cortes  gave  to  his 
fair  bride  caused  some  feelings  of  estrangement  in  the 
royal  bosom,  which  had  an  unfavorable  influence  on 
ihe  future  fortunes  of  the  Marquis. 

Late  in  the  summer  of  1529,  Charles  the  Fifth  left 
his  Spanish  dominions  for  Italy.  Cortes  accompanied 
him  on  his  way,  probably  to  the  place  of  embarkation; 
and  in  the  capital  of  Aragon  we  find  him,  according  to 
tlie  national  historian,  exciting  the  same  general  in- 
terest and  admiration  among  the  people  as  he  had  done 
in  Castile.  On  his  return,  there  seemed  no  occasion 
for  him  to  protract  his  stay  longer  in  the  country.  He 
was  weary  of  the  life  of  idle  luxury  which  he  had  been 
leading  for  the  last  year,  and  which  was  so  foreign  to 
his  active  habits  and  the  stirring  scenes  to  which  he 
had  been  accustomed.  He  determined,  therefore,  to 
return  to  Mexico,  where  his  extensive  property  required 
his  presence,  and  where  a  new  field  was  now  opened  to 
him  for  honorable  enterprise. 


CHAPTER    V. 

CORTES    REVISITS    MEXICO. — RETIRES    TO    HIS    ESTATES. 

HIS    VOYAGES    OF    DISCOVERY.  —  FINAL     RETURN     TO 

CASTILE. COLD       RECEPTION. — DEATH      OF       CORTES. 

HIS    CHARACTER. 

1530-1547- 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1530,  Cortes  embarlced  for 
New  Spain.  He  was  accompanied  by  the  marchioness, 
his  wife,  together  with  his  aged  mother,  who  had  the 
good  fortune  to  live  to  see  her  son's  elevation,  and  by 
a  magnificent  retinue  of  pages  and  attendants,  such  as 
belonged  to  the  household  of  a  powerful  noble.  How 
different  from  the  forlorn  condition  in  which,  twenty- 
six  years  before,  he  had  been  cast  loose,  as  a  wild  aa- 
venturer,  to  seek  his  bread  upon  the  waters  ! 

The  first  point  of  his  destination  was  Hispaniola, 
where  he  was  to  remain  until  he  received  tidings  of 
the  organization  of  the  new  government  that  was  to 
take  charge  of  Mexico.'  In  the  preceding  chapter  it 
was  stated  that  the  administration  of  the  couhtryliad 
been  intrusted  to  a  body  called  the  Royal  Audience; 
one  of  whose  first  duties  it  was  to  investigate  the 
charges  brought  against  Cortes.  Nunez  de  Guzman, 
his  avowed  enemy,  was  placed  at  the  head  of  this 
board  ;  and  the  investigation  was  conducted  with  all 

»  Carta  de  Cortes  al  Emperador,  MS.,  Tezcuco,  lo  de  Oct.,  1530. 
(312) 


CORTES  REVISITS  MEXICO. 


113 


the  rancor  of  personal  hostility.  A  remarkable  document 
still  exists,  called  the  Pesquisa  Secreta,  or  "  Secret  In- 
quiry," which  contains  a  record  of  the  proceedings 
against  Cortes.  It  was  prepared  by  the  secretary  of 
the  Audience,  and  signed  by  the  several  members. 
The  document  is  very  long,  embracing  nearly  a  hun- 
dred folio  pages.  The  name  and  the  testimony  of 
every  witness  are  given,  and  the  whole  forms  a  mass 
of  loathsome  details,  such  as  might  better  suit  a  prose- 
cution in  a  petty  municipal  court  than  that  of  a  great 
officer  of  the  crown. 

The  charges  are  eight  in  number;  involving,  among 
other  crimes,  that  of  a  deliberate  design  to  cast  off  his 
allegiance  to  the  crown ;  that  of  the  murder  of  two 
of  the  commissioners  who  had  been  sent  out  to  super- 
sede him  ;  of  the  murder  of  his  own  wife,  Catalina 
Xuarez  ;  ^  of  extortion,  and  of  licentious  practices, — 

2  Dona  Catalina's  death  happened  so  opportunely  for  the  rising 
fortunes  of  Cortes,  that  this  charge  of  murder  by  her  husband  has 
found  more  credit  with  the  vulgar  than  the  other  accusations  brought 
against  him.  Cortes,  from  whatever  reason,  perhaps  from  the  con- 
viction that  the  charge  was  too  monstrous  to  obtain  credit,  never  con- 
descended to  vindicate  his  innocence.  But,  in  addition  to  the  argu- 
ments mentioned  in  the  text  for  discrediting  the  accusation  generally, 
we  should  consider  that  this  particular  charge  attracted  so  little  atten- 
tion in  Castile,  where  he  had  abundance  of  enemies,  that  he  found  no 
difficulty,  on  his  return  there,  seven  years  afterwards,  in  forming  an 
alliance  with  one  of  the  noblest  houses  in  the  kingdom  ;  that  no 
writer  of  that  day  (except  Bernal  Diaz,  who  treats  it  as  a  base 
lalumny),  not  even  Las  Casas,  the  stern  accuser  of  the  Conquerors, 
intimates  a  suspicion  of  his  guilt;  and  that,  lastly,  no  allusion  what- 
ever is  made  to  it  in  the  suit  instituted,  some  years  after  her  death,  by 
the  relatives  of  Dona  Catalina,  for  the  recovery  of  property  from 
Cortes,  pretended  to  have  been  derived  through  her  marriage  with 
him, — a  suit  conducted  with  acrimony  and  protracted  for  several  years. 
Vol..  III. — O  27 


314         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF   CORTES. 

of  offences,  in  short,  Avhich,  from  their  private  nature, 
would  seem  to  have  little  to  do  with  his  conduct  as  a 
public  man.  The  testimony  is  vague  and  often  con- 
tradictory; the  witnesses  are  for  the  most  part  obscure 
individuals,  and  the  few  persons  of  consideration 
among  them  appear  to  have  been  taken  from  the  ranks 
of  his  decided  enemies.  When  it  is  considered  that 
thic  inquiry  was  conducted  in  the  absence  of  Cortes, 
before  a  court  the  members  of  which  were  personally 
unfriendly  to  him,  and  that  he  was  furnished  with  no 
specification  of  the  charges,  and  had  no  opportunity, 
consequently,  of  disproving  them,  it  is  impossible,  at 
this  distance  of  time,  to  attach  any  importance  to  this 
paper  as  a  legal  document.  When  it  is  added  that  no 
action  was  taken  on  it  by  the  government  to  whom  it 
was  sent,  we  may  be  disposed  to  regard  it  simply  as  a 
monument  of  the  malice  of  his  enemies.  It  has  been 
drawn  by  the  curious  antiquary  from  the  obscurity  to 
which  it  had  been  so  long  consigned  in  the  Indian 
archives  at  Seville ;  but  it  can  be  of  no  further  use  to 
the  historian  than  to  show  that  a  great  name  in  the 
sixteenth  century  exposed  its  possessor  to  calumnies  as 
malignant  as  it  has  at  any  time  since. ^ 

I  have  not  seen  the  documents  connected  with  this  suit,  which  are  still 
preser\-ed  in  the  archives  of  the  house  of  Cortes,  but  the  fact  has  b'een 
communicated  to  me  by  a  distinguished  Mexican  who  has  carefully 
examined  them,  and  I  cannot  but  regard  it  as  of  itself  conclusive  that 
the  family  at  Itast  of  Doiia  Catalina  did  not  attach  credit  to  the  accu- 
sation. Yet  so  much  credit  has  been  given  to  this  in  Mexico,  wheie 
the  memory  of  the  old  Spaniards  is  not  held  in  especial  favor  at  the 
present  day,  that  it  has  formed  the  subject  of  an  elaborate  discussion 
in  t!ie  nub  c  periodicals  of  that  city. 

3  This  remarkable  paper,  forming  part  of  the  valuable  collection 
of  l.")on  Vargas  Pon9e,  is  without  date.     It  was  doubtless  prepared  in 


CORTES   REVISITS  MEXICO. 


315 


The  high-handed  measures  of  the  Audience,  and  the 
oppressive  conduct  of  Guzman,  especially  towards  the' 
Indians,  excited  general  indignation  in  the  colony  and 
led  to  serious  apprehensions  of  an  insurrection.  It 
became  necessary  to  supersede  an  administration  so 
reckless  and  unprincipled.  But  Cortes  was  detained 
two  months  at  the  island,  by  the  slow  movements  of 
the  Castilian  court,  before  tidings  reached  him  of  the 
appointment  of  a  new  Audience  for  the  government 
of  the  country.  The  person  selected  to  preside  over  it 
was  the  bishop  of  St.  Domingo,  a  prelate  whose  ac- 
knowledged wisdom  and  virtue  gave  favorable  augury 
for  the  conduct  of  his  administration.  After  this,  Cortes 
resumed  his  voyage,  and  landed  at  Villa  Rica  on  the 
15th  of  July,  1530. 

After  remaining  for  a  time  in  the  neighborhood, 
where  he  received  some  petty  annoyances  from  the 
Audience,  he  proceeded  to  Tlascala,  and  publicly  pro- 
claimed his  powers  as  Captain-General  of  New  Spain 
and  the  South  Sea.     An  edict  issued  by  the  empress 

1529,  during  the  visit  of  Cortes  to  Castile.     The  following  Title  is 
prefixed  to  it : 

"  Pesquisa  secreta. 
"  Relacion  de  los  cargos  que  resultan  de  la  pesquisa  secreta  contra 
Don  Hernando  Cortes,  de  los  quales  no  se  le  dio  copia  ni  traslado  i 
la  parte  del  dicJio  Don  Hernando,  asi  por  ser  los  dichos  cargos  de  la 
calid.id  que  son,  como  por  estar  la  persona  del  diclio  Don  Hernando 
ausente  como  esta.  Los  quales  yo  Gregorio  de  Saldaiia,  escribano  dc 
S.  M.  y  escribano  de  la  dicha  Rebidencia,  saque  de  la  dicha  pesqnisii 
secreta  por  mandado  de  los  Senores,  Presidente  y  Oidores  de  la  Au- 
diencia  y  Chancilleria  Real  que  por  mandado  de  S.  M.  en  esta  Nueva 
Espana  reside.  Los  quales  dichos  Senores,  Presidente  y  Oidores, 
envian  d  S.  M.  para  que  los  mande  ver,  y  vistos  mande  proveer  lo  (lue 
a  su  servicio  convenga."     MS. 


■^iG        SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

during  her  husband's  absence  had  interdicted  Ci)rlcs 
from  approaching  within  ten  leagues  of  the  Mexican 
capital  while  the  present  authorities  were  there.*  The 
empress  was  afraid  of  a  collision  between  the  ])artics. 
Cortes,  however,  took  up  his  residence  on  tJie  opposite 
side  of  the  lake,  at  Tezcuco. 

No  sooner  was  his  arrival  there  known  in  the  metrop- 
olis than  multitudes,  both  of  Spaniards  and  natives, 
crossed  the  lake  to  pay  their  respects  to  their  old  com- 
mander, to  offer  him  their  services,  and  to  complain  of 
their  manifold  grievances.  It  seemed  as  if  the  whole 
population  of  the  capital  was  pouring  into  the  neigh- 
boring city,  where  the  Marquis  maintained  the  state 
of  an  independent  potentate.  The  members  of  the 
Audience,  indignant  at  the  mortifying  contrast  which 
their  own  diminished  court  presented,  imposed  heavy 
penalties  on  such  of  the  natives  as  should  be  found 
in  Tezcuco,  and,  affecting  to*  consider  themselves  in 
danger,  made  preparations  for  the  defence  of  the  city. 
But  these  belligerent  movements  were  terminated  by 
the  arrival  of  the  new  Audience  ;  though  Guzman  had 
the  address  to  maintain  his  hold  on  a  northern  prov- 
ince, where  he  earned  a  reputation  for  cruelty  and 
extortion  unrivalled  even  in  the  annals  of  the  New- 
World. 

Everything  seemed  now  to  assure  a  tranquil  resi- 
dence to  Cortes.  The  new  magistrates  treated  him 
with  marked  respect,  and  took  his  advice  on  the  most 
important  measures  of  government.  Unhappily,  this 
state  of  things  did  not  long  continue ;  and  a  misunder- 
Gtanding  arose  between  the  parties,  in  respect  to  the 

*  MS.,  Tordelaguna,  22  de  Marzo,  io30- 


CORTES  REVISITS  MEXICO.  317 

enumeration  of  the  vassals  assigned  by  the  crown  to 
Cortes,  wliich  tlie  marquis  thought  was  made  on  prin- 
ciples prejudicial  to  his  interests  and  repugnant  to  the 
intentions  of  the  grant. ^  He  was  still  furthe  c:!is- 
l)leased  by  finding  that  the  Audience  were  intrusted, 
by  their  commission,  witli  a  concurrent  jurisdiction 
with  himself  in  military  affairs.*  This  led  occasionally 
to  an  interference,  which  the  proud  spirit  of  Cortes,  so 
long  accustomed  to  independent  rule,  could  ill  brook. 
After  submitting  to  it  for  a  time,  he  left  the  capital  in 
disgust,  no  more  to  return  there,  and  took  up  his  resi- 
dence in  his  city  of  Cuernavaca. 

It  was  the  place  won  by  his  own  sword  from  the 
Aztecs  previous  to  the  siege  of  Mexico.  It  stood  on 
the  southern  slope  of  the  Cordilleras,  and  overlooked  a 
wide  expanse  of  country,  the  foirest  and  most  flourish- 
ing jiortion  of  his  own  domain.'  He  had  erected  a 
stately  palace  on  the  spot,  and  henceforth  made  this 
city  his  favorite  residence.^     It  was  well  situated  for 

5  Tlie  principal  grievance  alleged  was  that  slaves,  many  of  them 
held  temporarily  by  their  masters,  according  to  the  old  Aztec  usage, 
were  comprehended  in  the  census.  The  complaint  forms  part  of  a 
catalogue  of  grievances  embodied  by  Coites  in  a  memorial  to  the 
emperor.  It  is  a  clear  and  business-like  paper.  Carta  de  Cortes  i 
Kuiiez,  MS. 

«  Ihid.,  MS. 

7  ["  Djminando  una  vista  muy  extensa  sobre  el  valle  hacia  el  Sur,  lo 
que  al  Norte  y  Oriente  se  termina  con  la  magestiiosa  cordillera  que 
separa  el  valle  de  Cuernavaca  del  de  Mejico."  Alaman,  Disertacioncs 
historicas,  tom.  ii.  p.  35.] 

8  The  palace  has  crumbled  into  ruins,  and  the  spot  is  now  only  re- 
markable for  its  natural  beauty  and  its  historic  associations.  "  It  w;\s 
tha  capital,"  says  Madame  de  Calderon,  "of  the  Tlahuica  nation, 
and,  after  the  Conquest,  Cortes  built  here  a  splendid  palace,  a  church, 
and  a  convent  for  Franciscans,  believing  that  he  had  laid  the  foun- 

27' 


31 8         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    O/'   CORTES. 

superintending  his  vast  estates,  and  he  now  devoted 
himself  to  bringing  them  into  proper  cultivation.  He 
introduced  the  sugar-cane  from  Cuba,  and  it  grew  luxu- 
riantly in  the  rich  soil  of  the  neighboring  lowlands. 
He  imported  large  numbers  of  merino  sheep  and  other 
cattle,  which  found  abundant  pastures  in  the  country 
around  Tehuantepec.  His  lands  were  thickly  sprinkled 
with  groves  of  mulberry-trees,  which  furnished  nourish- 
ment for  the  silk-worm.  He  encouraged  the  culti- 
vation of  hemp  and  flax,  and,  by  his  judicious  and 
enterprising  husbandry,  showed  the  capacity  of  the  soil 
for  the  culture  of  valuable  products  before  unknown  in 
the  land  ;  and  he  turned  these  products  to  the  best 
account,  by  the  erection  of  sugar-mills,  and  other 
works  for  the  manufacture  of  the  raw  material.  He 
thus  laid  the  foundation  of  an  opulence  for  his  family, 
as  substantial,  if  not  as  speedy,  as  that  derived  from 
the  mines.  Yet  this  latter  source  of  wealth  was  not 
neglected  by  him,  and  he  drew  gold  from  the  region 
of  Tehuantepec,  and  silver  from  that  of  Zacatecas.  The 
amount  derived  from  these  mines  was  not  so  abundant 
as  at  a  later  day.  But  the  expense  of  working  them, 
on  the  other  hand,  was  much  less  in  the  earlier  stages 

dation  of  a  great  cit}'.  .  .  .  It  is,  however,  a  place  of  little  importance, 
though  so  favored  by  nature ;  and  the  Conqueror's  palace  is  a  half- 
ruined  barrack,  though  a  most  picturesque  object,  standing  on  a  hill, 
behind  wliich  starts  up  the  great  white  volcano."  Life  in  Mexico, 
vol.  ii.  1"'.  31.  [The  beautiful  church  of  San  Francisco,  now  the 
parish  cliurch,  was  constructed  by  Cortes,  and  enriched  with  jewels 
fciid  sacred  vessels  by  his  wife,  manifesting,  says  Alaman,  the  good  taste 
and  t!;e  piety  of //;<"  marquis  and  the  marchioness , — as,  in  consequence 
of  their  being  the  first  and  at  that  time  the  only  persons  who  bore  the 
tide  in  Me.xico,  they  were  styled  and  always  subscribed  themselves. 
Disertaciones  historicas,  torn.  ii.  p.  35.] 


HIS   VOYAGES    OF  DISCOVERY. 


3^9 


of  the  operation,  when  the  metal  lay  so  much  nearei 
the  surface.' 

But  this  tranquil  way  of  life  did  not  long  content 
liis  restless  and  adventurous  spirit ;  and  it  sought  a 
vent  by  availing  itself  of  his  new  charter  of  discovery 
to  explore  the  mysteries  of  the  great  Southern  Ocean. 
In  1527,  two  years  before  his  return  to  Spain,  he  had 
sent  a  little  squadron  to  the  Moluccas.  The  expedi- 
tion was  attended  with  some  important  consequences  ; 
but,  as  they  do  not  relate  to  Cortes,  an  account  of  it 
will  iind  a  more  suitable  place  in  the  maritime  annals 
of  Spain,  where  it  has  been  given  by  the  able  hand 
which  has  done  so  much  for  the  country  in  this 
department.'" 

Cortes  was  preparing  to  send  another  squadron  of 
four  vessels  in  the  same  direction,  when  his  plans  were 
interrupted  by  his  visit  to  Spain  ;  and  his  unfinished 
little  navy,  owing  to  the  malice  of  the  Royal  Audience, 
who  drew  off  tlie  hands  employed  in  building  it,  went 
to  pieces  on  the  stocks.  Two  other  squadrons  were 
now  fitted  out  by  Cortes,  in  the  years  1532  and  1533, 
and  sent  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  to  the  Northwest." 
They  were  unfortunate,  though  in  the  latter  expedition 
the  Californian  peninsula  was  reached,  and  a  landing 

9  These  particulars  respecting  the  agricultural  economy  of  Cortes  I 
have  derived  in  part  from  a  very  able  argument,  prepared,  in  January, 
1828,  for  the  Mexican  Chamber  of  Deputies,  by  Don  Lucas  .A.lanian, 
in  defence  of  the  territorial  rights  possessed  at  this  day  by  the  Con- 
queror's descendant,  the  duke  of  Monteleone. 

"  Xavarrete,  Coioccion  de  los  Viages  y  Descubrimientos  (Madrid, 
1837),  tom.  v..  Viages  al  Maluco. 

"  Instruccion  que  dio  el  Marques  del  Vallc  d  Juan  de  Avcllaneda. 
etc.,  MS. 


320         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

effected  on  its  southern  extremity  at  Santa  Cruz,  prob- 
ably the  modern  port  of  La  Paz.  One  of  the  vessels, 
thrown  on  the  coast  of  New  Galicia,  was  seized  by 
Gu/man,  the  old  enemy  of  Cortes,  who  ruled  over 
tha'.  territory,  the  crew  were  plundered,  and  the  ship 
was  detained  as  a  lawful  prize.  Cortes,  indignant  at 
the  outrage,  demanded  justice  from  the  Royal  Audi- 
enpe  ;  and,  as  that  body  Avas  too  feeble  to  enforce  its 
own  decrees  in  his  favor,  he  took  redress  into  his  own 
hands." 

He  made  a  rapid  but  difficult  march  on  Chiametla, 
the  scene  of  Guzman's  spoliation  ;  and,  as  the  latter 
did  not  care  to  face  his  incensed  antagonist,  Cortes 
recovered  his  vessel,  though  not  the  cargo.  He  was 
then  joined  by  the  little  squadron  whfth  he  had  fitted 
out  from  his  own  port  of  Tehuantepec, — a  port  which 
in  the  sixteenth  century  promised  to  hold  the  place 
since  occupied  by  that  of  Acapulco.'^  The  vessels 
were  provided  with  everything  requisite  for  planting  a 
colony  in  the  newly-discovered  region,  and  transported 
four  hundred  Spaniards  and  three  liundred  negro  slaves, 
which  Cortes  had  assembled  for  that  purpose.  With 
this  intention  he  crossed  the  Gulf,  the  Adriatic — to 
which  an  old  writer  compares  it — of  the  Western 
World. 

Our  limits  will  not  allow  us  to  go  into  the  details  of 
this  disastrous  expedition,  which  was  attended  with  no 

•2  Provision  sobre  los  Descubrimientos  del  Sur,  MS.,  Setiembrc, 
1534- 

'3  The  river  Huasacualco  furnished  great  facilities  for  transporting 
across  the  isthmus,  from  Vera  Cruz,  materials  to  build  vessels  on  tho 
Pacific.     Humboldt,  Essai  politiqne.  tom.  iv.  p.  50. 


HIS    VOYAGES   OF  DISCOVERY. 


32> 


important  results  either  to  its  projector  or  to  science. 
It  may  suffice  to  say  that,  in  the  prosecution  of  it, 
Cortes  and  his  followers  were  driven  to  the  last  ex- 
tremity by  famine ;  that  he  again  crossed  the  Gulf, 
was  tossed  about  by  terrible  tempests,  without  a  pilot 
to  guide  him,  was  thrown  upon  the  rocks,  where  his 
shattered  vessel  nearly  went  to  pieces,  and,  after  a  suc- 
cession of  dangers  and  disasters  as  formidable  as  any 
which  he  had  ever  encountered  on  land,  succeeded,  by 
means  of  his  indomitable  energy,  in  bringing  his  crazy 
bark  safe  into  the  same  port  of  Santa  Cruz  from  which 
he  had  started. 

While  these  occurrences  were  passing,  the  new  Royal 
Audience,  after  a  faithful  discharge  of  its  commission, 
had  been  superseded  by  the  arrival  of  a  viceroy,  the 
first  ever  sent  to  New  Spain.  Cortes,  though  invested 
with  similar  powers,  had  the  title  only  of  Governor. 
This  was  the  commencement  of  the  system,  afterwards 
pursued  by  the  crown,  of  intrusting  the  colonial  ad- 
ministration to  some  individual  whose  high  rank  and 
personal  consideration  might  make  him  the  fitting  rep- 
resentative of  majesty.  The  jealousy  of  the  court  did 
not  allow  the  subject  clothed  with  such  ample  authority 
to  remain  long  enough  in  the  same  station  to  form 
dangerous  schemes  of  ambition,  but  at  the  expiration 
of  a  few  years  he  was  usually  recalled,  or  transferred  to 
some  other  province  of  the  vast  colonial  empire.  The 
person  now  sent  to  Mexico  was  Don  Antonio  de  Men- 
doza,  a  man  of  moderation  and  practical  good  sense, 
and  one' of  that  illustrious  family  who  in  the  preceding 
reign  furnished  so  many  distinguished  ornaments  to 
the  Church,  to  the  camp,  and  to  letters. 
o* 


322         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

The  long  absence  of  Cortes  had  caused  the  deepest 
anxiety  in  the  mind  of  his  wife,  the  marchioness  of  the 
Valley.  She  wrote  to  the  viceroy  immediately  on  his 
arrival,  beseeching  him  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  the  fate 
of  her  husband,  and,  if  he  could  be  found,  to  arge  his 
return.  The  viceroy,  in  consequence,  despatched  .wo 
ships  in  search  of  Cortes,  but  whether  they  reached  him 
before  his  departure  from  Santa  Cruz  is  doubtful.  It 
is  certain  that  he  returned  safe,  after  his  long  absence, 
to  Acapulco,  and  was  soon  followed  by  the  survivors 
of  his  wretched  colony. 

Undismayed  by  these  repeated  reverses,  Cortes,  still 
bent  on  some  discovery  worthy  of  his  reputation,  fitted 
out  three  more  vessels,  and  placed  them  under  the 
command  of  an  officer  named  Ulloa.  This  expedition, 
which  took  its  departure  in  July,  1539,  was  attended 
with  more  important  results.  Ulloa  penetrated  to  the 
head  of  the  Gulf,  then,  returning  and  winding  round 
the  coast  of  the  peninsula,  doubled  its  southern  point, 
and  ascended  as  high  as  the  twenty-eighth  or  twenty- 
ninth  degree  of  north  latitude  on  its  western  borders. 
After  this,  sending  home  one  of  the  squadron,  the  bold 
navigator  held  on  his  course  to  the  north,  but  was  nevei 
more  heard  of.'^ 

'•♦  Instruccion  del  Marques  del  Valle,  MS. — The  most  particulai 
and  authentic  account  of  Ulioa's  cruise  will  be  found  in  Ramusio. 
(Tom.  iii.  pp.  340-354.)  It  is  by  one  of  the  officers  of  the  squadron. 
My  limits  will  not  allow  me  to  give  the  details  of  the  voyages  made  by 
Cortes,  which,  altliough  not  without  interest,  were  attended  with  no 
permanent  consequences.*    A  good  summary  of  his  expeditionb  in 


I 


*  [The  restless  and  determined  spirit  with  which  Cortes  pursued 
bis  mainly  ineffectual  projects  of  discovery  is  exemplified  by  a  lettei 


HIS    VOYAGES   OF  DISCOVERY.  325 

Thus  ended  the  maritime  enterprises  of  Cortes,  suffi- 
ciently disastrous  in  a  pecuniary  view,  since  they  cost 
him  three  hundred  thousand  castcllanos  of  gold,  with- 
out the  return  of  a  ducat. '=  He  was  even  obliged  to 
borrow  money,  and  to  pawn  his  wife's  jewels,  to  ])ro- 
cure  funds  for  the  last  enterprise ;  '*  thus  incurri.ng  a 
debt  wliich,  increased  by  the  great  charges  of  his 
princely  establishment,  hung  about  him  during  the 
lemainder  of  his  life.  But,  though  disastrous  in  a'l 
economical  view,  his  generous  efforts  added  important 
contributions  to  science.  In  the  course  of  these  ex- 
peditions, and  those  undertaken  by  Cortes  previous  to 
his  visit  to  Spain,  the  Pacific  had  been  coasted  from 
the  Bay  of  Panama  to  the  Rio  Colorado.  The  great 
peninsula  of  California  had  been  circumnavigated  as 
far  as  to  the  isle  of  Cedros,  or  Cerros,  into  which  the 
name  has  since  been  corrupted.     This  vast  tract,  which 

the  Gulf  has  been  given  by  Navarrete  in  the  Introduction  to  his  Rela- 
cion  del  Viage  hecho  per  las  Goletas  Sutil  y  Mexicana  (Madrid, 
1802),  pp.  vi.-xxvi. ;  and  the  English  reader  will  find  a  brief  account 
of  them  in  Greenhow's  valuable  Memoir  on  the  Northwest  Coast  of 
North  America  (Washington,  1840),  pp.  22-27. 

»3  Memorial  al  Rey  del  Marques  del  Valle,  MS.,  25  de  Junio,  1540, 
"5  Provision  sobre  los  Descubrimientos  del  Sur,  JMS. 


10  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  September  20,  1538,  begging  that  body 
to  assist  his  agents  in  procuring  pilots  for  him.  He  has  at  present,  \\f 
says,  nine  vessels,  very  good  and  v/ell  equipped,  and  is  only  waiting 
for  pilots,  having  tried  in  vain  to  obtain  some  from  Panamd  and  Leon. 
Though  he  has  not  yet  secured  the  fruits  he  had  expected  from  his 
expedition.?,  he  trusts  in  God  that  they  will  be  henceforth  attended 
with  better  fortune.  Col.  de  Doc.  ined.  relatives  al  Descubrimicnto, 
Conquista  y  Colonizacion  de  las  Posesiones  espanolas  en  .America  y 
Oceania,  torn.  iii.--ED.] 


324        SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

had  been  supposed  to  be  an  archipelago  of  islands,  was 
now  discovered  to  be  a  part  of  the  continent ;  and  its 
general  outline,  as  appears  from  the  maps  of  the  time, 
was  nearly  as  well  understood  as  at  the  present  day.'' 
Lastly,  the  navigator  had  explored  the  recesses  of  the 
Californian  Gulf,  or  Sea  of  Cortes,  as,  in  honor  of  the 
great  discoverer,  it  is  with  more  propriety  named  by 
the  Spaniards ;  and  he  had  ascertained  that,  instead  of 
the  outlet  before  supposed  to  exist  towards  the  north, 
this  unknown  ocean  was  locked  up  within  the  arms  of 
the  mighty  continent.  These  were  results  that  might 
have  made  the  glory  and  satisfied  the  ambition  of  a 
common  man  ;  but  they  are  lost  in  the  brilliant  renown 
of  the  former  achievements  of  Cortes. 

Notwithstanding  the  embarrassments  of  the  marquis 
of  the  Valley,  he  still  made  new  efforts  to  enlarge  the 
limits  of  discovery,  and  prepared  to  fit  out  another 
squadron  of  five  vessels,  which  he  proposed  to  place 
under  the  command  of  a  natural  son,  Don  Luis.  But 
the  viceroy  Mendoza,  whose  imagination  had  been 
inflamed  by  the  reports  of  an  itinerant  monk  respect- 
ing an  El  Dorado  in  the  north,  claimed  the  right  of 
discovery  in  that  direction.  Cortes  protested  against 
this,  as  an  unwarrantable  interference  with  his  own 
powers.  Other  subjects  of  collision  arose  between 
them;  till  the  marquis,  disgusted  with  this  perpetual 
check  on  his  authority  and  his  enterprises,  applied  for 
redress  to  Castile.'*     He  finally  determined  to  go  there 

17  See  the  map  prepared  by  the  pilot  Domingo  del  Castillo,  in  1541, 
up.  Lorenzana,  p.  328. 

»8  In  the  collection  of  Vargas  Pon9e  is  a  petition  of  Cortes,  setting 
forth  his  grievances,  and  demanding  an  investigation  of  the  viceroy's 


FINAL    RETURN   TO    CASTILE.  325 

to  support  his  claims  in  person^  and  to  obtain,  if 
possible,  remuneration  for  the  heavy  charges  he  had 
incurred  by  his  maritime  expeditions,  as  well  as  for 
the  spoliation  of  his  property  by  the  Royal  Audience 
during  his  absence  from  the  country;  and,  lastly,  to 
procure  an  assignment  of  his  vassals  on  princii)lcs  more 
conformable  to  the  original  intentions  of  the  grant. 
With  these  objects  in  view,  he  bade  adieu  to  his  family, 
and,  taking  with  him  his  eldest  son  and  heir,  Don 
IMartin,  then  only  eight  years  of  age,  he  embarked  at 
Mexico  in  1540,  and,  after  a  favorable  voyage,  again 
set  foot  on  the  shores  of  his  native  land. 

The  emperor  was  absent  from  the  country.  But 
Cortes  was  honorably  received  in  the  capital,  where 
aiiiple  accommodations  were  provided  for  him  and  his 
retinue.  When  he  attended  the  Royal  Council  of  the 
Indies  to  urge  his  suit,  he  was  distinguished  byimcom- 
mon  marks  of  respect.  The  president  went  to  the 
door  of  the  hall  to  receive  him,  and  a  seat  was  provided 
for  him  among  the  members  of  the  Council."'  But  all 
evaporated  in  this  barren  show  of  courtesy.  Justice, 
proverbially  sIoav  in  Spain,  did  not  mend  her  gait  for 
Cortes  ;  and  at  the  expiration  of  a  year  he  found  him- 
self no  nearer  the  attainment  of  his  object  than  on  the 
first  week  after  his  arrival  in  the  capital. 

In  the  following  year,  1541,  we  find  the  marquis  of 
the  Valley  embarked  as  a  volunteer  in  the  memorable 
expedition  against  Algiers.  Charles  the  Fifth,  on  his 
return  to  his  dominions,  laid  siege  to  that  stronghold 

conduct.     It  is  without  date.     Peticion  contra  Den  Antonio  de  Meo- 
doza  Virrey,  pediendo  residenoia  contra  el,  MS. 
»9  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist,  de  la  C'onquista,  cap.  200. 

Vol..  Tir.  28 


■x^e         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

of  the  Mediterranean  corsairs.  Cortes  accompanied 
the  forces  destined  to  meet  the  emperor,  and  embarkec 
on  board  the  vessel  of  the  Admiral  of  Castile.  But  a 
furious  tempest  scattered  the  navy,  and  the  admiral's 
shi])  was  driven  a  wreck  upon  the  coast.  Corses  and 
his  son  escaped  by  swimming,  but  the  former,  in  the 
confusion  of  the  scene,  lost  the  inestimable  set  of  jewels 
noticed  in  the  preceding  chapter;  "a  loss,"  says  an 
old  writer,  "  that  made  the  expedition  fall  more  heavily 
on  the  marquis  of  the  Valley  than  on  any  other  man 
in  the  kingdom,  except  the  emperor."  "-" 

It  is  not  necessary  to  recount  the  particulars  of  this 
disastrorus  siege,  in  which  Moslem  valor,  aided  by  the 
elements,  set  at  defiance  the  combined  forces  of  the 
Christians.  A  council  of  war  was  called,  and  it  was 
decided  to  abandon  the  enterprise  and  return  to  Cas- 
tile. This  determination  was  indignantly  received  by 
Cortes,  who  offered,  with  the  support  of  the  army,  to 
reduce  the  place  himself;  and  he  only  expressed  the 
regret  that  he  had  not  a  handful  of  those  gallant  vet- 
erans by  his  side  who  had  served  him  in  the  Conquest 
of  Mexico.  But  his  offers  were  derided,  as  those  ot 
a  romantic  enthusiast.  He  had  not  been  invited  to 
take  part  in  the  discussions  of  the  council  of  war.  It 
was  a  marked  indignity ;  but  the  courtiers,  weary  of 
the  service,  were  too  much  bent  on  an  immediate  re- 
turn to  Spain,  to  hazard  the  opposition  of  a  man  who, 
when  he  had  once  planted  his  foot,  was  never  known 
to  laise  it  again  till  he  had  accomplished  his  object.^' 

=0  Gomara.  Cronica,  cap.  237. 

='  Sandoval,  Hist,  de   Cdilos  V.,  lib.  12,  cap.  25. — Ferreras  (tr.id, 
d'Hermilly),  Hist   d'Espagne,  torn.  i.x.  p.  ^i. 


/IS   COLD    RECEPTION. 


327 


On  arriving  in  Castile,  Cortes  lost  no  time  in  laying 
his  suit  before  the  emperor.  His  applications  were 
received  by  the  monarch  with  civility, — a  cold  civility, 
which  carried  no  conviction  of  its  sincerity.  His  po- 
sition was  materially  changed  since  his  former  visit  to 
the  country.  More  than  ten  years  had  elapsed,  and 
he  was  now  too  well  advanced  in  years  to  g.  /e  promise 
of  serviceable  enterprise  in  future.  Indeed,  his  under- 
takings of  late  had  been  singularly  unfortunate.  Even 
his  former  successes  suffered  the  disparagement  natural 
to  a  man  of  declining  fortunes.  Tliey  were  already 
eclipsed  by  the  magnificent  achievements  in  Peru, 
which  had  poured  a  golden  tide  into  the  country,  that 
formed  a  striking  contrast  to  the  streams  of  wealth  that 
as  yet  had  flowed  in  but  scantily  from  the  silver-mines 
of  Mexico.  Cortes  had  to  learn  that  the  gratitude  of 
a  court  has  reference  to  the  future  much  more  than  to 
the  past.  He  stood  in  the  position  of  an  importunate 
suitor  whose  claims,  however  just,  are  too  large  to  be 
readily  allowed.  He  found,  like  Columbus,  that  ir 
was  possible  to  deserve  too  greatly.^ 

In  the  month  of  February,  1544,  he  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  emperor, — it  was  the  last  he  ever  wrote 
him, — soliciting  his  attention  to  his  suit.  He  begins 
by  proudly  alluding  to  his  past  services  to  the  crown. 

""  Voltaire  tells  us  that,  one  day,  Cortes,  unable  to  obtain  an  audi- 
ence of  the  emperor,  pushed  through  the  press  surrounding  the  royal 
carriage,  and  mounted  the  stej^s ;  and,  wlieii  Charles  inquired  "  who 
that  man  was,"  he  replied,  "  One  who  has  given  you  more  kingdoms 
than  you  had  towns  before.''  (Essai  sur  les  Mceurs,  chap.  147.)  For 
this  most  improbable  anecdote  I  have  found  no  authority  whatever. 
It  served,  however,  very  well  to  point  a  moral, — the  mair  thing  with 
tlic  philosopher  of  Fernev. 


7^2S        SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

"  He  had  hoped  that  the  toils  of  youth  -would  have 
secured  him  repose  in  his  old  age.  For  fort}'  years  he 
had  passed  his  life  with  little  sleep,  bad  food,  and  with 
his  arms  constantly  by  his  side.  •  He  had  freely  ex- 
])osed  his  person  to  peril,  and  spent  his  substance  in 
exploring  distant  and  unknown  regions,  that  he  might 
spread  abroad  the  name  of  his  sovereign  and  bring 
under  his  sceptre  many  great  and  powerful  nations.  All 
this  he  had  done,  not  only  without  assistance  from 
home,  but  in  the  face  of  obstacles  thrown  in  his  way 
by  rivals  and  by  enemies  who  thirsted  like  leeches  for 
his  blood.  He  was  now  old,  infirm,  and  embarrassed 
with  debt.  Better  had  it  been  for  him  not  to  have 
known  the  liberal  intentions  of  the  emperor,  as  inti- 
mated by  his  grants  ;  since  he  should  then  have  devoted 
himself  to  the  care  of  his  estates,  and  not  have  been 
compelled,  as  he  now  was,  to  contend  with  the  officers 
of  the  crown,  against  whom  it  was  more  difficult  to 
defend  himself  than  to  win  the  land  from  the  enemy." 
He  concludes  with  beseeching  his  sovereign  to  "  order 
the  Council  of  the  Indies,  with  the  other  tribunals 
which  had  cognizance  of  his  suits,  to  come  to  a  de- 
cision; since  he  was  too  old  to  wander  about  like  a 
vagrant,  but  ought  rather,  during  the  brief  remainder 
of  his  life,  to  stay  at  home  and  settle  his  account  with 
Heaven,  occupied  with  the  concerns  of  his  soul,  rathei 
than  with  his  substance."  ^^ 

This  appeal  to  his  sovereign,  which  has  something  in 
it  touching  from  a  man  of  the  haughty  spirit  of  Cortes, 
had  not  the  effect  to  quicken  the  determination  of  his 

'3  The  Letter,  dated  February  3,  I544,  Valladolid,  may  be  found 
entire,  in  the  original,  in  Appendix,  Part  2,  No.  l.^. 


DEATH  OF  CORTES. 


329 


suit.  He  still  lingered  at  the  court  from  week  to 
week,  and  from  month  to  month,  beguiled  by  the  de- 
ceitful hopes  of  tlie  litigant,  tasting  all  that  bitterness 
of  the  soul  which  arises  from  hoi)e  deferred.  After 
three  years  more,  passed  in  this  unprofitable  and 
humiliating  occupation,  he  resolved  to  leave  his  un- 
grateful country  and  return  to  Mexico. 

He  had  proceeded  as  far  as  Seville,  accompanied  by 
his  son,  when  he  fell  ill  of  an  indigestion,  caused, 
probably,  by  irritation  and  trouble  of  mind.  This 
terminated  in  dysentery,  and  his  strength  sank  so  raj)- 
idly  under  the  disease  that  it  was  apparent  his  mortal 
career  was  drawing  towards  its  close.  He  prepared 
for  it  by  making  the  necessary  arrangements  for  the 
isettlement  of  his  affairs.  He  had  made  his  will  some 
time  before;  and  he  now  executed  it.  It  is  a  very  loni^ 
document,  and  in  some  respects  a  remarkable  one. 

The  bulk  of  his  property  was  entailed  to  his  son, 
Don  Martin,  then  fifteen  years  of  age.  In  the  testa- 
ment he  fixes  his  majority  at  twenty-five ;  but  at  twenty 
his  guardians  were  to  allow  him  his  full  income,  to 
maintain  the  state  becoming  his  rank.  In  a  paper  ac- 
companying the  will,  Cortes  specified  the  names  of  the 
agents  to  whom  he  had  committed  the  management  of 
his  vast  estates  scattered  over  many  different  provinces; 
and  he  requests  his  executors  to  confirm  the  nomina- 
tion, as  these  agents  have  been  selected  by  him  from  a 
knowledge  of  their  peculiar  qualifications.  Nothing 
can  belter  show  the  thorough  supervision  which,  in  the 
midst  of  i^ressing  public  concerns,  he  had  given  to  the 
details  of  his  widely-extended  property. 

He  makes  a  liberal  provision  for  his  other  children, 

2S* 


330       SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

and  a  generous  allowance  to  several  old  domestics  and 
retainers  in  his  household.  By  another  clause  he  gives 
away  considerable  sums  in  charity,  and  he  applies  the 
revenues  of  his  estates  in  the  city  of  Mexico  to  establish 
and  permanently  endow  three  public  institutions, — a 
hospital  in  the  capital,  which  was  to  be  dedicated  to 
Our  Lady  of  the  Conception,  a  college  in  Cojohuacan 
for  the  education  of  missionaries  to  preach  the  gospel 
among  the  natives,  and  a  convent,  in  the  same  place, 
for  nuns.  To  the  chapel  of  this  convent,  situated  in 
his  favorite  town,  he  orders  that  his  own  body  shall  be 
transported  for  burial,  in  whatever  quarter  of  the  world 
he  may  happen  to  die. 

After  declaring  that  he  has  taken  all  possible  care  to 
ascertain  the  amount  of  the  tributes  formerly  paid  by 
his  Indian  vassals  to  their  native  sovereigns,  he  enjoins 
on  his  heir  that,  in  case  those  which  they  have  hitherto 
paid  shall  be  found  to  exceed  the  right  valuation,  he 
shall  restore  them  a  full  equivalent.  In  another  clause 
he  expresses  a  doubt  whether  it  is  right  to  exact  per- 
sonal service  from  the  natives,  and  commands  that  a 
strict  inquiry  shall  be  made  into  the  nature  and  value 
of  such  services  as  he  had  received,  and  that  in  all  cases 
a  fair  compensation  shall  be  allowed  for  them.  Lastly, 
he  makes  this  remarkable  declaration:  "It  has  long 
been  a  question  whether  one  can  conscientiously  hold 
property  in  Indian  slaves.  Since  this  point  has  not  yel 
been  determined,  I  enjoin  it  on  my  son  Martin  and  his 
heirs  that  they  spare  no  pains  to  come  to  an  exact  knowl- 
edge of  the  truth;  as  a  matter  which  deeply  concerns 
the  conscience  of  each  of  them,  no  less  than  mine."=^ 

*«  "  Item.     Poi  .jue  acerca  de  los  esclavos  naturales  de  la  dicha 


DEATH   OF   CORTES. 


33^ 


Such  scruples  of  conscience,  not  to  have  been  ex- 
pected in  Cortes,  were  still  less  likely  to  be  met  "with 
in  the  Si)aniards  of  a  later  generation.  The  state  of 
opinion  in  respect  to  the  great  question  of  slavery,  in 
the  sixteenth  century,  at  the  commencement  of  the 
system,  bears  some  resemblance  to  that  which  exists  in 
our  time,  when  we  may  hope  it  is  approaching  its  con- 
clusion. Las  Casas  and  the  Dominicans  of  the  former 
age,  the  abolitionists  of  their  day,  thundered  out  their 
uncompromising  invectives  against  the  system  on  the 
broad  gromid  of  natural  equity  and  the  rights  of  man. 
The  great  mass  of  proprietors  troubled  their  heads 
little  about  the  question  of  right,  but  were  satisfied 
v/ith  the  expediency  of  the  institution.  Others,  more 
considerate  and  conscientious,  while  they  admitted  the 
evil,  found  an  argument  for  its  toleration  in  the  plea 
of  necessity,  regarding  the  constitution  of  the  white 
man  as  unequal,  in  a  sultry  climate,  to  the  labor  of 
cultivating  the  soil.^^  In  one  important  respect  the 
condition  of  slavery  in  the  sixteenth  century  differed 
materially  from  its  condition  in  the  nineteenth.      In 

Nueva  Espnna,  asi  de  guerra  como  de  roseate,  ha  habido  y  hay  muchas 
dudas  y  opiniones  sobre  si  se  han  podido  tener  con  buena  conciencia 
6  no,  y  hasla  ahora  no  estd  determinado :  Mando  que  todo  aquello 
que  generahnente  se  averiguare,  que  en  este  caso  se  debe  hacer  para 
descargo  de  las  conciencias  en  lo  que  toca  d  estos  esclavos  de  la  dicha 
Nueva  Espafia,  que  se  haya  y  cuinpla  en  todos  los  que  yo  tengo,  e 
enrargo  y  mando  a  D.  Martin  mi  hijo  subcesor,  y  d  los  (|ue  despues 
di'l  iubcedieren  en  mi  Estado,  (jue  para  averiguaresto  hagan  todas  las 
diligeiicias  que  combc-ngan  al  descargo  de  mi  conciencia  y  suyas." 
Tcstamento  de  Hernan  Cortes,  MS. 

25  '1  his  is  the  argument  controverted  by  Las  Casas  in  his  elaborate 
Mi.morial  addressed  to  the  government,  in  1542,  on  the  best  method 
of  arresting  the  destruction  of  the  aborigines. 


332         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

the  former,  the  seeds  of  the  evil,  but  lately  sown,  might 
have  been,  with  comparatively  little  difficulty,  eradi- 
cated. But  in  our  time  they  have  struck  tlicir  roots 
deep  into  the  social  system,  and  cannot  be  rudely 
handled  without  shaking  the  very  foundations  of  the 
])olitical  fabric.  It  is  easy  to  conceive  that  a  man  who 
admits  all  the  wretchedness  of  the  institution  and  its 
wrong  to  humanity  may  nevertheless  hesitate  to  adopt 
a  remedy  untd  he  is  satisfied  that  the  remedy  itself  is 
not  worse  than  the  disease.  That  such  a  remedy  will 
come  with  time,  who  can  doubt,  that  has  confidence 
in  the  ultimate  prevalence  of  the  right  and  the  pro- 
gressive civilization  of  his  species? 

Cortes  names  as  his  executors,  and  as  guardians  of 
his  children,  the  duke  of  Medina  Sidonia,  the  mar- 
quis of  Astorga,  and  the  count  of  Aguilar.  For  his 
executors  in  Mexico,  he  a])points  his  wife,  the  mar- 
cliioness,  the  archbishop  of  Toledo,  and  two  other 
prelates.  The  will  was  executed  at  Seville,  October 
nth,  1547-'^ 

Finding  himself  much  incommoded,  as  he  grew 
weaker,  by  the  presence  of  visitors,  to  which  he  was 
necessarily  exposed  at  Seville,  he  withdrew  to  the 
neighboring  village  of  Castilleja  de  la  Cuesta,  attended 
by  his  son,  who  watched  over  his  dying  parent  with 
filial  solicitude.^'     Cortes  seems  to  have  contemplated 

=*  This  interesting  document  is  in  the  Royal  Archives  of  Seville; 
and  a  copy  of  it  forms  part  of  the  valuable  collection  of  Don  Vargas 
Pon^c. 

=7  [Mv  friend  Mr.  Picard  has  furnished  me  with  the  cc.py  of  an  in- 
scription which  may  be  seen,  or  could  a  few  years  since,  on  the  house 
in  which  Cortes  expired.  "  Here  died,  on  the  second  of  September, 
1544,  victim  of  sorrow  and  misfortune,  the  renowned  Hernan  Cortes, 


DEATH  OF  CORTES. 


333 


his  approaching  end  with  a  composure  not  always  to 
be  found  in  those  who  have  faced  death  with  indiffer- 
ence on  the  field  of  battle.  At  length,  having  de- 
voutly confessed  his  sins  and  received  the  sacrament, 
he  exjiired  on  the  2d  of  December,  1547,  in  the  sixty- 
third  year  of  his  age."* 

The  inhabitants  of  the  neighboring  country  were 
desirous  to  show  every  mark  of  respect  to  the  memory 
of  Cortes.  His  funeral  obsequies  were  celebrated  with 
due  solemnity  by  a  long  train  of  Andalusian  nobles 
and  of  the  citizens  of  Seville,  and  his  body  was  trans- 
ported to  the  chapel  of  the  monastery  of  San  Isidro, 
in  that  city,  where  it  was  laid  in  the  family  vault  of  the 
duke  of  Medina  Sidonia.^  In  the  year  1562  it  was 
removed,  by  order  of  his  son,  Don  Martin,  to  New 
Spain,  not,  as  directed  by  his  will,  to  Cojohuacan,* 
but  to  the  monastery  of  St.  Francis,  in  Tezcuco,  where 
it  was   laid   by  the  side  of  a  daughter,   and   of  his 

the  glory  of  our  country  and  the  conqueror  of  the  Mexican  empire." 
It  is  strange-that  the  author  of  the  inscription  should  have  made  a 
blunder  of  more  than  three  years  in  the  date  of  the  hero's  death.] 

«8  Zuniga,  Annales  de  Sevilla,  p.  504. — Goinara,  Cronica,  cap.  237. 
— In  his  last  letfer  to  the  emperor,  dated  in  February,  1544,  he  speaks 
of  himself  as  bemg  "  sixty  years  of  age."  But  he  probably  did  not 
mean  to  be  exact  to  a  year.  Gomara's  statement,  that  he  was  bcrn 
in  the  year  1485  (Cronica,  cap.  i),  is  confirmed  by  Diaz,  who  tells  us 
that  Cortes  used  to  say  that  when  he  first  came  over  to  Mexico,  in 
1519,  he  was  thirty-four  years  old.  (Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  205.) 
This  would  coincide  with  the  age  mentioned  in  the  text. 

"9  Noticia  del  Archivero  de  la  Santa  Eclesia  de  Sevilla,  MS. 


*  [This  may  be  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  his  intention  to  found 
a  convent  at  Cuyoacan,  as  the  place  is  now  called,  had,  according  to 
Alaman,  never  been  carried  out. — Ed.] 


334         SLTBSEQUEXT  CAREER    OF  CGRTES. 

mother,  Dona  Cataliiia  Pizarro.  In  1629  the  remains 
of  Cortes  were  again  removed  ;  and  on  the  death  of 
Don  Pedro,  fourth  marquis  of  the  Valley,  it  was  de- 
cided by  the  authorities  of  Mexico  to  transfer  them  to 
the  church  of  St.  Francis,  in  that  capital.  The  cere- 
monial was  conducted  with  the  pomp  suited  to  the  oc- 
casion. A  military  and  religious  procession  was  formed, 
with  the  archbishop  of  Mexico  at  its  head.  He  was 
accompanied  by  the  great  dignitaries  of  church  and 
state,  the  various  associations  with  their  respective 
banners,  the  several  religious  fraternities,  and  the 
members  of  the  Audience.  The  coffin,  containing  the 
relics  of  Cortes,  was  covered  with  black  velvet,  and 
supported  by  the  judges  of  the  royal  tribunals.  On 
either  side  of  it  was  a  man  in  complete  armor,  bearing, 
on  the  right,  a  standard  of  pure  white,  with  the  arms 
of  Castile  embroidered  in  gold,  and,  on  the  left,  a 
banner  of  black  velvet,  emblazoned  in  like  manner 
with  the  armorial  ensigns  of  the  house  of  Cortes.  Be- 
hind the  corpse  came  the  viceroy  and  a  numerous  es- 
cort of  Spanish  cavaliers,  and  the  rear  was  closed  by  a 
battalion  of  infantry,  armed  with  pikes  and  arquebuses, 
and  with  their  banners  trailing  on  the  ground.  With 
this  funeral  pomp,  by  the  sound  of  mournful  music, 
and  the  slow  beat  of  the  muffled  drum,  the  procession 
moved  forward,  with  measured  pace,  till  it  reached  the 
capital,  when  the  gates  were  thrown  open  to  receive 
the  mortal  remains  of  the  hero  who,  a  century  before, 
had  performed  there  such  prodigies  of  valor. 

Yet  his  bones  were  not  permitted  to  rest  here  undis- 
turbed ;  and  in  1794  they  were  removed  to  the  Hos- 
pital of  Jesus  of  Nazareth.     It  was  a  more  fitting  place. 


DEATH  OF  CORTEX  335 

since  it  was  the  same  institution  which,  under  the  name 
of  "Our  Lady  of  the  Conception,"  had  been  founded 
and  endowed  by  Cortes,  and  which,  with  a  fate  not 
too  frequent  in  similar  charities,  has  been  administered 
to  this  day  on  the  noble  principles  of  its  foundation. 
The  mouldering  relics  of  the  warrior,  now  deposited  in 
a  crystal  coffin  secured  by  bars  and  plates  of  silver, 
were  laid  in  the  chapel,  and  over  them  was  raised  a 
simi)le  monument,  displaying  the  arms  of  the  family, 
and  surmounted  by  a  bust  of  the  Conqueror,  executed 
in  bronze  by  Tolsa,  a  sculptor  worthy  of  the  best  period 
of  the  arts. 3° 

Unfortunately  for  Mexico,  the  tale  does  not  stop 
here.  In  1S23,  the  patriot  mob  of  the  capital,  in  their 
zeal  to  commemorate  the  era  of  the  national  independ- 
ence, and  their  detestation  of  the  "old  Spaniards," 
prepared  to  break  open  the  tomb  which  held  the  ashes 
of  Cortes,  and  to  scatter  them  to  the  winds  !  The 
authorities  declined  to  interfere  on  the  occasion  ;  but 
the  friends  of  the  family,  as  is  commonly  reported, 
entered  the  vault  by  night,  and,  secretly  removing  the 
relics,  prevented  the  commission  of  a  sacrilege  which 
must  have  left  a  stain,  not  easy  to  be  effaced,  on  the 
scutcheon   of   the  fair  city  of  Mexico. 3'     Humboldt, 

f>  The  full  pnrticulars  of  the  ceremony  described  in  the  text  may  be 
fjund  in  Appendix,  Part  2,  No.  16,  translated  into  English  from  a 
CDpy  of  tlie  original  document,  existing  in  the  Archives  of  ilie  Hos- 
pital of  jesiis,  in  Mexico. 

T  [The  bust  of  Cortes  and  the  arms  of  gilt  bronze  were  secretly 
removed  from  his  monument,  and  sent  to  his  descendant,  the  duke  of 
Monteleone,  at  Palermo.  The  remains  of  the  Conqueror  were  soon 
after  sent  in  the  same  direction,  according  to  Doctor  Mora,  cited  by 
Akinxan,  who  does  not  contradict  it:  "  Aun  sc  h.ib.  an  pr  jfan.  do  las 


336        SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

forty  years  ago,  remarked  that  "  we  may  traverse  Span- 
-ish  America  from  Buenos  Ayres  to  Monterey,  and  in 
no  quarter  shall  we  meet  with  a  national  monument 
which  the  public  gratitude  has  raised  to  Christopher 
Columbus  or  Hernando  Cortes.  "-^^  It  was  reserved 
for  our  own  age  to  conceive  the  design  of  violating 
the  repose  of  the  dead  and  insulting  their  remains  ! 
Yet  the  men  who  meditated  this  outrage  were  not  the 
descendants  of  Montezuma,  avenging  the  wrongs  of 
their  fathers  and  vindicating  their  own  rightful  in- 
heritance. They  were  the  descendants  of  the  old 
Conquerors,  and  their  countrymen,  depending  on 
the  right  of  conquest  for  their  ultimate  title  to  the 
soil. 33 

Cortes  had  no  children  by  his  first  marriage.  By  his 
second  he  left  four;  a  son,  Don  Martin, — the  heir  of 
his  honors,  and  of  persecutions  even  more  severe  than 
those  of  his  father,3-» — and  three  daughters,  who  formed 

cenizas  del  heroe,  sin  la  precaucion  de  personas  despreocupadas,  q-\e 
deseando  evitar  el  deshonor  de  su  patria  por  tan  reprensible  e  irre- 
flexivo  procedimiento,  lograron  ocultarlas  de  pronto  y  despues  las  re- 
mitieron  a  Italia  a  su  familia."  Disertaciones  historicas,  torn.  ii.  p. 
6i.] 

32  Essai  politique,  torn.  ii.  p.  60. 

33  [They  entertained,  says  Alaman,  the  rather  extravagant  idea  that, 
as  descendants  of  the  conquering  nation,  they  were  the  heirs  of  the 
rights  of  the  conquered,  and  bound  to  avenge  their  wrongs.  Con- 
quista  de  Mejico  (trad,  de  Vega),  torn.  ii.  p.  309.] 

34  Don  Martin  Cortes,  second  marquis  of  the  Valley,  was  accused, 
like  his  lather,  of  an  attempt  to  establish  an  independent  sovereignty 
in  New  Spain.  His  natural  brothers,  Don  Martin  and  Don  Luis, 
were  involved  in  the  same  accusation  with  himself,  and  the  former — 
as  I  have  elsewhere  remarked — was  in  consequence  subjected  to  the 
torture.  Several  others  of  his  friends,  on  charge  of  abetting  his  treason- 
able designs,  suffered  death.     The  marquis  was  obliged  *o  removu 


DEATH   OF  CORTES. 


337 


splendid  alliances.  He  left,  also,  five  natural  children, 
whom  he  particularly  mentions  in  his  testament  and 
honorably  provides  for.  Two  of  these,  Don  Martin, 
the  son  of  Marina,  and  Don  Luis  Cortes,  attained  con- 
siderable distinction,  and  were  created  comendadores  of 
the  Order  of  St.  Jago.^s 

The  male  line  of  the  marquises  of  the  Valley  be- 
came extinct  in  the  third  generation.  The  title  and 
estates  descended  to  a  female,  and  by  her  marriage 
were  united  with  those  of  the  house  of  Terranova, 
descendants  of  the  "Great  Captain,"  Gonsalvo  de 
Cordova. 3*  By  a  subsequent  marriage  they  were  car- 
ried into  the  family  of  the  duke  of  Monteleone,  a 
Neapolitan  noble.  The  present  proprietor  of  these 
princely  honors  and  of  vast  domains,  both  in  the  Old 
and  the  New  World,  dwells  in  Sicily,  and  boasts 
a  descent — such  as  few  princes  can  boast — from  two 

with  his  family  to  Spain,  where  tlie  investigation  was  conducted  ;  and 
his  large  estates  in  Mexico  were  sequestered  until  the  termination  of 
the  process,  a  period  of  seven  years,  from  1567  to  1574,  when  he  was 
declared  innocent.  But  his  property  suffered  irreparable  injury,  under 
the  wretched  administration  of  the  royal  officers,  during  the  term  of 
sequestration. 

35  [The  illegitimate  children  were  Don  Martin  Cortes,  Don  Luis 
Cortes,  Doiia  Catalina  Pizarro  (daughter  of  Dona  Leonor  Pizarro), 
also  two  other  daughters,  Leonor  and  Maria,  born  of  two  Indian 
women  of  noble  birth.  Alaman,  Disertaciones  historicas,  torn.  ii.  p. 
48.] 

3*  [Senor  Alaman,  in  reference  to  this  passage,  says,  "  It  is  a  mistake 
to  suppose  that  the  heirs  of  Cortes  and  Gonsalvo  de  Cordova  were 
ever  united  by  marriage.  The  fiict  appears  to  be  that  the  title  of 
duke  of  Terranova  was  held  by  the  descendants  of  both ;  but  the 
Terranova  assigned  to  the  Great  Captain  was  in  Calabria,  while  the 
place  from  which  the  descendants  of  Cortes  took  the  title  was  in 
Sicily.  Conquista  de  Mejico  (trad,  de  Vega),  tom.  ii.  p.  308.] 
Vol.  in. — p  29 


338         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

of  the  most  illustrious  commanders  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  the  "Great  Captain,"  and  the  Conqueror  of 
Mexico. 

The  personal  history  of  Cortes  has  been  so  minutely 
detailed  in  the  preceding  narrative  that  it  will  be  only 
necessary  to  touch  on  the  more  prominent  features  of 
his  character.  Indeed,  the  history  of  the  Conquest, 
as  1  have  already  had  occasion  to  remark,  is  necessarily 
that  of  Cortes,  Avho  is,  if  I  may  so  say,  not  merely  the 
soul,  but  the  body,  of  the  enterprise,  present  every- 
where in  person,  in  the  thick  of  the  fight  or  in  the 
building  of  the.  works,  with  his  sword  or  with  his 
musket,  sometimes  leading  his  soldiers,  and  sometimes 
directing  his  little  navy.  The  negotiations,  intrigues, 
correspondence,  are  all  conducted  by  him ;  and,  like 
Caesar,  he  wrote  his  own  Commentaries  in  the  heat  of 
the  stirring  scenes  which  form  the  subject  of  them. 
His  character  is  marked  with  the  most  opposite  traits 
embracing  qualities  apparently  the  most  incompatible. 
He  was  avaricious,  yet  liberal ;  bold  to  desperation, 
yet  cautious  and  calculating  in  his  plans;  magnani- 
mous, yet  very  cunning  ;  courteous  and  affable  in  his 
deportment,  yet  inexorably  stern ;  lax  in  his  notions 
of  morality,  yet  (not  uncommon)  a  sad  bigot.  The 
great  feature  in  his  character  was  constancy  of  purpose; 
a  constancy  not  to  be  daunted  by  danger,  nor  baffled 
by  disappointment,  nor  wearied  out  by  impediments 
and  delays. 

He  was  a  knight-errant,  in  the  literal  sense  of  the 
word.  Of  all  the  band  of  adventurous  cavaliers  whom 
Spain,    in   the   sixteenth   century,   sent    forth    on    the 


HIS   CHARACTER. 


339 


career  of  discovery  and  conquest,  there  was  none  more 
deeply  filled  with  the  spirit  of  romantic  enterprise  than 
Hernando  Cortes.  Dangers  and  difficulties,  instead 
of  deterring,  seemed  to  have  a  charm  in  his  eyes. 
They  were  necessary  to  rouse  him  to  a  full  conscious- 
ness of  his  powers.  He  grappled  with  them  at  the 
outset,  and,  if  I  may  so  express  myself,  seemed  to  pre- 
fer to  take  his  enterprises  by  the  most  difficult  side. 
He  conceived,  at  the  first  moment  of  his  landing  in 
Mexico,  the  design  of  its  conquest.  When  he  saw  the 
strength  of  its  civilization,  he  was  not  turned  from  his 
purpose.  When  he  was  assailed  by  the  superior  force 
of  Narvaez,  he  still  persisted  in  it ;  and  when  he  was 
driven  in  ruin  from  the  capital,  he  still  cherished  his 
original  idea.  How  successfully  he  carried  it  into  ex- 
ecution, we  have  seen.  After  the  few  years  of  repose 
which  succeeded  the  Conquest,  his  adventurous  spirit 
impelled  him  to  that  dreary  march  across  the  marshes 
of  Chiapa,  and,  after  another  interval,  to  seek  his 
fortunes  on  the  stormy  Californian  Gulf.  When  he 
found  that  no  other  continent  remained  for  him  to 
conquer,  he  made  serious  proposals  to  the  emperor  to 
equip  a  fleet  at  his  own  expense,  with  which  he  would 
sail  to  the  Moluccas  and  subdue  the  Spice  Islands  for 
the  crown  of  Castile  !  ^7 

37  "  Yo  me  ofresco  i.  descubrir  por  tiqiii  toda  la  especerin,  y  otras 
Islas  si  huvitre  cerca  de  Mokico,  6  Melaca,  y  la  Cliina,  y  aun  de  dar 
tal  orden  que  V.  M.  no  aiga  la  e.spe9ena  por  via  de  rescate,  como  la 
hn  cl  Rey  de  Portugal,  sino  que  la  tenga  por  cosa  propria,  y  los  natu- 
rales  de  aquellas  Islas  le  reconoscan  y  sirvan  como  k  su  Rey  y  senor 
natural,  |)orque  yo  me  ofresco  con  el  dicho  additamimto  de  embiar  d 
ellas  tal  armada,  6  ir  yo  con  mi  persona  por  manera  que  la  sojus^e  y 
pueble."     Carta  Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. 


340        SUBSEQUENT   CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

This  spirit  of  knight-errantry  might  lead  us  to  under- 
value his  talents  as  a  general  and  to  regard  him  merely 
in  the  light  of  a  lucky  adventurer.  But  this  would  be 
doing  him  injustice ;  for  Cortes  was  certainly  a  gri^at 
general,  if  that  man  be  one  who  performs  great  achieve- 
ments with  the  resources  which  his  own  genius  has 
created.  There -is  probably  no  instance  in  history 
where  so  vast  an  enterprise  has  been  achieved  by 
means  apparently  so  inadequate.  He  may  be  truly 
said  to  have  effected  the  Conquest  by  his  own  re- 
sources. If  he  was  indebted  for  his  success  to  the  co- 
operation of  the  Indian  tribes,  it  was  the  force  of  his 
genius  that  obtained  command  of  such  materials.  He 
arrested  the  arm  that  was  lifted  to  smite  hmi,  and  made 
it  do  battle  in  his  behalf.  He  beat  the  Tlascalans,  and 
made  them  his  stanch  allies.  He  beat  the  soldiers  of 
Narvaez,  and  doubled  his  effective  force  by  it.  When 
his  own  men  deserted  him,  he  did  not  desert  himself. 
He  drew  them  back  by  degrees,  and  compelled  them 
to  act  by  his  will,  till  they  were  all  as  one  man.  He 
brought  together  the  most  miscellaneous  collection  of 
mercenaries  who  ever  fought  under  one  standard  :  ad- 
venturers from  Cuba  and  the  Isles,  craving  for  gold ; 
hidalgos,  who  came  from  the  old  country  to  win 
laurels;  broken-down  cavaliers,  who  hoped  to  mend 
their  fortunes  in  the  New  World ;  vagabonds  flying 
from  justice ;  the  grasping  followers  of  Narvaez,  and 
his  own  reckless  veterans, — men  with  hardly  a  common 
tie,  and  burning  with  the  spirit  of  jealousy  and  faction; 
wild  tribes  of  the  natives  from  all  parts  of  the  country, 
who  had  been  sworn  enemies  from  their  cradles,  and 
who  had  met  only  to  cut  one  another's  throats  and  to 


HIS   CHARACTER.  341 

procure  victims  for  sacrifice  ;  men,  in  short,  differing 
in  race,  in  language,  and  in  interests  with  scarcely 
anything  in  common  among  them.  Yet  this  motley 
congregation  was  assembled  in  one  camp,  compelled  to 
bend  to  the  will  of  one  man,  to  consort  together  in 
harmony,  to  breathe,  as  it  were,  one  spirit,  and  to 
move  on  a  common  principle  of  action  !  It  is  in  this 
wonderful  power  over  the  discordant  masses  thus 
gathered  under  his  banner  that  we  recognize  the  genius 
of  the  great  commander,  no  less  than  in  the  skill  of  his 
military  operations. 

His  power  over  the  minds  of  his  soldiers  was  a 
natural  result  of  their  confidence  in  his  abilities.  But 
it  is  also  to  be  attributed  to  his  popular  manners, - 
that  happy  union  of  authority  and  companionship 
which  fitted  him  for  the  command  of  a  band  of  roving 
adventurers.  It  would  not  have  done  for  him  to 
fence  himself  round  with  the  stately  reserve  of  a  com- 
mander of  regular  forces.  He  was  embarked  with  his 
men  in  a  common  adventure,  and  nearly  on  terms  of 
equality,  since  he  held  his  commission  by  no  legal 
warrant.  But,  while  he  indulged  this  freedom  and 
familiarity  with  his  soldiers,  he  never  allowed  it  to  in- 
terfere with  their  strict  obedience  nor  to  impair  the 
severity  of  discipline.  When  he  had  risen  to  higher 
consideration,  although  he  affected  more  state,  he  still 
admitted  his  veterans  to  the  same  intimacy.  "  He 
preferred,"  says  Diaz,  "to  be  called  'Cortes'  by  us, 
to  being  called  by  any  title;  and  with  good  reason," 
continues  the  enthusiastic  old  cavalier,  "  for  the  name 
of  Cortes  is  as  famous  in  our  day  as  was  tliat  of  Coesar 
among  the  Romans,  or  of  Hannibal  among  the  Cartha- 
29* 


342         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

ginians."^^  He  showed  the  same  kind  regard  towards 
his  ancient  comrades  in  the  very  last  act  of  his  life. 
For  he  appropriated  a  sum  by  his  v/ill  for  the  cele- 
bration  of  two  thousand  masses  for  the  souls  of 
those  who  had  fought  with  him  in  the  campaigns  of 
Mexico. 39 

His  character  has  been  unconsciously  traced  by  tlie 
hand  of  a  master: 

"  And  oft  the  chieftain  deigned  to  aid 
And  mingle  in  the  mirth  they  made; 
For,  though  with  men  of  high  degree 
The  proudest  of  the  proud  was  he, 
Yet,  trained  in  camps,  he  knew  the  art 
To  win  the  soldiers'  hardy  heart. 
They  love  a  captain  to  obey. 
Boisterous  as  March,  yet  fresh  as  May: 
With  open  hand,  and  brow  as  free, 
Lover  of  wine  and  minstrelsy ; 

s8  The  comparison  to  Hannibal  is  better  founded  than  the  old 
soldier  probably  imagined.  Livy's  description  of  the  Carthaginian 
warrior  h;is  a  marvellous  application  to  Cortes, — better,  perhaps,  than 
that  of  the  imaginary  personage  quoted  a  few  lines  below  in  the  text. 
"  I'lurinuim  audacias  ad  pericula  capessenda,  plurimum  consilii  inter 
ipsa  pericula  erat :  nullo  labore  aut  corpus  fatigari,  aut  animus  vinci 
poterat.  Caloris  ac  frigoris  patientia  par :  cibi  potionisque  desiderio 
natural!,  non  voluptate,  modus  finitus  :  vigiliarum  somnique  nee  die, 
nee  nocte  discriminata  tempora.  Id,  quod  gerendis  rebus  superosset, 
quiiiti  datum;  ea  neque  molli  strato,  nequc  silentio  arcessita.  Multi 
sa-pe  militari  sngulo  opertum,  liumi  jacentem,  inter  custodias  slalio- 
nesciue  militum,  conspexerunt.  V'estitus  nihil  inter  a;quales  exccllens; 
arnia  atque  equi  conspiciebantur.  Equitum  peditumque  idem  longe 
priinis  erat;  princeps  in  i>roclium  ibat ;  ultimus  conserto  proelio  ex- 
cedebat."  (Hist.,  lib.  xxi.  sec.  5.)  The  reader  who  reflects  on  the 
fate  of  Guatemozin  may  possibly  think  that  the  extract  should  have 
embraced  the  "  perfidia  plus  quam  Punica,"  in  the  succeeding  sentence. 

39  Testament©  de  Hernan  Cortes,  MS. 


HIS   CHARACTER.  343 

Ever  the  first  to  scale  a  tower, 
As  venturous  in  a  lady's  bower; — 
Such  buxom  chief  shall  lead  his  host 
From  India's  fires  to  Zembla's  fi-ost." 

Cortes,  without  much  violence,  might  have  sat  for  this 
portrait  of  Marmion. 

Cortes  was  not  a  vulgar  conqueror.  He  did  not 
conquer  from  the  mere  ambition  of  conquest.  If  he 
destroyed  the  ancient  capital  of  the  Aztecs,  it  was  to 
build  up  a  more  magnificent  capital  on  its  ruins.  If 
he  desolated  the  land  and  broke  up  its  existing  institu- 
tions, he  employed  the  short  period  of  his  administra- 
tion in  digesting  schemes  for  introducing  there  a  more 
improved  culture  and  a  higher  civilization.  In  all  his 
expeditions  he  was  careful  to  study  the  resources  of 
the  country,  its  social  organization,  and  its  physical 
capacities.  He  enjoined  it  on  his  captains  to  atten^ 
particularly  to  these  objects.  If  he  was  greedy  of  gold, 
like  most  of  the  Spanish  cavaliers  in  the  New  World, 
it  was  not  to  hoard  it,  nor  merely  to  lavish  it  in  the 
support  of  a  princely  establishment,  but  to  secure  funds 
for  prosecuting  his  glorious  discoveries.  Witness  his 
costly  expeditions  to  the  Gulf  of  California.  His  en- 
terprises were  not  undertaken  solely  for  mercenary  ob- 
jects; as  is  shown  by  the  various  expeditions  he  set  on 
foot  for  the  discovery  of  a  communication  between  the 
Atlantic  and  the  Pacific.  In  his  schemes  of  ambition 
he  showed  a  respect  for  the  interests  of  science,  to  be 
referred  partly  to  the  natural  superiority  of  his  mintl, 
but  partly,  no  doubt,  to  the  influence  of  early  cdu- 
ca'jion.  It  is,  indeed,  hardly  possible  that  a  person 
of   his  wayward  and   mercurial   temper   should   have 


344        SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

improved  his  advantages  at  the  University  ;  but  he 
brought  away  from  it  a  tincture  of  scholarship  seldom 
found  among  the  cavaliers  of  the  period,  and  which 
h2.d  its  influence  in  enlarging  his  own  conceptions. 
His  celebrated  Letters  are  written  with  a  sira[)le  ele- 
gance that,  as  I  have  already  had  occasion  to  remark, 
liave  caused  them  to  be  compared  to  the  military  nar- 
rative of  Caesar.  •  It  will  not  be  easy  to  find  in  the 
chronicles  of  the  period  a  more  concise  yet  compre- 
hensive statement,  not  only  of  the  events  of  his  cam- 
paigns, but  of  the  circumstances  most  worthy  of  notice 
in  the  character  of  the  conquered  countries. 

Cortes  was  not  cruel;  at  least,  not  cruel  as  compared 
with  most  of  those  who  followed  his  iron  trade.  The 
path  of  the  conqueror  is  necessarily  marked  with  blood. 
He  was  not  too  scrupulous,  indeed,  in  the  execution 
of  his  plans.  He  swept  away  the  obstacles  wliich  lay 
in  his  track;  and  his  fame  is  darkened  by  the  commis- 
sion of  more  than  one  act  which  his  boldest  apologists 
will  find  it  hard  to  vindicate.  But  he  was  not  wan- 
tonly cruel.  He  allowed  no  outrage  on  his  unresisting 
foes.  This  may  seem  small  praise ;  but  it  is  an  excep- 
tion to  the  usual  conduct  of  his  countrymen  in  their 
conquests,  and  it  is  something  to  be  in  advance  of 
one's  time.  He  was  severe,  it  may  be  added,  'r\  en- 
forcing  obedience  to  his  orders  for  protecting  their 
persons  and  their  property.  With  his  licentious  crew, 
it  was,  sometimes,  not  without  a  hazard  that  he  was 
so.  "After  the  Conquest,  he  sanctioned  the  system  of 
repariiiiiicntos ;  but  so  did  Columbus.  He  endeavored 
to  regulate  it  by  the  most  humane  laws,  and  continued 
to   suggest  many  important  changes  for  ameliorating 


BIS  CHARACTER. 


345 


the  condition  of  the  natives.  The  best  commentary 
on  his  conduct  in  this  respect  \i  the  deference  that  was 
shown  him  by  the  Indians,  and  the  confidence  with 
which  they  appealed  to  him  foi'  protection  in  all  their 
subsecpient  distresses. 

In  private  life  he  seems  to  have  had  the  power  of 
attaching  to  himself  warmly  those  who  were  near  his 
oerson.  The  influence  of  this  attachment  is  shown  in 
every  page  of  Bernal  Diaz,  though  his  work  was  writ- 
ten to  vindicate  the  claims  of  the  soldiers  in  opposition 
to  those  of  the  general.  He  seems  to  have  led  a  happy 
life  with  his  first  wife,  in  their  humble  retirement  in 
Cuba,  and  regarded  the  second,  to  judge  from  the  ex- 
pressions in  his  testament,  with  confidence  and  love. 
Yet  he  cannot  be  acquitted  from  the  charge  of  those 
licentious  gallantries  which  entered  too  generally  into 
the  character  of  the  military  adventurer  of  that  day. 
He  would  seem  also,  by  the  frequent  suits  in  which  he 
was  involved,  to  have  been  of  an  irritable  and  conten- 
tious spirit.  But  much  allowance  must  be  made  for 
the  irritability  of  a  man  who  had  been  too  long  accus- 
tomed to  independent  sway,  patiently  to  endure  the 
checks  and  control  of  the  petty  spirits  who  were  in- 
capable of  comprehending  the  noble  character  of  his 
enterprises.  "He  thought,"  says  an  eminent  writer, 
**  to  silence  his  enemies  by  the  brilliancy  of  the  new 
career  on  which  he  had  entered.  He  did  not  reflect 
that  these  enemies  had  been  raised  by  the  very  grand- 
eur and  rapidity  of  his  success."*"  He  was  rewarded 
for  his  efforts  by  the  misinterpretation  of  his  motives; 
by  the  calumnious  charges  of  squandering  the  public 
40  Humboldt,  Essai  politique,  torn.  ii.  p.  B67. 
P* 


346         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

revenues  and  of  aspiring  to  independent  sovereignty. 
But,  although  we  may  admit  the  foundation  of  many 
of  the  grievances  alleged  by  Cortes,  yet,  when  we  con- 
sider the  querulous  tone  of  his  corresppndence  and  the 
frequency  of  his  litigation,  we  may  feel  a  natural  sus- 
l^icion  that  his  proud  spirit  was  too  sensitive  to  petty 
slights  and  too  jealous  of  imaginary  wrongs. 

One  trait  more  remains  to  be  noticed  in  the  char- 
acter of  this  remarkable  man ;  that  is,  his  bigotry,  the 
failing  of  the  age, — for  surely  it  should  be  termed  only 
a  failing. ••'  When  w^e  see  the  hand,  red  with  the  blood 
of  the  wretched  native,  raised  to  invoke  the  blessing 
of  Heaven  on  the  cause  which  it  maintains,  we  expe- 
rience something  like  a  sensation  of  disgust  at  the  act, 
and  a  doubt  of  its  sincerity.  But  this  is  unjust.  We 
should  throw  ourselves  back  (it  cannot  be  too  often 
repeated)  into  the  age, — the  age  of  the  Crusades.  For 
every  Spanish  cavalier,  however  sordid  and.  selfish 
might  be  his  private  motives,  felt  himself  to  be  the 
soldier  of  the  Cross.  Many  of  them  would  have  died 
in  defence  of  it.  Whoever  has  read  the  correspond- 
ence of  Cortes,  or,  still  more,  has  attended  to  the  cir- 
cumstances of  his  career,  will  hardlydoubt  that  he  would 
have  been  among  the  first  to  lay  down  his  life  for  the 

*»  An  extraordinary  anecdote  is  related  by  Cavo  of  this  bigotry 
(shall  we  call  it  policy?)  of  Cortes.  "  In  Mexico,"  says  the  historian, 
"  it  is  commonly  reported  that  after  the  Conquest  he  commanded  that 
on  Sundays  and  holidays  all  should  attend,  under  pain  of  a  certain 
number  of  stripes,  to  the  expounding  of  the  Scriptures.  The  general 
was  himself  guilty  of  an  omission  on  one  occasion,  and,  after  having 
listened  to  the  admonition  of  the  priest,  submitted,  with  edifying 
humility,  to  be  chastised  by  him,  to  the  unspeakable  amazement  of 
the  Indians."     Hist,  de  los  tres  Siglos,  torn.  i.  p.  151. 


HIS   CHARACTER. 


347 


Faith.  He  more  than  once  perilled  life,  and  fortune, 
and  the  success  of  his  whole  enterprise,  by  the  prema- 
ture and  most  impolitic  manner  in  which  he  would 
have  forced  conversion  on  the  natives/-  To  the  more 
rational  spirit  of  the  present  day,  enlightened  by  a 
purer  Christianity,  it  may  seem  difficult  to  reconcile 
gross  deviations  from  morals  with  such  devotion  to  the 
cause  of  religion.  But  the  religion  taught  in  that  day 
was  one  of  form  and  elaborate  ceremony.  In  the 
punctilious  attention  to  discipline,  the  spirit  of  Chris- 
tianity was  permitted  to  evaporate.  The  mind,  occu- 
pied with  forms,  thinks  little  of  substance.  In  a  worship 
that  is  addressed  too  exclusively  to  the  senses,  it  is  often 
the  case  that  morality  becomes  divorced  from  religion, 
and  the  measure  of  righteousness  is  determined  by  the 
creed  rather  than  by  the  conduct. 

In  the  earlier  part  of  the  History  I  have  given  a 
description  of  the  person  of  Cortes."  It  may  be  well 
to  close  this  review  of  his  character  by  the  account 
of  his  manners  and  personal  habits  left  us  by  Bernal 
Diaz,  the  old  chronicler,  who  has  accompanied  us 
through  the  whole  course  of  our  narrative,  and  who 
may  now  fitly  furnish  the  conclusion  of  it.  No  man 
knew  his  commander  better ;  and,  if  the  avowed  object 
of  his  work  might  naturally  lead  to  a  disparagement  of 
Cortes,  this  is  more  than  counterbalanced  by  the  warmth 
of  his  personal  attachment,  and  by  that  esprit  de  corps 

**  "  Al  Rey  infinitas  tierras. 

Yd  Dios  injinitas  almas" 

says  Lope  de  Vega,  commemorating  in  this  couplet  the  double  glory 
of  Cortes.     It  is  the  light  in  which  the  Conquest  was  viewed  by  every 
devout  Spaniard  of  the  sixteenth  century. 
*3  Ante,  vol.  i.  p.  257. 


348        SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTES. 

which  leads  him  to  take  a  pride  in  the  renown  of  his 
general. 

*'  In  his  whole  appearance  and  presence,"  says  Diaz, 
"  in  his  discourse,  his  table,  his  dress,  in  everything, 
in  short,  he  had  the  air  of  a  great  lord.  His  clothes 
were  in  the  fashion  of  the  time;  he  set  little  value  on 
silk,  damask,  or  velvet,  but  dressed  plainly  and  exceed- 
ingly neat ;  "•*  nor  did  he  wear  massy  chains  of  gold, 
but  simply  a  fine  one,  of  exquisite  workmanship,  from 
which  was  suspended  a  jewel  having  the  figure  of  our 
Lady  the  Virgin  and  her  precious  Son,  with  a  Latin 
motto  cut  upon  it.  On  his  finger  he  wore  a  splendid 
diamond  ring ;  and  from  his  cap,  which,  according  to 
the  fashion  of  that  day,  was  of  velvet,  hung  a  medal, 
the  device  of  which  I  do  not  remember.  He  was 
magnificently  attended,  as  became  a  man  of  his  rank, 
with  chamberlains  and  major-domos  and  many  pages; 
and  the  service  of  his  table  was  splendid,  with  a  quan- 
tity of  both  gold  and  silver  plate.  At  noon  he  dined 
heartily,  drinking  about  a  pint  of  wine  mixed  with 
water.  He  supped  well,  though  he  was  not  dainty  in 
regard  to  his  food,  caring  little  for  the  delicacies  of 
the  table,  unless,  indeed,  on  such  occasions  as  made 
attention  to  these  matters  of  some  consequence's 

"He  was  acquainted  with  Latin,  and,  as  I  have 
understood,  was  made  Bachelor  of  Laws ;  and  when 
he  conversed  with  learned  men  who  addressed  him  in 
Latin,  he  answered  them  in  the  same  language.     He 

^*  So  Gomara :  "  He  dressed  neatly  rather  than  richly,  and  wa* 
always  scnipulously  clean."     Cronica,  cap.  238. 

45  "  Fue  mui  gran  comedor,  i  templado  en  el  beber,  teniendo  abun- 
•ianda.     Sufria  mucho  la  hanibrecon  necesidad."     Ibid.,  ubi  supra. 


B/S   CHARACTER. 


349 


was  also  something  of  a  poet ;  his  conversation  v/as 
agreeable,  and  he  had  a  pleasant  elocution.  In  his 
attendance  on  the  services  of  the  Church  he  was  most 
punctual,  devout  in  his  manner,  and  charitable  to  the 
poor/® 

"When  he  swore,  he  used  to  say,  'On  my  con- 
science ;'  and  when  he  was  vexed  with  any  one,  '  Evil 
betide  you.'  With  his  men  he  was  very  patient;  and 
they  were  sometimes  impertinent  and  even  insolent. 
When  very  angry,  the  veins  in  his  throat  and  forehead 
would  swell,  biit  he  uttered  no  reproaches  against  either 
officer  or  soldier. 

"  He  was  fond  of  cards  and  dice,  and,  when  he 
played,  was  always  in  good  humor,  indulging  freely  in 
jests  and  repartees.  He  was  affable  with  his  followers, 
especially  with  those  who  came  over  with  him  from 
Cuba.  In  his  campaigns  he  paid  strict  attention  to 
discipline,  frequently  going  the  rounds  himself  during 
the  night,  and  seeing  that  the  sentinels  did  their  duty. 
He  entered  the  quarters  of  his  soldiers  without  cere- 
mony, and  chided  those  whom  he  found  without  their 
arms  and  accoutrements,  saying,  '  It  was  a  bad  sheep 
that  could  not  carry  its  own  wool.'  On  the  expedition 
to  Honduras  he  acquired  the  habit  of  sleeping  after  his 
meals,  feeling  unwell  if  he  omitted  it ;  and,  however 
sultry  or  stormy  the  weather,  he  caused  a  carpet  or  his 
cloak  to  be  thrown  under  a  tree,  and  slept  soundly  for 
some  time.  He  was  frank  and  exceedingly  liberal  in 
his  disposition,  until  the  last  few  years  of  his  life,  when 

•♦*  He  dispensed  a  thousand  ducats  every  year  in  his  ordinary  clian- 
ties,  according  to  Gomara.  "  Grandisimo  hmosnero ;  daba  cada  un 
ano  mil  ducados  de  liniosna  ordinaria."     Cronica,  cap.  238. 

voi.  in.    •  30 


350         SUBSEQUENT  CAREER    OF  CORTEb. 

he  was  accused  of  parsimony.  But  we  should  consider 
that  his  funds  were  employed  on  great  and  costly 
enterprises,  and  that  none  of  these,  after  the  Conquest, 
neither  his  expedition  to  Honduras  nor  his  voyages  to 
California,  were  crowned  with  success.  It  was  per- 
haps intended  that  he  should  receive  his  recompense 
in  a  better  world  ;  and  I  fully  believe  it ;  for  he  was  a 
good  cavalier,  most  true  in  his  devotions  to  the  Virgin, 
to  the  Apostle  St.  Peter,  and  to  all  the  other  Saints."  *' 
Such  is  the  portrait,  which  has  been  left  to  us  by  the 
faithful  hand  most  competent  to  trace  it,  of  Hernando 
Cortes,  the  Conqueror  of  Mexico. 

V  Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  203. 


■4 


APPENDIX. 

PART    I. 
ORIGIN  OF  THE  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


(350 


/> 


PRELIMINARY   NOTICE. 


The  following  Essay  was  originally  designed  to 
close  the  Introductory  Book,  to  which  it  properly  be- 
longs. It  was  written  three  years  since,  at  the  same 
time  with  that  part  of  the  work.  I  know  of  no  work 
of  importance,  having  reference  to  the  general  subject 
of  discussion,  which  has  appeared  since  that  period, 
except  Mr.  Bradford's  valuable  treatise  on  American 
Antiquities.  But  in  respect  to  that  part  of  the  discus- 
sion which  treats  of  American  Architecture  a  most  im- 
portant contribution  has  been  made  by  Mr.  Stephens's 
two  Avorks,  containing  the  account  of  his  visits  to 
Central  America  and  Yucatan,  and  especially  by  the 
last  of  these  publications.  Indeed,  the  ground,  before 
so  imperfectly  known,  has  now  been  so  diligently  ex- 
plored that  we  have  all  the  light,  which  we  can  reason- 
ably expect,  to  aid  us  in  making  up  our  opinion  in 
regard  to  the  mysterious  monuments  of  Yucatan.  It 
only  remains  that  the  exquisite  illustrations  of  ]\Ir. 
Catherwood  should  be  published  on  a  larger  scale,  like 
the  great  works  on  the  subject  in  France  and  England, 
in  order  to  exhibit  to  the  eye  a  more  adequate  repre- 
sentation of  these  magnificent  ruins  than  can  be  given 
in  the  limited  compass  of  an  octavo  page. 

30*  (353) 


354  PRELIMINARY  NOTICE. 

But,  notwithstanding  the  importance  of  Mr.  Ste- 
phens's researches,  I  have  not  availed  myself  of  them 
to  make  any  additions  to  the  original  draft  of  this 
Essay,  nor  have  I  rested  my  conclusions  in  any  in- 
stance on  his  authority.  These  conclusions  had  been 
formed  from  a  careful  study  of  the  narratives  of  Dupaix 
and  Waldeck,  together  with  that  of  their  splendid 
illustrations  of  the  remains  of  Palenque  and  Uxmal, 
two  of  the  principal  places  explored  by  Mr.  Stephens ; 
and  the  additional  facts  collected  by  him  from  the 
vast  field  which  he  has  surveyed,  so  far  from  shaking 
my  previous  deductions,  have  only  served  to  confirm 
them.  The  only  object  of  my  own  speculations  on 
these  remains  was  to  ascertain  their  probable  origin,  or 
rather  to  see  M-hat  light,  if  any,  they  could  throw  on 
the  origin  of  Aztec  Civilization.  The  reader,  on  com- 
paring my  reflections  with  those  of  Mr.  Stephens  in 
the  closing  chapters  of  his  two  works,  will  see  that  I 
have  arrived  at  inferences,  as  to  the  origin  and  probable 
antiquity  of  these  structures,  precisely  the  same  as  his. 
Conclusions  formed  under  such  different  circumstances 
serve  to  corroborate  each  other;  and,  although  the 
reader  will  find  here  some  things  which  would  have 
been  different  had  I  been  guided  by  the  light  now 
thrown  on  the  path,  yet  I  prefer  not  to  disturb  the 
foundations  on  which  the  argument  stands,  nor  to 
imjxair  its  value — if  it  has  any — as  a  distinct  and  in- 
dependent testimony. 


APPENDIX,  PART   I. 


ORIGIN   OF  THE   MEXICAN   CIVILIZATION.— 
ANALOGIES  WITH   THE    OLD   WORLD. 

When  the  Europeans  first  touched  the  shores  of 
America,  it  was  as  if  they  had  alighted  on  another 
planet, — every  thing  there  was  so  different  from  what 
they  had  before  seen.  They  were  introduced  to  new 
varieties  of  plants,  and  to  unknown  races  of  animals; 
while  man,  the  lord  of  all,  was  equally  strange,  in 
complexion,  language,  and  institutions.'  It  was  what 
they  emphatically  styled  it, — a  New  World.  Taught 
by  their  faith  to  derive  all  created  beings  from  one 
source,  they  felt  a  natural  perplexity  as  to  the  manner 
in  which  these  distant  and  insulated  regions  could 
have  obtained  their  inhabitants.  The  same  curiosity 
was  felt  by  their  countr3'men  at  home,  and  the  Euro- 
pean scholars  bewildered  their  brains  with  speculations 
on  the  best  way  of  solving  this  interesting  problem. 

«  The  names  of  many  nnimals  in  the  New  World,  indeed,  have 
been  frequently  borrowed  from  the  Old;  but  the  species  are  very  dif- 
ferent. "  When  the  Spaniards  landed  in  America,"  says  an  eminent 
naturalist,  "  they  did  not  find  a  single  animal  they  were  acquainted 
with  ;  not  one  of  liie  quadrupeds  of  Europe,  Asia,  or  Africa."  Law- 
rence, Lectures  on  Physiology,  Zoology,  and  the  Natural  History  of 
Man  (London,  1819),  p.  250. 

(355) 


356  APPENDIX. 

In  accounting  for  the  presence  of  animals  there, 
some  imagined  that  the  two  hemispheres  might  once 
have  been  joined  in  the  extreme  north,  so  as  to  have 
afforded  an  easy  communication.^  Others,  embarrassed 
by  the  difficulty  of  transporting  inhabitants  of  the 
tropics  across  the  Arctic  regions,  revived  the  old  story 
of  Plato's  Atlantis,  that  huge  island,  now^  submerged, 
Avhich  might  have  stretched  from  the  shores  of  Africa 
to  the  eastern  borders  of  the  new  continent  ;*  while 

'  Acosta,  lib.  I,  cap.  i6. 


*  [The  existence  at  some  former  period  of  such  an  island,  or  rather 
continent,  seems  to  be  regarded  by  geologists  as  a  well-attested  fact. 
But  few  would  admit  that  its  subsidence  can  liave  taken  place  through 
any  sudden  convulsion  or  within  the  period  of  human  existence. 
Such,  however,  is  the  theory  maintained  by  M.  Brasseur  de  Bour- 
bourg,  who  dates  the  event  "  six  or  seven  thousand  years  ago,"  and 
believes  that  the  traditions  of  it  have  been  faithfully  preserved.  This 
is  the  great  cataclysm  with  which  all  mythology  begins.  It  may  be 
traced  through  the  myths  of  Greece,  Egypt,  India,  and  America,  all 
being  identical  and  having  a  common  origin.  It  is  the  subject  of 
the  Teo-Amoxlli,  of  which  several  of  the  Mexican  manuscripts,  the 
Borgian  and  Dresden  Codices  in  particular,  are  the  hieroglyphical 
transcriptions,-  and  of  which  "  the  actual  letter,"  "  in  the  Nahuatlac 
language,"  is  found  in  a  manuscript  in  Boturini's  Collection.  Tliis 
manuscript  is  "  in  appearance"  a  history  of  the  I'oltecs  and  of  the 
kings  of  Colhuacan  and  Mexico;  but  "  under  the  ciphers  of  a  fast;d- 
ious  chronology,  under  the  recital  more  or  less  animated  of  the  Toltec 
history,  are  concealt-d  the  profoundest  mysteries  concerning  the  geo- 
logical origin  of  the  world  in  its  existing  form  and  the  cradle  of  the 
religions  of  antiquity."  The  Toltecs  are  "  telluric  powers,  agents  of 
the  subterranean  fire;"  they  are  identical  with  the  Cabiri,  who  re- 
appear as  the  Cyclops,  having  "  hollowed  an  eye  in  their  forehead  ; 
that  is  to  say,  raised  themselves  with  masses  of  earth  above  the  sur- 
face and  filled  the  craters  of  the  volcanoes  with  fire."  "  The  Chichi 
mccs  and  the  Aztecs  are  also  symbolical  names,  borrowed  from  the 
forces  of  nature."     Tollan,  "  the  marshy  or  reedy  place,"  was  "  the 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


357 


they  saw  vestiges  of  a  similar  convulsion  of  nature  in 
the  green  islands  sprinkled  over  the  Pacific,  once  the 
mountain  summits  of  a  vast  continent,  now  buried  be- 
neath the  Avaters.3  Some,  distrusting  the  existence 
of  revolutions  of  which  no  record  was  preserved,  sup- 
posed that  animals  might  have  found  their  way  across 
the  ocean  by  various  means ;  the  birds  of  stronger 
wing  by  flight  over  the  narrowest  spaces;  while  the 
tamer  kinds  of  quadrupeds  might  easily  have  been 
transported  by  men  in  boats,  and  even  the  more  fero- 
cious, as  tigers,  bears,  and  the  like,  have  been  brought 
over,  in  the  same  manner,  when  young,  "  for  amuse- 
ment and  the  pleasure  of  the  chase"  !  *  Others,  again, 
maintained  the  equally  probable  opinion  that  angels, 
who  had,  doubtless,  taken  charge  of  them  in  the  ark, 

3  Count  Carli  shows  much  ingenuity  and  learning  in  support  of  the 
famous  Egyptian  tradition,  recorded  by  Plato  in  his  "  Timasus," — • 
of  the  good  faith  of  which  the  Italian  philosopher  nothing  doubts. 
Lettres  Americ,  torn.  ii.  let.  36-39. 

4  Garcia,  Origen  ce  los  Indios  de  el  nuevo  Mundo  (Madrid,  1729), 
cap.  4. 

low  fertile  region"  now  covered  by  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Quetzalcoatl 
is  "  merely  the  personification  of  the  land  swallowed  up  by  the  ocean." 
Tlapallan,  Aztlan,  and  other  names  are  similarly  explained.  Osiris, 
P.in,  Hercules,  and  Bacchus  have  their  respective  parts  assigned  to 
them  ;  for  "not  only  all  the  sources  of  ancient  mythology,  but  even 
the  most  mysterious  details,  even  the  obscurest  enigmas,  with  which  that 
mythology  is  enveloped,  are  to  be  sought  in  the  two  mediterraneans 
hoLowed  out  by  the  cataclysm,  and  in  the  islands,  great  and  small, 
wliiLli  separate  them  from  the  ocean."  (Quatre  Lettres  sur  le  Mexique.) 
There  can  be  no  refutation  of  such  a  theory,  or  of  the  assumptions  on 
which  it  rests;  but  it  may  be  proper  to  remark  that  its  author  has  not 
succeeded  in  deciphering  a  single  hieroglyphical  character,  and  has 
publisheil  no  translation  of  the  real  or  supposed  Teo-Ainoxtli, — a  point 
on  which  some  misapprehension  seems  to  exist. — Ed.] 


358  APPENDTX. 

had  also  superintended  their  distribution  aftenvards 
over  the  different  parts  of  the  globe.'  Such  were  the 
extremities  to  which  even  thinking  minds  were  re- 
duced, in  their  eagerness  to  reconcile  the  literal  inter- 
])retation  of  Scripture  with  the  phenomena  of  nature  ! 
The  philosophy  of  a  later  day  conceives  that  it  is  no 
departure  from  this  sacred  authority  to  follow  the  sug- 
gestions of  science,  by  referring  the  new  tribes  of  ani- 
mals to  a  creation,  since  the  deluge,  in  those  places 
for  which  they  were  clearly  intended  by  constitution 
and  habits.*^ 

Man  would  not  seem  to  present  the  same  embarrass- 
ments, in  the  discussion,  as  the  inferior  orders.  He  is 
fitted  by  nature  for  every  climate,  the  burning  sun  of 
the  tropics  and  the  icy  atmosphere  of  the  North.  He 
wanders  indifferently  over  the  sands  of  the  desert,  the 
waste  of  polar  snows,  and  the  pathless  ocean.  Neither 
mountains  nor  seas  intimidate  him,  and,  by  the  aid 
of  mechanical  contrivances,  he  accomplishes  journeys 
which  birds  of  boldest  wing  would  perish  in  attempt- 
ing. Without  ascending  to  the  high  northern  lati- 
tudes, where  the  continents  of  Asia  and  America 
approach  within  fifty  miles  of  each  other,  it  would  be 
easy  for  the  inhabitant  of  Eastern  Tartary  or  Japan  to 

5  Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  i,  cap.  8. 

*  Prichard,  Researches  into  the  Physical  History  of  Mankind  (Lon- 
don, 1826),  vol.  i.  p.  81,  et  seq. — He  may  find  an  orthodox  authority 
of  respectable  antiquity,  for  a  similar  hypothesis,  in  St.  Augustine,  who 
plainly  intimates  his  belief  that,  "  as  by  God's  command,  at  the  time 
of  the  creation,  the  earth  brought  forth  the  living  creature  after  his 
kind,  so  a  similar  process  must  have  taken  place  after  the  deluge,  in 
islands  too  remote  to  bo  reached  by  animals  from  the  con'.nent."  De 
Civitate  Dei,  ap.  Opera  (Parisiis,  1636),  tom.  v.  p.  987. 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVIIIZATION.      359 

Steer  his  canoe  from  islet  to  islet,  quite  across  to  the 
American  shore,  without  ever  being  on  the  ocean  more 
than  two  days  at  a  time.^  The  communication  is  some- 
what more  difficult  on  the  Atlantic  side.  But  even 
there,  Iceland  was  occupied  by  colonies  of  Europeans 
many  hundred  years  before  the  discovery  by  Columbus; 
and  the  transit  from  Iceland  to  America  is  compara- 
tively easy.^  Independently  of  these  channels,  others 
were  opened  in  the  Southern  hemisphere,  by  means  of 
the  numerous  islands  in  the  Pacific.  The  population 
of  America  is  not  nearly  so  difficult  a  problem  as  that 
of  these  little  spots.  But  experience  shows  how  prac- 
ticable the  communication  may  have  been,  even  with 
such  sequestered  places.'  The  savage  has  been  picked 
up  in  his  canoe,  after  drifting  hundreds  of  leagues  on 
the  open  ocean,  and  sustaining  life,  for  months,  by  the 
rain  from  heaven,  and  such  fish  as  he  could   catch." 

7  Beecliey,  Voyage  to  the  Pacific  and  Bearing's  Strait  (London, 
1831),  Part  2,  Appendix. —  Humboldt,  Examen  critique  de  I'Histoire 
de  la  Geographic  du  Nouveau-Continent  (Paris,  1837),  torn.  ii.  p.  58. 

8  Whatever  skepticism  may  have  been  entertained  as  to  the  visit  of 
the  Northmen,  in  the  eleventh  century,  to  the  coasts  of  the  great  con- 
tinent, it  is  probably  set  at  rest  in  the  minds  of  most  scholars  since 
the  publication  of  the  original  documents  by  the  Royal  Society  at 
Copenhagen.  (See,  in  particular,  Antiquitates  Americanre  (Hafnijse, 
1837).  PP-  79-200.)  How  far  south  they  penetrated  is  not  so  easily 
settk'd. 

9  The  most  remarkable  example,  probably,  of  a  direct  intercoursa 
between  remote  points  is  furnished  us  by  Captain  Cook,  who  found 
the  inhabitants  of  New  Zealand  not  only  with  the  same  religion,  but 
speaking  the  same  language,  as  the  people  of  Otaheite,  distant  more 
than  2000  miles.  The  comparison  of  the  two  vocabularies  establishes 
the  fact.     Cook's  Voyages  (Dublin,  1784),  vol.  i.  book  i,  chap.  8. 

">  The  eloquent  Lye'.l  closes  an  enumeration  of  some  extraordinary 
and  well -attested  instances  of  this  kind  with  remarking,  "Were  the 


360  APPENDIX. 

The  instances  are  not  very  rare  ;  and  it  would  be 
strange  if  these  wandering  barks  should  not  sometimes 
have  been  intercepted  by  the  great  continent  which 
stretches  across  the  globe,  in  unbroken  continuity, 
almost  from  pole  to  pole.  No  doubt,  history  could  reveal 
to  us  more  than  one  example  of  men  who,  thus  driven 
upon  the  American  shores,  have  mingled  their  blood 
wiih  that  of  the  primitive  races  who  occupied  them. 

The  real  difficulty  is  not,  as  with  the  animals,  to 
explain  how  man  could  have  reached  America,  but 
from  what  quarter  he  actually  has  reached  it.  In  sur- 
veying the  whole  extent  of  the  New  World,  it  was 
found  to  contain  two  great  families,  one  in  the  lowest 
srage  of  civilization,  composed  of  hunters,  and  another 
nearly  as  far  advanced  in  refinement  as  the  serai-civil- 
ized empires  of  Asia.  The  more  polished  races  were 
probably  unacquainted  with  the  existence  of  each  other 
on  the  different  continents  of  America,  and  had  as  little 
intercourse  with  the  barbarian  tribes  by  whom  they 
were  surrounded.  Yet  they  had  some  things  in  com- 
mon both  with  these  last  and  with  one  another,  which 
remarkably  distinguished  them  from  the  inhabitants 
of  the  Old  World.  They  had  a  common  complexion 
and  physical  organization, — at  least,  bearing  a  more 

whole  of  mankind  now  cut  off,  with  the  exxeption  of  one  family,  inhab- 
iting the  old  or  new  continent,  or  Australia,  or  even  some  coral  islet 
of  the  Pacific,  we  should  expect  their  descendants,  though  they  should 
never  become  more  enlightened  than  the  South  Sea  Islanders  or  the 
Esquimaux,  to  spread,  in  the  course  of  ages,  over  the  whole  earth, 
diffused  partly  by  the  tendency  of  population  to  increase  beyond  the 
means  of  subsistence  in  a  limited  district,  and  partly  by  the  accidental 
drifting  of  canoes  by  tides  and  currents  to  distant  shores."  Princi- 
ples of  Geology  (London,  1S32),  vol.  ii.  p.  121. 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.       361 

uniform  character  than  is  found  among  the  nations  of 
any  other  quarter  of  the  globe.  They  had  some  usages 
and  institutions  in  common,  and  spoke  languages  of 
similar  construction,  curiously  distinguished  from  those 
in  the  Eastern  hemisphere. 

Whence  did  the  refinement  of  these  more  polished 
races  come?  Was  it  only  a  higher  development  of 
the  same  Indian  character  which  we  see,  in  the  more 
northern  latitudes,  defying  every  attempt  at  permanent 
civilization  ?  Was  it  engrafted  on  a  race  of  higher 
order  in  the  scale  originally,  but  self-instructed,  work- 
ing its  way  upward  by  its  own  powers?  Was  it,  in 
short,  an  indigenous  civilization?  or  was  it  borrowed 
in  some  degree  from  the  nations  in  the  Eastern 
World  ?  If  indigenous,  how  are  we  to  explain  the 
singular  coincidence  with  the  East  in  institutions  and 
opinions  ?  If  Oriental,  how  shall  we  account  for  the 
great  dissimilarity  in  language,  and  for  the  ignorance 
of  some  of  the  most  simple  and  useful  arts,  which, 
once  known,  it  would  seem  scarcely  possible  should 
have  been  forgotten  ?  This  is  the  riddle  of  the  Sphinx, 
which  no  QEdipus  has  yet  had  the  ingenuity  to  solve. 
It  is,  however,  a  question  of  deep  interest  to  every 
curious  and  intelligent  observer  of  his  species.  And 
it  has  accordingly  occupied  the  thoughts  of  men,  from 
the  first  discovery  of  the  country  to  the  present  time ; 
when  the  extraordinary  monuments  brought  to  light  in 
Central  America  have  given  a  new  impulse  to  inquiry, 
by  suggesting  the  probability — the  possibility,  rather — 
that  surer  evidences  than  any  hitherto  known  might  be 
afforded  for  establishing  the  fact  of  a  positive  com- 
munication with  the  other  hemisphere. 
Vol.  hi. — q  31 


362  ATPEXDIX. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  add  many  pages  to  the 
volumes  already  written  on  this  inexhaustible  topic. 
The  subject — as  remarked  by  a  writer  of  a  philosoph- 
ical mind  himself,  and  who  has  done  more  than  any 
other  for  the  solution  of  the  mystery — is  of  too  specu- 
lative a  nature  for  history,  almost  for  philosophy." 
But  this  work  would  be  incomplete  without  affording 
the  reader  the  means  of  judging  for  himself  as  to  the 
true  sources  of  the  peculiar  civilization  already  de- 
scribed, by  exhibiting  to  him  the  alleged  points  of 
resemblance  with  the  ancient  continent.  In  doing 
this,  I  shall  confine  myself  to  my  proper  subject,  the 
Mexicans,  or  to  what,  in  some  way  or  other,  may  have 
a  bearing  on  this  subject ;  proposing  to  state  only  real 
points  of  resemblance,  as  they  are  supported  by  evi- 
dence, and  stripped,  as  far  as  possible,  of  the  illusions 
with  which  they  have  been  invested  by  the  pious  cre- 
dulity of  one  party,  and  the  visionary  system-building 
of  another. 

An  obvious  analogy  is  found  in  costnogonal  traditions 
and  religious  usages.  The  reader  has  already  been 
made  acquainted  with  the  Aztec  system  of  four  great 
cycles,  at  the  end  of  each  of  which  the  world  was 
destroyed,  to  be  again  regenerated."  The  belief  in 
these  periodical  convulsions  of  nature,  through  the 
agency  of  some  one  or  other  of  the  elements,  was 
familiar  to  many  countries  in  the  Eastern  hemisphere; 

"  "  La  question  generale  de  la  premiere  origine  des  habitais  d'un 
continent  est  au-delk  des  limites  prescrites  k  I'histoire :  peut-etre  rr.eme 
n'est-elle  pas  une  question  philosophique."  Humboldt,  Essai  p'Ji'.ique, 
torn.  i.  p.  349. 

"  Ante,  vol.  i.  p.  64. 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.      363 

and,  though  varying  in  detail,  the  general  resemblance 
of  outline  furnishes  an  argument  in  favor  of  a  common 
origin. '3 

No  tradition  has  been  more  widely  spread  among 
nations  than  that  of  a  Deluge.  Independently  of  tra-* 
dition,  indeed,  it  would  seem  to  be  naturally  suggested 
by  the  interior  structure  of  the  earth,  and  by  the  ele- 
vated places  on  which  marine  substances  are  found  to 
be  deposited.  It  was  the  received  notion,  under  some 
form  or  other,  of  the  most  civilized  people  in  the  Old 
World,  and  of  the  barbarians  of  the  New.'*  The 
Aztecs  combined  with  this  some  particular  circum- 
stances of  a  more  arbitrary  character,  resembling  the 
accounts  of  the  East.  They  believed  that  two  persons 
survived  the  Deluge, — a  man,  named  Coxcox,  and  his 
wife.    Their  heads  are  represented  in  ancient  paintings, 

•3  The  fanciful  division  of  time  into  four  or  five  cyles  or  ages  was 
found  among  the  Hindoos  (Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  ii.  mem.  7),  the 
Thibetians  (Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cordilleres,  p.  210),  the  Persians 
(Bailly,  Traite  de  I'Astronomie  (Paris,  1787),  torn.  i.  discours  prelimi- 
naire),  the  Greeks  (Hesiod,  'Epva  tal  'H;ufpai,  v.  108,  et  seq.),  and 
other  people,  doubtless.  The  five  ages  in  the  Grecian  cosmogony 
had  reference  to  moral  rather  than  physical  phenomena, — a  proof 
of  higher  civilization. 

'4  Tlie  Chaldean  and  Hebrew  accounts  of  the  Deluge  are  nearly 
the  same.  The  parallel  is  pursued  in  Palfrey's  ingenious  Lectuies  on 
the  Jewish  Scriptures  and  Antiquities  (Boston,  1840),  vol.  ii.  lect.  21, 
22.  Among  the  pagan  writers,  none  approach  so  near  to  the  Scrip- 
ture narrative  as  Lucian,  who,  in  his  account  of  the  Greek  traditions, 
speaks  of  the  ark,  and  the  pairs  of  different  kinds  of  animals.  (De 
Dea  Syria,  sec.  12.)  The  same  thing  is  found  in  the  Bhagawatn 
Purana,  a  Hindoo  poem  of  great  antiquity.  (Asiatic  Researches, 
voi.  u.  mem.  7.)  The  simple  tradition  of  a  universal  inundation  was 
preserved  among  most  of  the  aborigines,  probably,  of  the  WeFtern 
World.     See  McCulloh,  Researches,  p.  147. 


3^4 


APPENDIX. 


together  with  a  boat  floating  on  the  waters,  at  the  foot 
of  a  mountain.  A  dove  is  also  depicted,  with  the 
hieroglyphical  emblem  of  languages  in  his  mouth, 
which  he  is  distributing  to  the  children  of  Coxcox, 
\vho  were  born  dumb.'^  The  neighboring  people  of 
Michoacan,  inhabiting  the  same  high  plains  of  the 
Andes,  had  a  still  further  tradition,  that  the  boat  in  which 
Tezpi,  their  Noah,  escaped,  was  filled  with  various 
kinds  of  animals  and  birds.  After  some  time,  a  vul- 
ture was  sent  out  from  it,  but  remained  feeding  on  the 
dead  bodies  of  the  giants,  which  had  been  left  on  the 
earth,  as  the  waters  subsided.  The  little  humming- 
bird, huitzitzilin,  was  then  sent  forth,  and  returned  with 
a  twig  in  its  mouth.  The  coincidence  of  both  these 
accounts  with  the  Hebrew  and  Chaldean  narratives  is 
obvious.  It  were  to  be  wished  that  the  authority  for 
the  Michoacan  version  were  more  satisfactory."' 

'S  This  tradition  of  the  Aztecs  is  recorded  in  an  ancient  hieroglyph- 
ical map,  first  published  in  Gemelli  Carreri's  Giro  del  Mondo.  (See 
torn.  vi.  p.  38,  ed.  Napoli,  1700.)  Its  authenticity,  as  well  as  the  in- 
tegrity of  Carreri  himself,  on  which  some  suspicions  have  been  thrown 
(see  Robertson's  America  (London,  1796),  vol.  iii.  note  26),  has  been 
successfully  vindicated  by  Boturini,  Clavigero,  and  Humboldt,  all  of 
whom  trod  in  the  steps  of  the  Italian  traveller.  (Boturini.  Idea,  p.  54.. 
— Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cordilleres,  pp.  223,  224. — Clavigero,  Stor. 
del  Messico,  tom.  i.  p.  24.)  The  map  is  a  copy  from  one  in  the  cricus 
collection  of  Siguenza.  It  has  all  the  character  of  a  genuine  Aztec 
picture,  with  the  appearance  of  being  retouched,  especially  in  the 
costumes,  by  some  later  artist.  The  painting  of  the  four  ages,  in  the 
Vatican  Code.x,  Ko.  3730,  represents,  also,  the  two  figures  in  the  boat, 
escaping  the  great  cataclysm.     Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  i.  PI.  7. 

'5  I  have  met  with  no  other  voucher  for  this  remarkable  tradition 
than  Clavigero  (Stor.  del  Messico,  dissert,  i),  a  good,  though  cer- 
tainly not  the  best,  authority,  when  he  gives  us  no  reason  for  our 
i'aith.    Humboldt,  however,  does  not  distrust  the  tradition.    (See  Vues 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.       365 

On  the  way  between  Vera  Cruz  and  the  capital,  not 
far  from  the  modern  city  of  Puebla,  stands  the  ven- 
erable relic — with  which  the  reader  has  become  familiar 
in  the  course  of  the  narrative — called  the  temjjle  of 
Cholula.  It  is,  as  he  will  remember,  a  pyramidal 
mound,  built,  or  rather  cased,  with  unburnt  brick, 
rising  to  the  height  of  nearly  one  hundred  and  eighty 
feet.  The  popular  tradition  of  the  natives  is  that  it 
was  erected  by  a  family  of  giants,  who  had  escaped 
the  great  inundation  and  designed  to  raise  the  building 
to  the  clouds ;  but  the  gods,  offended  with  their  pre- 
sumption, sent  fires  from  heaven  on  the  pyramid,  and 
compelled  them  to  abandon  the  attempt.''  The  partial 
coincidence  of  this  legend  with  the  Hebrew  account 
of  the  tower  of  Babel,  received  also  by  other  nations 
of  the  East,  cannot  be  denied.'*     But  one  who  has  not 

des  Cordilleres,  p.  226.)  He  is  net  so  skeptical  as  Vater ;  who,  in 
allusion  to  the  stories  of  the  Flood,  remarks,  "  I  have  purposely  omit- 
ted noticing  the  resemblance  of  religious  notions,  for  I  do  not  see  how 
it  is  possible  to  separate  from  such  views  every  influence  of  Christian 
ideas,  if  it  be  only  from  an  imperceptible  confusion  in  the  mind  of  the 
narrator."  Mithridates,  oderallgemeineSprachenkunde  (Berlin,  1812), 
Theil  iii.  Abtheil.  3,  p.  82,  note. 

'7  This  story,  so  irreconcilable  with  the  vulgar  Aztec  tradition,  which 
admits  only  two  survivors  of  the  Deluge,  was  still  lingering  among 
the  natives  of  the  place  on  M.  de  Humboldt's  visit  there.  (Vues 
des  Cordilleres,  pp.  31,  32.)  It  agrees  with  that  given  by  the  inter- 
preter of  the  Vatican  Codex  (Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  vi.  p.  192.  et  seq.) ; 
a  writer — probably  a  monk  of  the  sixteenth  century — in  whom  igno- 
rance and  dogmatism  contend  for  mastery.  See  a  precious  specimen 
of  both,  in  his  aqcount  of  the  Aztec  chronology,  in  the  very  pages 
above  referred  to. 

'8  A  tradition,  very  similar  to  the  Hebrew  one,  existed  among  the 
Chaldeans  and  the  Hindoos.  (Asiatic  Researches,  vol.  iii.  mem.  16.) 
The  natives  of  Chiapa,  also,  according  to  the  bishop  Nunez  de  la 

31* 


366  APPEiYDIX. 

examined  the  subject  will  scarcely  credit  what  bold 
hypotheses  have  been  reared  on  this  slender  basis. 

Another  point  of  coincidence  is  found  in  the  god- 
dess Cioacoatl,  "our  lady  and  mother;"  "the  first 
goddess  who  brought  forth;"  "who  bequeathed  the 
sufferings  of  childbirth  to  women,  as  the  tribute  of 
death  ;"  "by  whom  sin  came  into  the  world."  Such 
was  the  remarkable  language  applied  by  the  Aztecs 
to  this  venerated  deity.  She  was  usually  represented 
with  a  serpent  near  her;  and  her  name  signified  the 
"  serpent-woman."  In  all  this  we  see  much  to  remind 
us  of  the  mother  of  the  human  family,  the  Eve  of  the 
Hebrew  and  Syrian  nations.'' 

Vega,  had  a  story,  cited  as  genuine  by  Humboldt  (Vues  des  Cor- 
dilleres,  p.  148),  whicli  not  only  agrees  with  the  Scripture  account  of 
the  manner  in  which  Biibel  was  built,  but  with  that  of  the  subsequent 
dispersion  and  the  confusion  of  tongues.  A  very  marvellous  coinci- 
dence !  But  who  shall  vouch  for  the  authenticity  of  the  tradition  ?  The 
bishop  flourished  towards  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century.  He  drew 
his  information  from  hieroglyphical  niaps,  and  an  Indian  MS.,  which 
Boturini  in  vain  endeavored  to  recover.  In  e.xploring  these,  he  bor- 
rowed the  aid  of  the  natives,  who,  as  Boturini  informs  us,  frequently 
led  the  good  man  into  errors  and  absurdities  ;  of  which  he  gives  sev- 
eral specimens.  (Idea,  p.  116,  et  seq.) — Boturini  himself  has  fallen 
into  an  error  equally  great,  in  regard  to  a  map  of  this  same  Cholulan 
pyramid,  which  Clav-igero  shows,  far  from  being  a  genuine  antique, 
was  the  forgery  of  a  later  day.  (Stor.  del  Messico,  tom.  i.  p.  130, 
nota.)  It  is  impossible  to  get  a  firm  footing  in  the  quicksands  of  tra- 
dition. The  further  we  are  removed  from  the  Conquest,  the  more 
difficult  it  becomes  to  decide  what  belongs  to  the  primitive  Aztec  and 
what  to  the  Christian  convert. 

'9  Sahagim,  Hist,  de  Xueva-Espaiia,  lib.  i,  cap.  6 ;  lib.  6,  cap.  2S,  33. 
— Torquemada,  not  content  with  the  honest  record  of  his  predecessor, 
whose  MS.  lay  before  him,  tells  us  that  the  Mexican  Eve  had  two  sons, 
Cain  and  .^bel.  (Monarch.  Ind.,  lib.  6,  cap.  31.)  The  ancient  inter- 
preters of  the  Vatican  and  Tellerian  Codices  add  the  further  traditioD 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.       367 

But  none  of  the  deities  of  the  country  suggested 
such  astonishing  analogies  with  Scripture  as  Quetzal- 
coatl,  with  whom  the  reader  has  already  been  made 
acquainted.  ="  He  was  the  white  man,  wearing  a  long 
beard,  who  came  from  the  East,  and  who,  after  pre- 
siding over  the  golden  age  of  Anahuac,  disappeared  as 
mysteriously  as  he  had  come,  on  the  great  Atlantic 
Ocean.  As  he  promised  to  return  at  some  future  day, 
his  reappearance  was  looked  for  with  confidence  by 
each  succeeding  generation.  There  is  little  in  these 
circumstances  to  remind  one  of  Christianity.  But  the 
curious  antiquaries  of  Mexico  found  out  that  to  this 
god  were  to  be  referred  the  institution  of  ecclesiastical 
communities,  reminding  one  of  the  monastic  societies 
of  the  Old  World  ;  that  of  the  rites  of  confession  and 
penance ;  and  the  knowledge  even  of  the  great  doc- 
trines of  the  Trinity  and  the  Incarnation  !  ="  One  party, 
with  pious  industry,  accumulated  proofs  to  establish 
his   identity  with    the  Apostle    St.   Thomas;"    while 

of  her  bringing  sin  and  sorrow  into  the  world  by  plucking  the  forbid- 
den rose  (Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  vi.,  explan.  of  PI.  7,  20);  and  Veytia 
remembers  to  have  seen  a  Toltec  or  .\ztec  map  representing  a  garden 
with  a  single  tree  in  it,  round  which  was  coiled  the  serpent  with  a 
human  face!  (Hist,  antig.,  lib.  i,  cap.  i.)  After  this  we  may  be 
prepared  for  Lord  Kingsborough's  deliberate  conviction  that  the 
"  Aztecs  had  a  clear  knowledge  of  the  0".d  Testament,  and,  most 
probably,  of  the  New,  though  somewhat  corrupted  by  time  and  hiero- 
glyphics" !     Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  vi.  p.  409. 

=  Ante,  vol.  i.  pp.  60,  61. 

"  Veytia,  Hist,  antig.,  lib.  i,  cap.  15. 

*"-'  Ibid.,  lib.  I,  cap.  19. — A  sorry  argument,  even  for  a  casuist.  See, 
also,  the  elaborate  dissertation  of  Dr.  Mier  (apud  Sahagun,  lib.  3, 
Suplem.),  which  settles  the  question  entirely  to  the  satisfaction  of  his 
reporter.  Bustamante. 


368 


APPENDIX. 


another,  with  less  scrupulous  faith,  saw,  in  his  antici- 
pated advent  to  regenerate  the  nation,  the  type,  dimly 
veiled,  of  the  Messiah  !  ^^ 

Yet  we  should  have  charity  for  the  missionaries  who 
first  landed  in  this  world  of  wonders,  where,  while 
man  and  nature  wore  s^)  strange  an  aspect,  they  were 
astonished  by  occasional  glimpses  of  rites  and  ceremo- 
nies which  reminded  them  of  a  purer  faith.  In  their 
amazement,  they  did  not  reflect  whether  these  things 
were  not  the  natural  expression  of  the  religious  feeling 
common  to  all  nations  who  have  reached  even  a  mod- 
erate civilization.  They  did  not  inquire  whether  the 
same  things  were  not  practised  by  other  idolatrous 
people.  They  could  not  suppress  their  wonder,  as  they 
beheld  the  Cross,  the  sacred  emblem  of  their  own  fai*^h, 
raised  as  an  object  of  worship  in  the  temples  of  Anahuac. 
They  met  with  it  in  various  places ;  and  the  image  of 
a  cross  may  be  seen  at  this  day,  sculptured  in  bas- 
relief,  on  the  walls  of  one  of  the  buildings  of  Palenque, 
while  a  figure  bearing  some  resemblance  to  that  of  a 
child  is  held  up  to  it,  as  if  in  adoration.^* 

^  See,  among  others,  Lord  Kingsboroiigh's  reading  of  the  Borgian 
Codex,  and  the  interpreters  of  the  Vatican  (Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  vi., 
explan.  of  PI.  3,  10,  41),  equally  well  skilled  with  his  lordship — and 
Sir  Hudibras — in  unravelling  mysteries 

"  Whose  primitive  tradition  reaches 
As  far  as  Adam's  first  green  breeches." 

*■«  Antiquites  Mexicaines,  exped.  3,  PI.  36. — The  figures  are  sur- 
rounded by  hieroglyphics  of  most  arbitrary  character,  perhaps  pho- 
netic. (See,  also,  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  2,  lib.  3,  cap.  i. — 
Gomara,  Cronica  de  la  Nueva-Espana,  cap.  15,  ap.  Barcia,  torn,  ii.) 
Mr.  Stephens  considers  that  the  celebrated  "  Cozumel  Cross,"  pre- 
served at  Merida,  which  claims  the  credit  of  being  the  same  originally 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.       36c, 

Their  surprise  was  heightened  when  they  witnessed 
a  religious  rite  which  reminded  them  of  the  Christian 
communion.  On  these  occasions  an  image  of  the  tute- 
lary deity  of  the  Aztecs  was  made  of  the  flour  of 
maize,  mixed  with  blood,  and,  after  consecration  by 
the  priests,  was  distributed  among  the  people,  who,  as 
they  ate  it,  "showed  signs  of  humiliation  and  sorroAv, 
declaring  it  was  the  flesh  of  the  deity  !"  ^^  How  could 
the  Roman  Catholic  fail  to  recognize  the  awful  cere- 
mony of  the  Eucharist  ? 

With  the  same  feelings  they  witnessed  another  cere- 
mony, that  of  the  Aztec  baptism  ;  in  which,  after  a 
solemn  invocation,  the  head  and  lips  of  the  infant  were 
touched  with  water,  and  a  name  was  given  to  it;  while 
the  goddess  Cioacoatl,  who  presided  over  childbirth, 
was  implored  "  that  the  sin  which  was  given  to  us  be- 

worshipped  by  the  natives  of  Cozumel,  is,  after  all,  nothing  but  a 
cross  that  was  erected  by  the  Spaniards  in  one  of  their  own  temples 
in  that  island  after  the  Conquest.  This  fact  he  regards  as  "  completely 
invalidating  the  strongest  proof  offered  at  this  day  that  the  Cross  was 
recognized  by  the  Indians  as  a  symbol  of  worship."  (Travels  in  Yu- 
catan, vol.  ii.  chap.  20.)  But,  admitting  the  truth  of  this  statement, 
that  the  Cozumel  Cross  is  only-a  Christian  relic,  which  the  ingenious 
traveller  has  made  extremely  probable,  his  inference  is  by  no  means 
admissible.  Nothing  could  be  more  natural  than  that  the  friars  in 
Merida  should  endeavor  to  give  celebrity  to  their  convent  by  making 
it  the  possessor  of  so  remarkable  a  monument  as  the  very  relic  which 
proved,  in  their  eyes,  that  Christianity  had  been  preached  at  some 
earlier  date  among  the  natives.  But  the  real  proof  of  the  existence 
of  the  Cross,  as  an  object  of  worship,  in  the  New  World,  does  nor 
rest  on  such  spurious  monuments  as  these,  but  on  the  unequivocal 
testimony  of  the  Spanish  discoverers  themselves. 

25  "  Lo  recibian  con  gran  reverencia.  humiliacion,  y  lagrimas,  dici- 
cndo  que  comian  la  carne  de  su  Dios."  Veytia,  Hist,  antig.,  lib.  i, 
cap.  18. — Also,  Acosta,  lib.  5,  cap.  24, 


370 


APPENDIX. 


fore  the  beginning  of  the  world  might  not  visit  the 
child,  but  that,  cleansed  by  these  waters,  it  might  live 
and  be  born  anew  !"  -* 

It   is   true,  these   several    rites  were  attended  with 

=*  Ante,\o\.  i.  p.  67. — Sahagun,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espafia,  lib.  6,  cap. 
37. — That  the  reader  may  see  for  himself  how  like,  yet  how  unlike, 
the  Aztec  rite  was  to  the  Christian.  I  give  the  translation  of  Sahagun's 
account,  at  length :  "  When  everything  necessary  for  the  baptism  had 
been  made  ready,  all  the  relations  of  the  child  were  assembled,  and 
the  midwife,  who  was  the  person  that  performed  the  rite  of  baptism, 
was  summoned.  At  early  dawn,  they  met  together  in  the  court-yard 
of  the  house.  When  the  sun  had  risen,  the  midwife,  taking  the  child 
in  her  arms,  called  for  a  little  earthen  vessel  of  water,  while  those 
about  her  placed  the  ornaments  which  had  been  prepared  for  the  bap- 
tism in  the  midst  of  the  court.  To  perform  the  rite  of  baptism,  she 
placed  herself  with  her  face  towards  the  west,  and  immediately  began 
to  go  through  certain  ceremonies.  .  .  .  After  this  she  sprinkled  water 
on  the  head  of  the  infant,  saying,  '  O  my  child  !  take  and  receive  the 
water  of  the  Lord  of  the  world,  which  is  our  life,  and  is  given  for  the 
increasing  and  renewing  of  our  body.  It  is  to  wash  and  to  purify. 
I  pray  that  these  heavenly  drops  may  enter  into  your  body,  and  dwell 
there ;  that  they  may  destroy  and  remove  from  you  all  the  evil  and 
sin  which  was  given  to  you  before  the  beginning  of  the  world  ;  since 
all  of  us  are  under  its  power,  being  all  the  children  of  Chalchivitlycue' 
[the  goddess  of  water].  She  then  washed  the  body  of  the  child  with 
water,  and  spoke  in  this  manner :  '  Whencesoever  thou  comest,  thou 
that  art  hurtful  to  this  child,  leave  him  and  depart  from  him,  for  he  now 
liveth  anew,  and  is  bom  anew  ;  now  is  he  purified  and  cleansed  afresh, 
and  our  mother  Chalchivitlycue  again  bringeth  him  into  the  world.' 
Having  thus  prayed,  the  midwife  took  the  child  in  both  hands,  and, 
lifting  him  towards  heaven,  said,  '  O  Lord,  thou  seest  here  thy  creature, 
whom  thou  hast  sent  into  this  world,  this  place  of  sorrow,  suffering, 
and  penitence.  Grant  him,  O  Lord,  thy  gifts,  and  thine  inspiration, 
for  thou  art  the  great  God,  and  with  thee  is  the  great  goddess." 
Torches  of  pine  were  kept  burning  during  the  performance  of  these 
ceremonies.  When  these  things  were  ended,  they  gave  the  child  the 
name  of  some  one  of  his  ancestors,  in  the  hope  that  he  might  shed  a 
new  lustre  over  it.  The  name  was  given  by  the  same  midsvife.  or 
priestess,  who  baptized  him." 


ORIGIN   ul   MEk'ICAA'  CIVILIZATION. 


37^ 


many  peculiarities,  very  milike  those  in  any  Christian 
church.  But  the  fathers  fastened  their  eyes  exclu- 
sively on  the  points  of  resemblance.  They  were  not 
aware  that  the  Cross  was  a  symbol  of  worship,  of  the 
higliest  antiquity,  in  Egypt  and  Syria,  ="'  and  that  rites 
resembling  those  of  communion''®  and  baptism  were 
practised  by  pagan  nations  on  whom  the  light  of 
Christianity  had  never  shone. ^'  In  their  amazement, 
ihey  not  only  magnified  what  they  saw,  but  were  per- 
petually cheated  by  the  illusions  of  their  own  heated 
imaginations.  In  this  they  were  admirably  assisted  by 
their  Mexican  converts,  proud  to  establish — and  half 

27  Among  Egyptian  symbols  we  meet  with  several  sj>ecimens  of  the 
Cross.  One,  according  to  Justus  Lipsius,  signified  "  life  to  come." 
(See  his  treatise,  De  Cruce  (Lutetioe  Parisiorum,  1598),  lib.  3,  cap. 
8.)  We  find  another  in  ChanipoUion's  catalogue,  which  he  interprets 
"support  or  saviour."  (Precis,  torn,  ii.,  Tableau  gen.,  Nos.  277,  348.) 
Some  curious  examples  of  the  reverence  paid  to  this  sign  by  the 
ancients  have  been  collected  by  McCulloh  (Researches,  p.  330,  et 
seq.),  and  by  Humboldt,  in  his  late  work,  Geographic  du  Nouveau- 
Continent,  tom.  ii.  p.  354,  et  seq. 

*^  "  Ante,  Deos  homini  quod  conciliare  valeret 
Ji'ar  erat," 

says  Ovid.  (Fastorum,  lib.  i,  v.  337.)  Count  Carli  has  pointed  out 
a  similar  use  of  consecrated  bread,  and  wine  or  water,  in  the  Greek 
and  Egyptian  mysteries.  (Lettres  Americ,  totr.  i.  let.  27.)  See,  also, 
McCulloh,  Researches,  p.  240,  et  seq. 

=9  Water  for  purification  and  other  religious  rites  is  frequently  noticed 
by  thj  classical  writers.     Thus  Euripides : 

"  'kyvoLQ  Kadapfiolc  npuTu.  viv  vlipai  dtlu. 
Qu?Maaa  k?.v^€l  ttuvto  Tuvdpunuv  koku." 

Iphig.  in  Taur.,  vv.  1192,  1194. 
The  notes  on  this  place,  in  the  admirable  Variorum  edition  of  Glas- 
gow, 1821,  contain  references  to  several  passages  of  similar  import  in 
different  authors. 


372  ■  A  P PEA D IX. 

believing    it   themselves  —  a   correspondence   between 
their  own  faith  and  that  of  their  conquerors. 3° 

The  ingenuity  of  the  chronicler  was  taxed  to  find 
out  analogies  between  the  Aztec  and  Scripture  histories, 
both  old  and  new.  The  migration  from  Aztlan  to 
Anahuac  was  typical  of  the  Jewish  exodus.^'  The 
places  where  the  Mexicans  halted  on  the  march  weie 
identified  with  those  in  the  journey  of  the  Israelites  ;3' 
and  the  name  of  Mexico  itself  was  found  to  be  nearly 
identical  with  the  Hebrew  narne  for  the  Messiah. ^3 
The  Mexican  hieroglyphics  afforded  a  boundless  field 
for  the  display  of  this  critical  acuteness.  The  most 
remarkable  passages  in  the  Old  and  New  Testaments 
were  read  in  their  mysterious  characters ;  and  the  eye 
of  faith  could  trace  there  the  whole  story  of  the  Pas- 

3°  The  difficulty  of  obtaining  anything  like  a  faithful  report  from 
the  natives  is  the  subject  of  complaint  from  more  than  one  writer,  and 
explains  the  great  care  taken  by  Sahagun  to  compare  their  narratives 
with, each  other.  See  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  Prologo, — Ixtlilxo-. 
chitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  Prol.,— Boturini,  Idea,  p.  ii6. 

3'  The  parallel  was  so  closely  pressed  by  Torquemada  that  he  was 
compelled  to  suppress  the  chapter  containing  it,  on  the  publication  of 
his  book.     See  the  Proemio  to  the  edition  of  1723,  sec.  2. 

32  "  The  devil,"  says  Herrera,  "  chose  to  imitate,  in  everything,  the 
departure  of  the  Israelites  from  Egypt,  and  their  subsequent  wander- 
ings." (Hist,  general,  dec.  3,  lib.  3,  cap.  10.)  But  all  that  has  been 
done  by  monkish  annalist  and  missionary  to  establish  the  parallel  with 
the  children  of  Israel  flills  far  short  of  Lord  Kingsborough's  learned 
labors,  spread  over  nearly  two  hundred  folio  pages.  (See  Antiq.  of 
Mexico,  torn.  vi.  pp.  282-410.)      Quantum  inane  ! 

33  The  word  n^^'O,  from  which  is  derived  Christ,  "  the  anointed," 
is  still  more  nearly — not  "  precisely,"  as  Lord  Kingsborough  states 
(Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  vi.  p.  186) — identical  with  that  of  Mexi,  or 
Mesi,  the  chief  who  was  said  to  have  led  the  Aztecs  on  the  plains  of 
Anahuac. 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


373 


sion,  the  Saviour  suspended  from  the  cross,  and  the 
Virgin  Mary  with  her  attendant  angels  \^^ 

The  Jewish  and  Christian  schemes  were  strangely 
mingled  together,  and  the  brains  of  the  good  fathers 
were  still  further  bewildered  by  the  mixture  of  heathen- 
ish abominations  which  were  so  closely  intertwined 
with  the  most  orthodox  observances.  In  their  per- 
plexity, they  looked  on  the  whole  as  the  delusion  of 
the  devil,  who  counterfeited  the  rites  of  Christianity 
and  the  traditions  of  the  chosen  people,  that  he  might 
allure  his  wretched  victims  to  their  own  destruction. ^s 

But,  although  it  is  not  necessary  to  resort  to  this 
startling  supposition,  nor  even  to  call  up  an  apostle 
from  the  dead,  or  any  later  missionary,  to  explain  the 
coincidences  with  Christianity,  yet  these  coincidences 
must  be  allowed  to  furnish  an  argument  in  favor  of 
some  primitive  communication  with  that  great  brother- 
hood of  nations  on  the  old  continent,  among  whom 
similar  ideas  have  been  so  widely  diffused.  The 
probability  of  such  a  communication,  especially 
with  Eastern  Asia,  is  much  strengthened  by  the  re- 
semblance of  sacerdotal  institutions,  and  of  some  re- 
ligious rites,  as  those  of  marriage, ^^  and  the  burial  of 

34  Interp.  of  Cod.  Tel. -Rem.  et  Vat.,  Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  vi. — 
Sabagim,  Hist,  de  Nueva-Espana,  lib.  3,  Suplem. — Veytia,  Hist, 
antig.,  lib.  i,  cap.  16. 

35  This  opinion  finds  favor  with  the  best  Spanish  and  Mexican 
writers,  from  the  Conquest  downwards.  Solis  sees  nothing  improba- 
ble in  the  fact  that  "  the  malignant  influence,  so  frequently  noticed  in 
sacred  history,  should  be  found  equally  in  profane."  Hist,  de  la 
Conquista,  lib.  2,  cap.  4. 

3*  The  bridal   ceremony   of  the   Hindoos,  in   particular,  contains 
curious  points  of  analogy  with  the  Mexican.    (See  Asiatic  Researches 
Vol.  hi.  32 


374 


APPENDIX. 


the  dead ;  ^  by  the  practice  of  human  sacrifices,  and 
even  of  cannibalism,  traces  of  which  are  discernible  in 
the  Mongol  races ;  ^^  and,  lastly,  by  a  conformity  of 
social  usages  and  manners,  so  striking  that  the  descrip- 
tion of  Montezuma's  court  may  well  pass  for  that  of  the 
Grand  Khan's,  as  depicted  by  Maundeville  and  Marco 
Polo. 5'  It  would  occupy  too  much  room  to  go  into 
details  in  this  matter,  without  which,  however,  the 
strength  of  the  argument  cannot  be  felt,  nor  fully  estab- 
lished. It  has  been  done  by  others  ;  and  an  occasional 
coincidence  has  been  adverted  to  in  the  preceding 
chapters. 

It  is  true,  we  should  be  very  slow  to  infer  identity, 
or  even  correspondence,  between  nations,  from  a  par- 
tial  resemblance  of   habits  and  institutions.     Where 

vol.  vii.  mem.  9.)  The  institution  of  a  numerous  priesthood,  with  the 
practices  of  confession  and  penance,  was  familiar  to  the  Tartar  people. 
(Maundeville,  Voiage,  chap.  23.)  And  monastic  establishments  were 
found  in  Thibet  and  Japan  from  the  earliest  ages.  Humboldt,  Vues 
des  Cordilleres,  p.  179. 

37  "  Doubtless,"  says  the  ingenious  Carli,  "  the  fashion  of  burning 
the  corpse,  collecting  the  ashes  in  a  vase,  burying  them  under  pyram- 
idal mounds,  with  the  immolation  of  wives  and  servants  at  the  funeral, 
all  remind  one  of  the  customs  of  Egypt  and  Hindostan."  Lettres 
Americ,  torn.  ii.  let.  10. 

38  Marco  Polo  notices  a  civilized  people  in  Southeastern  China,  and 
another  in  Japan,  who  drank  the  blood  and  ate  the  flesh  of  their  cap- 
tives, esteeming  it  the  most  savory  food  in  the  world, — "  la  piu  saporita 
et  migliore,  che  si  possa  truovar  al  mondo."  (Viaggi,  lib.  2,  cap.  75  ;  lib. 
3, 13, 14.)  The  Mongols,  according  to  Sir  John  Maundeville,  regarded 
the  ears  "  sowced  in  vynegre"  as  a  particular  dainty.  Voiage,  chap.  23. 

39  Marco  Polo,  Viaggi,  lib.  2,  cap.  10. — Maundeville,  Voiage,  cap. 
zo,  et  alibi. — See,  also,  a  striking  parallel  between  the  Eastern  .Asiatics 
and  Americans,  in  the  Supplement  to  Ranking's  "  Historical  Re- 
searches;" a  work  embodying  many  curious  details  of  Oriental 
history  and  manners  in  support  of  a  whimsical  theory. 


ORIGIN   OF  MEXICAN   CIVILIZATION. 


375 


this  relates  to  manners,  and  is  founded  on  caprice,  it 
is  not  more  conclusive  than  when  it  flows  from  the 
spontaneous  suggestions  of  nature,  common  to  all. 
The  reseml)lance,  in  the  one  case,  may  be  referred  to 
accident ;  in  the  other,  to  the  constitution  of  man. 
But  there  are  certain  arbitrary  peculiarities,  which, 
when  found  in  different  nations,  reasonably  suggest 
the  idea  oif  some  previous  communication  between 
them.  Who  can  doubt  the  existence  of  an  affinity,  or, 
at  least,  intercourse,  between  tribes  who  had  the  same 
strange  habit  of  burying  the  dead  in  a  sitting  posture,  as 
was  practised  to  some  extent  by  most,  if  not  all,  of  the 
aborigines,  from  Canada  to  Patagonia?^"  The  habit 
of  burning  the  dead,  familiar  to  both  Mongols  and 
Aztecs,  is  in  itself  but  slender  proof  of  a  common  ori- 
gin. The  body  must  be  disposed  of  in  some  way;  and 
this,  perhaps,  is  as  natural  as  any  other.  But  when  to 
this  is  added  the  circumstance  of  collecting  the  ashes 
in  a  vase  and  depositing  the  single  article  of  a  precious 
stone  along  with  them,  the  coincidence  is  remarkable.*' 

4°  Morton,  Crania  Americana  (Philadelphia,  1839),  pp.  224-246. — 
The  industrious  author  establishes  this  singular  fact  by  e.xamples 
drawn  from  a  great  number  of  nations  in  North  and  South  America. 

41  Gomara,  Cronica  de  la  Nueva-Espaiia,  cap.  202,  ap.  Barcia,  torn, 
ii. — Clavigero,  Stor.  del  Messico,  torn.  i.  pp.  94,  95. — McCulloh  (Re- 
searches, p.  198),  who  cites  the  Asiatic  Researches. — Dr.  McCulloh, 
in  his  single  volume,  has  probably  brought  together  a  larger  mass  of 
materials  for  the  illustration  of  the  aboriginal  history  of  the  continent 
than  any  other  writer  in  the  language.  In  the  selection  of  his  facts 
he  has  shown  much  sagacity,  as  well  as  industry  ;  and,  if  the  formal 
and  somewhat  repulsive  character  of  the  style  has  been  unfavorable  to 
a  popular  interest,  the  work  must  always  have  an  interest  for  those 
who  are  engaged  in  the  study  of  the  Indian  antiquities.  His  fanciful 
speculations  on  the  subject  of  Mexican  mythology  may  amuse  those 
whom  thev  fail  to  convince. 


376  APPENDIX. 

Such  minute  coincidences  are  not  unfrequent ;  while 
the  accumulation  of  those  of  a  more  general  character, 
though  individually  of  little  account,  greatly  strength- 
ens the  probability  of  a  communication  with  the  East. 

A  proof  of  a  higher  kind  is  found  in  the  analogies  of 
science.  We  have  seen  the  peculiar  chronological  sys- 
tem of  the  Aztecs;  their  method  of  distributing  the 
years  into  cycles,  and  of  reckoning  by  means  of  peri- 
odical series,  instead  of  numbers.  A  similar  process 
was  used  by  the  various  Asiatic  nations  of  the  Mongol 
family,  from  India  to  Japan.  Their  cycles,  indeed, 
consisted  of  sixty,  instead  of  fifty-two,  years ;  and  for 
the  terms  of  their  periodical  series  they  employed  the 
names  of  the  elements  and  the  signs  of  the  zodiac,  of 
which  latter  the  Mexicans,  probably,  had  no  knowl- 
edge.    But  the  principle  was  precisely  the  same.-*^ 

A  correspondence  quite  as  extraordinary  is  found 
between  the  hieroglyphics  used  by  the  Aztecs  for  the 
signs  of  the  days,  and  those  zodiacal  signs  which  the 
Eastern  Asiatics  employed  as  one  of  the  terms  of  their 
series.  The  symbols  in  the  Mongolian  calendar  are 
borrowed  from  animals.  Four  of  the  twelve  are  the 
same  as  the  Aztec.  Three  others  are  as  nearly  the  same 
as  the  different  species  of  animals  in  the  two  hemispheres 
would  allow.  The  remaining  five  refer  to  no  creature 
then  found  in  Anahuac*^     The  resemblance  went  as 

4-"  Ante.  vol.  i.  p.  114,  et  seq.  ' 

*3  This  will  be  better  shown  by  enumerating  the  zodiacal  signs,  used 
as  the  names  of  the  years  by  the  Eastern  Asiatics.  Among  the  Mon- 
gols, these  were — I,  mouse;  2,  ox ;  3,  leopard;  4, hare;  5,  crocodile; 
6,  sequent;  7,  horse;  8,  sheep;  9,  monkey;  10,  hen;  11,  dog;  12, 
hog.  The  Mantchou  Tartars,  Japanese,  and  Thibetians  have  near/y 
the  same  terms,  substituting,  however,  for  No.  3,  tiger ;  £,  dragon ; 


ORIGIN  GF  MEXICAN  CTVILIZATION. 


Ill 


far  as  it  could. "^  The  similarity  of  these  conventional 
symbols  among  the  several  nations  of  tlie  East  can 
hardly  fail  to  carry  conviction  of  a  common  origin  for 
the  system,  as  regards  them.  Why  should  not  a  similar 
conclusion  be  applied  to  the  Aztec  calendar,  which, 
although  relating  to  days  instead  of  years,  was,  like 
the  Asiatic,  equally  appropriated  to  chronological  uses 
and  to  those  of  divination  P''^ 

1  shall  pass  over  the  further  resemblance  to  the  Per 

8,  goat.  In  the  Mexican  signs  for  the  names  of  the  days  we  also  meet 
with  hare,  serpent,  monkey,  dog.  Instead  of  the  "leopard,"  "croco- 
dile," and  "hen," — neither  of  which  animals  was  known  in  Mexico 
at  the  time  of  the  Conquest, — we  find  the  ocelotl,  the  lizard,  and  the 
eagle. — The  lunar  calendar  of  the  Hindoos  exhibits  a  correspondence 
equally  extraordinary.  Seven  of  the  terms  agree  with  those  of  the 
Aztecs,  namely,  serpent,  cane,  razor,  path  of  the  sun,  dog's  tail,  house. 
(Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cordilleres,  p.  152.)  These  terms,  it  will  be 
observed,  are  still  more  arbitrarily  selected,  not  being  confined  to 
animals  ;  as,  indeed,  the  hieroglyphics  of  the  Aztec  calendar  were 
derived  indifferently  from  them,  and  other  objects,  like  the  signs  of 
our  zodiac.  These  scientific  analogies  are  set  in  the  strongest  light  by 
M.  de  Humboldt,  and  occupy  a  large  and,  to  the  philosophical  in- 
quirer, the  most  interesting  portion  of  his  great  work.  (Vues  des 
Cordilleres,  pp.  125-194.)  He  has  not  embraced  in  his  tables,  how- 
ever, the  Mongol  calendar,  which  affords  even  a  closer  approximation 
to  the  Mexican  than  that  of  the  other  Tartar  races.  Comp.  Ranking, 
Researches,  pp.  370,  371,  note. 

*4  There  is  some  inaccuracy  in  Humboldt's  definition  of  the  ocelotl 
as  "  the  tiger,"  "  tlie  jaguar."  (Ibid.,  p.  159.)  It  is  smaller  than  the 
jnguar.  though  quite  as  ferocious,  and  is  as  graceful  and  beautiful  as 
the  leopard,  which  it  more  nearly  resembles.  It  is  a  native  of  New 
Spain,  where  the  tiger  is  not  known.  (See  BufFon,  Histoire  naturelle 
(Vaus.  AnV]\l),\.om.\\.,  vox  Ocelotl.)  The  adoption  of  this  latter 
name  therefore,  in  the  Aztec  calendar,  leads  to  an  inference  somewhat 
exaggerated. 

*S  Both  the  Tartars  and  the  Aztecs  indicated  the  year  by  its  sign ; 
as  the  "  year  of  the  hare"  or  "  rabbit,"  etc.  The  Asiatic  signs,  like- 
32* 


378  APPENDIX. 

sians,  shown  in  the  adjustment  of  time  by  a  similar 
system  of  intercalation  ;■•*  and  to  the  Egyptians,  in  the 
celebration  of  the  remarkable  festival  of  the  winter 
solstice;'''  since,  although  sufficiently  curious,  the  co- 
incidences might  be  accidental,  and  add  little  to  the 
weight  of  evidence  offered  by  an  agreement  in  com- 
binations of  so  complex  and  artificial  a  character  as 
those  before  stated. 

Amid  these  intellectual  analogies,  one  would  expect 
to  meet  with  that  of  language,  the  vehicle  of  intellect- 
ual communication,  which  usually  exhibits  traces  of  its 
origin  even  when  the  science  and  literature  that  are 
embodied  in  it  have  widely  diverged.  No  inquiry, 
however,  has  led  to  less  satisfactory  results.  The  lan- 
guages spread  over  the  Western  continent  far  exceed 
in  number  those  found  in  any  equal  population  in  the 
Eastern. ■♦^     They  exhibit  the  remarkable  anomaly  of 

wise,  far  from  being  limited  to  the  years  and  months,  presided  also 
over  days,  and  even  hours.  (Humboldt,  Vues  des  Cordilleres,  p. 
165.)  The  Mexicans  had  also  astrological  symbols  appropriated  to 
the  hours.     Gama,  Descripcion,  Parte  2,  p.  117.  ' 

4*  Ante,  vol.  i.  p.  115,  note. 

*■!  Achilles  Tatius  notices  a  custom  of  the  Egyptians, — who,  as  Ihe 
sun  descended  towards  Capricorn,  put  on  mourning,  but,  as  the  days 
lengthened,  their  fears  subsided,  they  robed  themselves  in  white,  and, 
crowned  with  flowers,  gave  themselves  up  to  jubilee,  like  the  Aztecs. 
This  account,  transcribed  by  Carli's  French  translator,  and  by  M. 
de  Humboldt,  is  more  fully  criticised  by  M.  Jomard  in  the  Vucs  des 
Cordilleres,  p.  309,  et  seq. 

<^  Jefferson  (Notes  on  Virginia  (London,  1787),  p.  164),  confirmed 
l)y  Humboldt  ( Essai  politique,  tom.  i.  p.  353).  Mr.  Gallatin  comes 
to  a  different  conclusion.  (Transactions  of  American  Antiquarian 
Society  (Cambridge,  1836),  vol.  ii.  p.  161.)  The  great  number  of 
American  dialects  and  languages  is  well  explained  by  the  unsocial 
nature  of  a  hunter's  life,  requiring  the  country  to  be  parcelled  out 
into  small  and  separate  territories  for  the  means  of  subsistence. 


II 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


379 


differing  as  widely  in  etymology  as  they  agree  in  or- 
ganization; and,  on  the  other  hand,  while  they  bear 
some  sliglit  affinity  to  the  languages  of  the  Old  World 
in  tlie  former  particular,  they  have  no  resemblance  to 
them  whatever  in  the  latter/'  The  Mexican  was 
spoken  for  an  extent  of  three  hundred  leagues.  But 
within  the  boundaries  of  New  Spain  more  than  twenty 
languages  were  found ;  not  simply  dialects,  but,  in 
many  instances,  radically  different. 5°  All  these  idioms, 
however,  with  one  exception,  conformed  to  that  pe- 
culiar synthetic  structure  by  which  every  Indian  dia- 
lect appears  to  have  been  fashioned,  from  the  land  of 
the  Esquimaux  to  Terra  del  Fuego ;  ^j  a  system  which, 
bringing  the  greatest  number  of  ideas  within  the 
smallest  possible  compass,  condenses  whole  sentences 
into  a  single  word,^^  displaying  a  curious  mechanism, 

49  Philologists  have,  indeed,  detected  two  curious  exceptions,  in  the 
Congo  and  primitive  Basque;  from  which,  however,  the  Indian  lan- 
guages differ  in  many  essential  pn'nts.  See  Du  Ponceau's  Report, 
ap.  Transactions  of  the  Lit.  and  Hist.  Committee  of  the  Am.  Phil. 
Society,  vol.  i. 

5°  Vater  (Mithridates,  Theil  iii.  Abtheil.  3,  p.  70),  who  fixes  on  the 
Rio  Gila  and  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  as  the  boundaries  within  which 
traces  of  the  Mexican  language  were  to  be  discerned.  Clavigero 
estimates  the  number  of  dialects  at  thirty-five.  I  have  used  the  more 
guarded  statement  of  M.  de  Humboldt,  who  adds  that  fourteen  of 
these  languages  have  been  digested  into  dictionaries  and  grammars. 
Essai  politique,  torn.  i.  p.  352. 

5'  No  one  has  done  so  much  towards  establishing  this  important 
fact  as  that  estimable  scholar,  Mr.  Du  Ponceau.  And  the  frankness 
with  which  he  h.is  admitted  the  exception  that  disturbed  his  favorite 
hypothesis  shows  that  he  is  far  more  wedded  to  science  than  to  system. 
See  an  interesting  account  of  it,  in  his  prize  essiy  btfo  e  the  Institute, 
Memoire  sur  le  Systeme  grammaticale  des  Langues  de  quelqucs 
Nations  Indiennes  de  rAmerique.     (Paris,  1838.) 

v  The  Mexican  language,  in  particular,  is  most  flexible ;  admitting 


380  APrENDIX. 

in  which  some  discern  the  hand  of  the  philosopher, 
and  others  only  the  spontaneous  efforts  of  the  savage. 5- 
The  etymological  affinities  detected  with  the  ancient 
continent  are  not  very  numerous,  and  they  are  drawn 
indiscriminately  from  all  the  tribes  scattered  over 
America.  On  the  whole,  more  analogies  have  been 
found  with  the  idioms  of  Asia  than  of  any  other  quar- 
ter. But  their  amount  is  too  inconsiderable  to  balance 
the  opposite  conclusion  "inferred  by  a  total  dissimilarity 
of  structure. 5*  A  remarkable  exception  is  found  in 
the  Othomi  or  Otomi  language,  which  covers  a  wider 
territory  than  any  other  i  ut  the  Mexican  in  New 
Spain, 55  and  which,  both  in  its  monosyllabic  composi- 
tion, so  different  from  those  around  it,  and  in  its  vo- 

of  combinations  so  easily  that  the  most  simple  ideas  are  often  buried 
under  a  load  of  accessories.  The  forms  of  expression,  though  pic- 
turesque, were  thus  made  exceedingly  cumbrous.  A  "  priest,"  for 
example,  was  called  tiotlazomahniztcopixcatatzin,  meaning  "  venerable 
minister  of  God,  that  1  love  as  my  father."  A  still  more  comprehen- 
sive word  is  ama/laaiilolitijiii/C(illaxilahiii//i,  s\gn\U\x\g"  ihe  r^\':v[d 
given  to  a  messenger  who  bears  a  hieroglyphical  map  conveying 
intelligence." 

53  See,  in  particular,  for  the  latter  view  of  the  subject,  the  arguments 
of  Mr.  Gallatin,  in  his  acute  and  masterly  disquisition  on  the  Indian 
tribes ;  a  disquisition  that  throws  more  light  on  the  intricate  topics  of 
which  it  treats  than  whole  volumes  that"  have  preceded  it.  Transac- 
tions of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society,  vol.  ii.,  Introd.,  sec.  6. 

54  This  comparative  anatomy  of  the  languages  of  the  two  hemi- 
spheres, begun  by  Barton  (Origin  of  the  Tribes  and  Nations  of  Amer- 
ica (Philadelphia,  1797)),  has  been  extended  by  Vater  (Mithridaies, 
Theil  iii.  Abtheil.  i,  p.  348.  et  seq.).  A  selection  of  the  most  striking 
analogies  may  be  found,  also,  in  Malte  Brun,  book  75,  tab  e. 

55  Othomi,  from  otho,  "stationary,"  and  mi,  "nothing."  (Najera, 
Dissert.,  ;//  infra.')  The  etymology  intimates  the  condition  of  this 
rude  nation  of  warriors,  who,  imperfectly  reduced  by  the  Aztec  arms, 
roamed  over  the  high  lands  north  of  the  Valley  of  Mexico. 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.       381 

cabulaiy,  sliows  a  very  singular  afifinity  to  the  Chinese. s* 
The  existence  of  this  insulated  idiom  in  the  heart  of 
this  vast  continent  offers  a  curious  theme  for  specula- 
tion, entirely  beyond  the  province  of  history. 

The  American  languages,  so  numerous  and  Avidcly 
diversiiied,  present  an  immense  field  of  inquiry,  which, 
notwithstanding  the  labors  of  several  distinguished 
philologists,  remains  yet  to  be  explored.  It  is  only 
after  a  wide  comparison  of  examples  that  conclusions 
fcundcd  on  analogy  can  be  trusted.  The  difficulty  of 
ma'<n)g  such  comparisons  increases  with  time,  from 
the  latility  which  the  peculiar  structure  of  the  Indian 
langaa>>es  affords  for  new  combinations;  while  the 
inseniibit;  influence  of  contact  with  civilized  man,  in 
producing  these,  must  lead  to  a  still  further  distrust  of 
our  conclusions. 

The  theory  of  an  Asiatic  origin  for  Aztec  civiliza- 
tion derives  stronger  confirmation  from  the  light  of 
tradition,  which,  shining  steadily  from  the  far  North- 
west, pierces  through  the  dark  shadows  that  history 
and  mythology  have  alike  thrown  around  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  country.  Traditions  of  a  Western  or 
Northwestern  origin  were  found  among  the  more  bar- 
barous tribes,57  and  by  the  Mexicans  were  preserved 

56  See  Najera's  Dissertatio  De  Lingua  Othomitorum,  ap.  Transac- 
tions of  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  vol.  v.  New  Series. — 
The  author,  a  learned  Mexican,  has  given  a  most  satisfactory  analysis 
of  this  remarkable  language,  which  stands  alone  among  the  idioms  of 
the  New  World,  as  the  Basque — the  solitary  wreck,  perhaps,  of  a 
primitive  age — exists  among  those  of  the  Old. 

57  Barton,  p.  92. — Heckewelder,  chap,  i,  ap.  Transactions  of  the 
Hist,  and  Lit.  Committee  of  the  Am.  Phil.  Soc,  vol.  i.— The  various 
traditions  have  been  assembled  by  M.  Warden,  in  the  Antiquitus 
Mexicaines,  part  2,  p.  185,  et  seq. 


382  APPENDIX. 

both  orally  and  in  their  hieroglyphical  maps,  where 
the  different  stages  of  their  migration  are  carefully 
noted.  But  who,  at  this  day,  shall  read  them?^^ 
They  are  admitted  to  agree,  however,  in  representing 
the  populous  North  as  the  prolific  hive  of  the  Ameri- 
can races,"  In  this  quarter  were  placed  their  Aztlan 
and  their  Huehuetlapallan, — the  bright  abodes  of  their 
ancestors,  whose  warlike  exploits  rivalled  those  which 
the  Teutonic  nations  have  recorded  of  Odin  and  the 
mythic  heroes  of  Scandinavia.     From  this  quarter  the 

58  The  recent  work  of  Mr.  Delafield  (Inquiry  into  the  Origin  of  the 
Antiquities  of  America  (Cincinnati,  1839) )  has  an  engraving  of  one 
of  these  maps,  said  to  have  been  obtained  by  Mr.  Bullock  from  Botu- 
rini's  collection.  Two  such  are  specified  on  page  10  of  that  antiquary's 
Catalogue.  This  map  has  all  the  appearance  of  a  genuine  Aztec 
painting,  of  the  rudest  character.  We  may  recognize,  indeed,  the 
symbols  of  some  dates  and  places,  with  others  denoting  the  aspect  of 
the  country,  whether  fertile  or  barren,  a  state  of  war  or  peace,  etc.  But 
it  is  altogether  too  vague,  and  we  know  too  little  of  the  allusions,  to 
gather  any  knowledge  from  it  of  the  course  of  the  Aztec  migration. — 
Gemelli  Carreri's  celebrated  chart  contains  the  names  of  many  places 
on  the  route,  interpreted,  perhaps,  by  Siguenza  himself,  to  whom  it 
belonged  (Giro  del  Mondo,  torn.  vi.  p.  56) ;  and  Clavigero  has  en- 
deavored to  ascertain  the  various  localities  with  some  precision.  (Stor. 
del  Messico,  torn.  i.  p.  160,  et  seq.)  But,  as  they  are  all  within  the 
boundaries  of  New  Spain,  and,  indeed,  south  of  the  Rio  Gila,  they 
throw  little  light,  of  course,  on  the  vexed  question  of  the  primitive 
abodes  of  the  Aztecs. 

59  This  may  be  fairly  gathered  from  the  agreement  of  the  tradi- 
tionary interpretations  of  the  maps  of  the  various  people  of  Anahuac, 
according  to  Veytia;  who,  however,  admits  that  it  is  "  ne.xt  to  impossi- 
ble," with  the  lights  of  the  present  day,  to  determine  the  precise  route 
taken  by  the  Mexicans.  (Hist,  antig.,  tom.  i.  cap.  2.)  Lorenzana  is 
not  so  modest.  "  Los  Mexicanos  por  tradicion  vinieron  por  el  norte," 
says  he,  "y  se  saben  ciertamente  sus  mansiones."  (Hist,  de  Nueva- 
Espana,  p.  81,  nota.)  There  are  some  antiquaries  who  see  best  in  the 
dark. 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.       383 

Toltecs,  the  Chichimecs,  and  the  kindred  races  of  the 
Nahuatlacs  came  successively  up  the  great  plateau  of 
the  Andes,  spreading  over  its  hills  and  valleys,  down 
to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.^ 

Antiquaries  have  industriously  sought  to  detect  some 
still  surviving  traces  of  these  migrations.  In  the  north- 
western districts  of  New  Spain,  at  the  distance  of  a 
thousand  miles  from  the  capital,  dialects  have  been 
discovered  showing  intimate  affinity  with  the  Mexican.*' 
Along  the  Rio  Gila,  remains  of  populous  towns  are  to 
be  seen,  quite  worthy  of  the  Aztecs  in  their  style  of 
architecture.*^  The  country  north  of  the  great  Rio 
Colorado  has  been  imperfectly  explored  ;  but  in  the 

60  Ixililxochitl,  Hist.  Chich.,  MS.,  cap.  2,  et  seq.— Idem,  Relaciones, 
MS. — Veytia,  Hist,  antig.,  ubi  supra. — Torquemada,  Monarch.  Ind., 
torn.  i.  lib.  i. 

6'  In  the  province  of  Sonora,  especially  along  the  Californian  Gulf. 
The  Cora  language,  above  all,  of  which  a  regular  grammar  has  been 
published,  and  which  is  spoken  in  New  Biscay,  about  30°  north,  so 
much  resembles  the  Mexican  that  Vater  refers  them  both  to  a  common 
stock.     Mithridates,  Theil  iii.  Abtheil.  3,  p.  143. 

62  On  the  southern  bank  of  this  river  are  ruins  of  large  dimensions, 
described  by  the  missionary  Pedro  Font  on  his  visit  there  in  1775. 
(Antiq.  of  Mexico,  vol.  vi.  p.  538.)— At  a  place  of  the  same  name, 
Casas  Grandes,  about  33°  north,  and,  like  the  former,  a  supposed 
station  of  the  Aztecs,  still  more  extensive  remains  are  to  be  found  ; 
large  enough,  indeed,  according  to  a  late  traveller,  Lieut.  Hardy, 
for  a  population  of  20,000  or  30,000  souls.  The  country  for 
leagues  is  covered  with  these  remains,  as  well  ag  with  utensils  of 
earthen-ware,  obsjdian,  and  other  relics.  A  drawing  which  the  author 
has  given  of  a  painted  jar  or  vase  may  remind  one  of  the  Etruscan. 
"  There  were,  also,  good  specimens  of  earthen  images  in  the  Egyp- 
tian style,"  he  observes,  "  which  are,  to  me  at  least,  so  perfectly  iiiiin- 
tercstiiijr  that  I  was  at  no  pains  to  procure  any  of  them."  (Travels 
in  the  Interior  of  Mexico  (London,  1829),  pp.  464-466.)  The  lieu- 
tenant was  neither  a  Boturini  nor  a  Belzoni. 


384  APPENDIX. 

higher  latitudes,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Nootka,  tribes 
still  exist  whose  dialects,  both  in  the  termination  and 
general  sound  of  the  words,  bear  considerable  resem- 
blance to  the  Mexican. *3  Such  are  the  vestiges,  few, 
indeed,  and  feeble,  that  still  exist  to  attest  the  truth  of 
traditions  which  themselves  have  remained  steady  and 
consistent  through  the  lapse  of  centuries  and  the  mi- 
grations of  successive  races. 

The  conclusions  suggested  by  the  intellectual  and 
moral  analogies  with  Eastern  Asia  derive  considerable 
support  from  those  of  z. physical  nature.  The  aborigi- 
nes of  the  Western  World  were  distinguished  by  certain 
peculiarities  of  organization,  which  have  led  physiolo- 
gists to  regard  them  as  a  separate  race.  These  pecu- 
liarities are  shown  in  their  reddish  complexion,  ap- 
proaching a  cinnamon  color  ;  their  straight,  black,  and 
exceedingly  glossy  hair;  their  beard  thin,  and  usually 
eradicated  ;*■*  their  high  cheekbones,  eyes  obliquely 
directed  towards  the  temples,  prominent  noses,  and 
narrow  foreheads  falling  backwards  with  a  greater 
inclination  than  those  of  any  other  race  except  the 
African.*^    From  this  general  standard,  however,  there 

*3  Vater  has  examined  the  languages  of  three  of  these  nations, 
between  50°  and  60°  north,  and  collated  their  vocabularies  with  the 
Mexican,  showing  the  probability  of  a  common  origin  of  many  of  the 
words  in  each.     Mithridates,  Theil  iii.  Abtheil.  3,  p.  212. 

64  The  Mexicans  are  noticed  by  M.  de  Humboldt  as  distinguished 
fiom  the  other  aborigines  whom  he  had  seen,  by  the  quantity  both 
of  beard  and  moustaches.  (Essai  politique,  torn.  i.  p.  361.)  The 
modern  Mexican,  however,  broken  in  spirit  and  fortunes,  bears  as 
little  resemblance,  probably,  in  physical  as  in  moral  characteristics  to 
his  ancestors,  the  fierce  and  independent  Aztecs. 

«5  Prichard,   Physical  History,  vol.  i.  pp.  167-169,   182,  et  seq.— 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVIIIZATION       385 

are  deviations,  in  the  same  manner,  if  not  to  the  same 
extent,  as  in  other  quarters  of  the  globe,  though  these 
deviations  do  not  seem  to  be  influenced  by  the  same 
laws  of  local  position.**  Anatomists,  also,  have  dis- 
cerned in  crania  disinterred  from  the  mounds,  and  in 
those  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  high  plains  of  the  Cor- 
dilleras, an  obvious  difference  from  those  of  the  more 
barbarous  tribes.  This  is  seen  especially  in  the  ampler 
forehead,  intimating  a  decided  intellectual  superiority.^ 
These  characteristics  are  found  to  bear  a  close  resem- 
blance to  those  of  the  Mongolian  family,  and  especially 
to  the  people  of  Eastern  Tartary;^  so  that,  notwith- 
standing certain  differences  recognized  by  physiolo- 
gists, the  skulls  of  the  two  races  could  not  be  readily 

— Morton,  Crania  Americana,  p.  66. — McCulIoh,  Researches,  p.  18. 
— Lawrence,  Lectures,  pp.  317,  565. 

^  Tlius  we  find,  amidst  the  generally  prevalent  copper  or  cinna- 
mon tint,  nearly  all  gradations  of  color,  from  the  European  white,  to 
a  black,  almost  African ;  while  the  complexion  capriciously  varies 
among  different  tribes  in  the  neighborhood  of  each  other.  See  exam- 
ples in  Humboldt  (Essai  politique,  tom.  i.  pp.  358,  359),  also  Prichard 
(Physical  History,  vol.  ii.  pp.  452,  522,  et  alibi),  a  writer  whose  various 
research  and  dispassionate  judgment  have  made  his  work  a  text-book 
in  this  department  of  science. 

*7  Such  is  the  conclusion  of  Dr.  Warren,  whose  excellent  collec- 
tion has  afforded  him  ample  means  for  study  and  comparison.  (See 
his  Remarks  before  the  British  Association  for  the  Advancement  of 
Science,  ap.  London  Athenaeum,  Oct.  1837.)  In  the  specimens  col- 
lected by  Dr.  Morton,  however,  the  barbarous  tribes  would  seem  to 
have  a  somewhat  larger  facial  angle,  and  a  greater  quantity  of  brain, 
than  the  semi-civilized.     Crania  Americana,  p.  259. 

^  "  On  ne  peut  se  refuser  d'admettre  que  I'espfece  humaine  n'offre 
pas  de  races  plus  voisines  que  le  sont  celles  des  Americains,  des  Mon- 
gols, des  Mantchoux,  et  des   Malais."     Humboldt,  Essai  politique, 
tom.  i.  p.  367. — Also,  Prichard,  Physical  History,  vol.  i.  pp.  184-186 
vol.  ii.  pp.  365-367. — Lawrence,  l-ectures,  p.  365. 
Vol.  in. — R  33 


3S6  APPENDIX. 

distinguished  from  one  another  by  a  common  observer. 
No  inference  can  be  surely  drawn,  however,  without  a 
wide  range  of  comparison.  That  hitherto  made  has 
been  chiefly  founded  on  specimens  from  the  barbarous 
tribes.^'  Perhaps  a  closer  comparison  with  the  more 
civilized  may  supply  still  stronger  evidence  of  affinitv.^° 
In  seeking  for  analogies  with  the  Old  World,  we 
should  not  pass  by  in  silence  the  a7-chitcctural  remains 
of  the  country,  which,  indeed,  from  their  resemblance 

^  Dr.  Morton's  splendid  work  on  American  crania  has  gone  tar 
to  supply  the  requisite  information.  Out  of  about  one  hundred  and 
fifty  specimens  of  skulls,  of  which  he  has  ascertained  the  dimensions 
with  admirable  precision,  one-third  belong  to  the  semi-civilized  races; 
and  of  them  thirteen  are  Mexican.  The  number  of  these  last  is  too 
small  to  found  any  general  conclusions  upon,  considering  the  great 
diversity  found  in  individuals  of  the  same  nation,  not  to  say  kindred. — 
Blumenbach's  observations  on  American  skulls  were  chiefly  made, 
according  to  Prichard  (Physical  History,  vol.  i.  pp.  183,  184),  from 
specimens  of  the  Carib  tribes,  as  unfavorable,  perhaps,  as  any  on  the 
continent. 

7°  Yet  these  specimens  are  not  so  easy  to  be  obtained.  With  un- 
common advantages  for  procuring  these  myself  in  Me.xico,  I  have 
not  succeeded  in  obtaining  any  specimens  of  the  genuine  Aztec  skull. 
The  difficulty  of  this  may  be  readily  comprehended  by  any  one  who 
considers  the  length  of  time  that  has  elapsed  since  the  Conquest,  and 
that  the  burial-places  of  the  ancient  Mexicans  have  continued  to  be 
used  by  their  descendants.  Dr.  Morton  more  than  once  refers  to  his 
specimens  as  those  of  the  "genuine  Toltec  skull,  from  cemeteries 
in  Me.xico,  older  than  the  Conquest."  (Crania  Americana,  pp.  152, 
155,  231,  et  alibi.)  But  how  does  he  know  that  the  heads  are  Toltec? 
That  nation  is  reported  to  have  left  the  country  about  the  middle  of 
the  eleventh  century,  nearly  eight  hundred  years  ago, — according  to 
Ixtlilxochitl,  indeed,  a  century  earlier ;  and  it  seems  much  more 
probable  that  the  specimens  now  found  in  these  burial-places  should 
belong  to  some  of  the  races  who  have  since  occupied  the  country, 
than  to  one  so  far  removed.  The  presumption  is  manifestly  too  feeble 
to  authorize  any  positive  inference. 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.       387 

to  the  pyramidal  structures  of  the  East,  have  suggested 
to  more  than  one  antiquary  the  idea  of  a  common  ori- 
-rin.^'  The  Spanish  invaders,  it  is  true,  assailed  the 
Indian  buildings,  especially  those  of  a  religious  char- 
acter, with  all  the  fury  of  fanaticism.  The  same  spirit 
survived  in  the  generations  which  succeeded.  The 
war  has  never  ceased  against  the  monuments  of  the 
country ;  and  the  few  that  fanaticism  has  spared  have 
been  nearly  all  demolished  to  serve  the  purposes  of 
utility.  Of  all  the  stately  edifices,  so  much  extolled 
by  the  Spaniards  who  first  visited  the  country,  there 
are  scarcely  more  vestiges  at  the  present  day  than  are 
to  be  found  in  some  of  those  regions  of  Europe  and 
Asia  which  once  swarmed  with  populous  cities,  the 
great  marts  of  luxury  and  commerce. 7''  Yet  some  of 
these  remains,   like  the   temple   of  Xochicalco,"  the 

7'  The  tower  of  Belus,  with  its  retreating  stories,  described  by 
Herodotus  (Clio,  sec.  181),  has  been  selected  as  the  model  of  the 
teocalli ;  which  leads  Vater  somewhat  shrewdly  to  remark  that  it  is 
strange  no  evidence  of  this  should  appear  in  the  erection  of  similar 
structures  by  the  Aztecs  in  the  whole  course  of  their  journey  to  Ana- 
huac.  (Mithridates,  Theil  iii.  Abtheil.  3,  pp.  74,  75.)  The  learned 
Niebuhr  finds  the  elements  of  the  Mexican  temple  in  the  mythic  tomb 
of  Porsenna.  (Roman.  History,  Eng.  trans.  (London,  1827),  vol.  i. 
p.  88.)  Tlie  resemblance  to  the  accumulated  pyramids  composing 
this  monument  is  not  very  obvious.  Comp.  Pliny  (Hist.  Nat.,  lib.  36, 
sec.  19).  Indeed,  the  antiquarian  maybe  thought  to  encroach  on  the 
poet's  province  when  he  finds  in  Etruscan  y<?^/(? — "  cum  omnia  excedat 
fabulositas,"  as  Pliny  characterizes  this — the  origin  of  Aztec  science. 

7»  See  the  powerful  description  of  Lucan,  Pharsalia,  lib.  9,  v.  966. 
— The  Latin  bard  has  been  surpassed  by  the  Italian,  in  the  beautiful 
stanza  beginning  Giace  V  alia  Cartago  (Gierusalemme  Liberata,  c. 
15,  s.  20),  which  may  be  said  to  liave  been  expanded  by  Lord  Byron 
into  a  canto, — the  fourth  of  Childe  Harold. 

■"J  The  most  remarkable  remains  on  the  proper  Mexican  soil  are  the 


388  APFENDIX. 

palaces  of  Tezcotzinco/'*  the  colossal  calendar -stone  in 
the  capital,  are  of  sufficient  magnitude,  and  wrought 
vvitli  sufficient  skill,  to  attest  mechanical  powers  in  the 
Aztecs  not  unworthy  to  be  compared  with  those  of  the 
ancient  Egyptians. 

But,   if  the   remains   on    the    Mexican  soil  are  so 
scanty,  thej  multiply  as  we  descend  the  southeastern 

temple  or  fortress  of  Xochicalco,  not  many  miles  from  the  capital.  It 
stands  on  a  rocky  eminence,  nearly  a  league  in  circumference,  cut  into 
terraces  faced  with  stone.  The  building  on  the  summit  is  seventy-five 
feet  long  and  sixty-six  broad.  It  is  of  hewn  granite,  put  together 
without  cement,  but  with  great  exactness.  It  was  constructed  in  the 
usual  pyramidal,  terraced  form,  rising  by  a  succession  of  stories,  each 
smaller  than  that  below  it.  The  number  of  these  is  now  uncertain ; 
the  lower  one  alone  remaining  entire.  This  is  sufficient,  however,  to 
show  the  nice  style  of  execution,  from  the  sharp,  salient  cornices,  and 
the  hieroglyphical  emblems  with  which  it  is  covered,  all  cut  in  the  hard 
stone.  As  the  detached  blocks  found  among  the  ruins  are  sculptured 
with  bas-reliefs  in  like  manner,  it  is  probable  that  the  whole  building 
was  covered  with  them.  It  seems  probable,  also,  as  the  same  pattern 
extends  over  different  stones,  that  the  work  was  executed  after  the 
walls  were  raised. — In  the  hill  beneath,  subterraneous  galleries,  six 
feet  wide  and  high,  have  been  cut  to  the  length  of  one  hundred  and 
eighty  feet,  where  they  terminate  in  two  halls,  the  vaulted  ceilings  of 
•which  connect  by  a  sort  of  tunnel  with  the  buildings  above.  These 
subterraneous  works  are  also  lined  with  hewn  stone.  The  size  of  the 
blocks,  and  the  hard  quality  of  the  granite  of  which  they  consist,  have 
made  the  buildings  of  Xochicalco  a  choice  quarry  for  the  proprietors 
of  a  neighboring  sugar-refinery,  who  have  appropriated  the  upper 
stories  of  the  temple  to  this  ignoble  purpose  !  The  Barberini  at  least 
built  palaces,  beautiful  themselves,  as  works  of  art,  with  the  plunder 
of  the  Coliseum.  See  the  full  description  of  this  remarkable  build- 
ing, both  by  Dupaix  and  Alzate.  (Antiquites  Mexicaines,  tom.  i.  Exp. 
I,  pp.  15-20;  tom.  iii.  Exp.  i,  PI.  33.)  A  recent  investigation  has 
been  made  by  order  of  the  Mexican  government,  the  report  of  which 
differs,  in  some  of  its  details,  from  the  preceding.  Revista  Mexicana, 
tom.  i.  mem.  5. 
74  Ante,  vol.  i.  pp.  183-185. 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.       389 

slope  of  the  Cordilleras,  traverse  the  rich  Valley  of 
Oaxaca,  and  penetrate  the  forests  of  Chiapa  and  Yuca- 
tan. In  the  midst  of  these  lonely  regions  we  meet 
with  the  ruins,  recently  discovered,  of  several  ancient 
cities,  Mitla,  Palenque,  and  Itzalana  or  Uxmal,"  which 
argue  a  higher  civilization  than  anything  yet  found  on 
the  American  continent ;  and,  although  it  was  not  the 
Mexicans  who  built  these  cities,  yet,  as  they  are  prob- 
ably the  work  of  cognate  races,  the  present  inquiry 
would  be  incomplete  without  some  attempt  to  ascer- 
tain what  light  they  can  throw  on  the  origin  of  the 
Indian,  and  consequently  of  the  Aztec,  civilization.'® 
Few  works  of  art  have  been  found  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  any  of  the  ruins.  Some  of  them,  consisting 
of  earthen  or  marble  vases,  fragments  of  statues,  and 
the  like,  are  fantastic,  and  even  hideous ;  others  sliow 
much  grace  and  beauty  of  design,  and  are  apparently 

75  It  is  impossible  to  look  at  Waldeck's  finished  drawings  of 
buildings,  where  Time  seems  scarcely  to  have  set  his  mark  on 
the  nicely  chiselled  stone,  and  the  clear  tints  are  hardly  defaced  by 
a  weather-stain,  without  regarding  the  artist's  work  as  a  restoration; 
a  picture  true,  it  may  be,  of  those  buildings  in  the  day  of  their 
glory,  but  not  of  their  decay.  —  Cogolludo,  who  saw  them  in  the 
middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  speaks  of  them  with  admira- 
tion, as  works  of  "  accomplished  architects,"  of  whom  history  has 
preserved  no  tradition.  Hisioria  de  Yucatan  (Madrid,  1688),  lib. 
4,  cap.  2. 

7fi  In  the  original  text  is  a  description  of  some  of  these  ruins,  espe- 
cially of  those  of  Mitla  and  Palenque.  It  would  have  had  novelty 
at  the  time  in  which  it  was  written,  since  the  only  accounts  of  these 
buildings  were  in  the  colossal  publications  of  Lord  Kingsborougb, 
and  in  theAntiquites  Mexicaines,  not  very  accessible  to  most  readers. 
But  it  is  unnecessary  to  repeat  descriptions  now  familiar  to  every  one, 
and  so  much  better  executed  than  they  can  be  by  me.  in  the  spirited 
pages  of  Stephens. 

33* 


39° 


APPENDIX. 


well  executed.'^  It  may  seem  extraordinary  that  no 
iron  in  the  buildings  themselves,  nor  iion  tools,  should 
have  been  discovered,  considering  that  the  materials 
used  are  chiefly  granite,  very  hard,  and  carefully  hewn 
and  polished.  Red  copper  chisels  and  axes  have  been 
picked  up  in  the  midst  of  large  blocks  of  granite  im- 
perfectly cut,  with  fragments  of  pillars  and  architraves, 
in  the  quarries  near  Mitla.^®  Tools  of  a  similar  kind 
have  been  discovered,  also,  in  the  quarries  near  Thebes; 
and  the  difficulty,  nay,  impossibility,  of  cutting  such 
masses  from  the  living  rock  with  any  tools  which  we 
possess,  except  iron,  has  confirmed  an  ingenious  writer 
in  the  supposition  that  this  metal  must  have  been  em- 
ployed by  the  Egyptians,  but  that  its  tendency  to  de- 
composition, especially  in  a  nitrous  soil,  has  prevented 
any  specimens  of  it  from  being  preserved."  Yet  iron 
has  been  found,  after  the  lapse  of  some  thousands  of 
years,  in  the  remains  of  antiquity;  and  it  is  certain 
that  the  Mexicans,  down  to  the  time  of  the  Conquest, 
used  only  copper  instruments,  with  an  alloy  of  tin, 
and  a  silicious  powder,  to  cut  the  hardest  stones, 
some  of  them  of  enormous  dimensions.^"  This  fact, 
with    the   additional   circumstance   that   only   similar 

77  See,  in  particular,  two  terra-cotta  busts  with  helmets,  found  in 
Oaxaca,  which  might  well  pass  for  Greek,  both  in  the  style  of  the 
heads  and  the  casques  that  cover  them.  Antiquites  Mexicaines,  torn, 
iii.  Exp.  2,  PI.  36. 

78  Dupaix  speaks  of  these  tools  as  made  of  pure  copper.  But  doubt- 
less there  was  some  alloy  mixed  with  it,  as  was  practised  by  the  Aztecs 
and  Egyptians ;  otherwise  their  edges  must  have  been  easily  turned 
by  the  hard  substances  on  which  they  were  employed. 

79  Wilkinson,  Ancient  Egyptians,  vol.  iii.  pp.  246-254. 

80  Ante,  vol.  i.  p.  142. 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


391 


tools  have  been  found  in  Central  America,  strengthens 
the  conclusion  that  iron  was  neither  known  there  noi 
in  ancient  Egypt. 

But  what  are  the  nations  of  the  Old  Continent 
whose  style  of  architecture  bears  most  resemblance  to 
that  of  the  remarkable  monuments  of  Chiapa  ,and 
Yucatan?  The  points  of  resemblance  will  probably 
be  found  neither  numerous  nor  decisive.  There  is, 
indeed,  some  analogy  both  to  the  Egyptian  and  Asiatic 
style  of  architecture  in  the  pyramidal,  terrace-formed 
bases  on  which  the  buildings  repose,  resembling  also 
the  Toltec  and  Mexican  teocaUi.  A  similar  care,  also, 
is  observed  in  the  people  of  both  hemispheres  to  adjust 
the  position  of  their  buildings  by^  the  cardinal  points. 
The  walls  in  both  are  covered  with  figures  and  hiero- 
glyphics, which,  on  the  American  as  on  the  Egyptian, 
may  be  designed,  perhaps,  to  record  the  laws  and  his- 
torical annals  of  the  nation.  These  figures,  as  well 
as  the  buildings  themselves,  are  found  to  have  been 
stained  with  various  dyes,  principally  vermilion  ;  ^'  a 
favorite  color  with  the  Egyptians  also,  who  painted 
their  colossal  statues  and  temples  of  granite. ^^  Not- 
withstanding these  points  of  similarity,  the  Palenque 
architecture  has  little  to  remind  us  of  the  Egyptian  or 
of  the  Oriental.     It  is,  indeed,  more  conformable,  in 

8'  Waldeck,  Atlas  pittoresque,  p.  73. — The  fortress  of  Xochicalco  w;is 
also  colored  with  a  red  paint  (Antiquites  Mexicaines,  torn.  i.  p.  20) ; 
and  £  cement  of  the  same  color  covered  the  Toltec  pyramid  at  Teoti- 
huacan,  according  to  Mr.  Bullock,  Six  Months  in  Mexico,  vol.  ii.  p.  143, 

82  Description  de  I'fegypte,  Antiq.,  torn.  ii.  cap.  9,  sec.  4. — The  huge 
image  of  the  Sphinx  was  originally  colored  red.  (Clarke's  Travels, 
vol.  V.  p.  202.)  Indeed,  many  of  the  edifices,  as  well  as  statues,  of 
ancient  Greece,  also,  still  exhibit  traces  of  having  been  painted. 


392 


APPENDIX. 


the  perpendicular  elevation  of  the  walls,  the  moderate 
size  of  the  stones,  and  the  general  arrangement  of  the 
parts,  to  the  European.  It  must  be  admitted,  how- 
ever, to  have  a  character  of  originality  peculiar  to  itself. 
More  positive  proofs  of  communication  with  the 
East  might  be  looked  for  in  their  sculpture  and  in  the 
conventional  forms  of  their  hieroglyphics.  But  the 
sculptures  on  the  Palenque  buildings  are  in  relief,  un- 
like the  Egyptian,  which  are  usually  in  intaglio.  The 
Egyptians  were  not  very  successful  in  their  representa- 
tions of  the  human  iigure,  which  are  on  the  same 
invariable  model,  always  in  profile,  from  the  greater 
facility  of  execution  this  presents  over  the  front  view ; 
the  full  eye  is  placed  on  the  side  of  the  head,  while 
the  countenance  is  similar  in  all,  and  perfectly  desti- 
tute of  expression. *3  The  Palenque  artists  were  equally 
awkward  in  representing  the  various  attitudes  of  the 
body,  which  they  delineated  also  in  profile.  But  the 
parts  are  executed  with  much  correctness,  and  some 
times  gracefully;  the  costume  is  rich  and  various;  and 
the  ornamented  head-dress,  typical,  perhaps,  like  the 
Aztec,  of  the  name  and  condition  of  the  person  repre- 
sented, conforms  in  its  magnificence  to  the  Oriental 
taste.  The  countenance  is  various,  and  often  expressive. 
The  contour  of  the  head  is,  indeed,  most  extraordinary, 
describing  almost  a  semicircle  from  the  forehead  to 
the  tip  of  the  nose,  and  contracted  towards  the  crown, 

83  The  various  causes  of  the  stationary  condition  of  art  in  Egypt, 
for  so  many  ages,  are  clearly  exposed  by  the  duke  di  Serradifalco,  in 
his  Antichita  della  Sicilia  (Palermo,  1834,  tom.  ii.  pp.  33,  34) ;  a  work 
in  which  the  author,  while  illustrating  the  antiquities  of  a  little  island, 
has  thrown  a  flood  of  light  on  the  arts  and  literary  culture  of  ancient 
Greece. 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.       393 

whether  from  the  artificial  pressure  practised  by  many 
of  the  aborigines,  or  from  some  preposterous  notion 
of  ideal  beauty.*^  But,  while  superior  in  the  execu- 
tion of  the  details,  the  Palenque  artist  was  far  inferior 
to  the  Egyptian  in  the  number  and  variety  of  the 
objects  displayed  by  him,  which  on  the  Theban  tem- 
ples comprehend  animals  as  well  as  men,  and  almost 
every  conceivable  object  of  use  or  elegant  art. 

The  hieroglyphics  are  too  few  on  the  American 
buildings  to  authorize  any  decisive  inference.  On 
comparing  them,  however,  with  those  of  the  Dresden 
Codex,  probably  from  this  same  quarter  of  the  coun- 
try,^s  -with  those  on  the  monument  of  Xochicalco,  and 
with  the  ruder  picture-writing  of  the  Aztecs,  it  is  not 
easy  to  discern  any  thing  which  indicates  a  common 
system.  Still  less  obvious  is  the  resemblance  to  the 
Egyptian  characters,  whose  refined  and  delicate  abbre- 
viations approach  almost  to  the  simplicity  of  an  alpha- 
bet.    Yet    the  Palenque  writing  shows    an    advanced 

*4  "The  ideal  is  not  always  the  beautiful,"  as  Winckelmann  truly 
says,  referring  to  the  Egyptian  figures.  (Histoire  de  I'Art  chez  les 
Anciens,  liv.  4,  chap.  2,  trad.  Fr.)  It  is  not  impossible,  however,  that 
the  portraits  mentioned  in  the  text  may  be  copies  from  life.  Some  of 
the  rude  tribes  of  America  distorted  their  infants'  heads  into  forms 
quite  as  fantastic ;  and  Garcilaso  de  la  Vega  speaks  of  a  nation  dis- 
covered by  the  Spaniards  in  Florida,  with  a  formation  apparently  not 
unlike  the  Palenque  :  "  Ticnen  cabezas  increibUmente  largas,  y  ahu- 
sadas para  arrlba,  que  las  ponen  asi  con  arlificio,  atandoselas  desde  el 
punto,  que  nascen  las  criaturas,  hasta  que  son  de  nueve  6  diez  anos." 
La  Florida  (Madrid,  1723),  p.  190. 

"s  For  a  notice  of  this  remarkable  codex,  see  ante,  vol.  i.  p.  107. 
There  is,  indeed,  a  resemblance,  in  the  use  of  straight  lines  and  dots, 
between  the  Palenque  writing  and  the  Dresden  MS.     Possibly  theoe 
dots  denoted  years,  like  the  rounds  in  the  Mexican  system.' 
R* 


394 


APPENDIX. 


Stage  of  the  art,  and,  though  somewhat  clumsy,  in- 
timates,  by  the  conventional  and  arbitrary  forms  of 
the  hieroglyphics,  that  it  was  symbolical,  and  perhaps 
phonetic,  in  its  character.^  That  its  mysterious  im- 
port will  ever  be  deciphered  is  scarcely  to  be  expected. 
The  language  of  the  race  who  employed  it,  the  race 
itself,  is  unknown.  And  it  is  not  likely  that  another 
Rosetta  stone  will  be  found,  with  its  trilingual  inscrip- 
tion, to  supply  the  means  of  comparison,  and  to  guide 
the  American  Champollion  in  the  path  of  discovery. 

It  is  impossible  to  contemplate  these  mysterious 
monuments  of  a  lost  civilization  without  a  strong 
feeling  of  curiosity  as  to  who  were  their  architects  and 
what  is  their  probable  age.  The  data  on  which  to  rest 
our  conjectures  of  their  age  are  not  very  substantial ; 
although  some  find  in  them  a  warrant  for  an  antiquity 
of  thousands  of  years,  coeval  with  the  architecture  of 
Egypt  and    Hindostan.^^     But   the    interpretation  of 

86  The  hieroglyphics  are  arranged  in  perpendicular  lines.  The  heads 
are  uniformly  turned  towards  the  right,  as  in  the  Dresden  MS. 

^  "  Las  ruines,"  says  the  enthusiastic  chevalier  Le  Noir,  "  sans 
nom,  k  qui  Ton  a  donne  celui  de  Palenque,  peuvent  remonter  comme 
les  plus  anciennes  ruines  du  monde  k  trois  mille  ar.s.  Ceci  n'est  point 
mon  opinion  seule  ;  c'est  celle  de  tous  les  voyag-.urs  qui  ont  vu  les 
ruines  dont  il  s'agit,  de  tous  les  archeologues  qui  en  ont  examine  les 
dessins  ou  lu  les  descriptions,  enfin  des  historiens  qui  ont  fait  des 
recherches,  et  qui  n'ont  rien  trouve  dans  les  annales  du  monde  qui 
fasse  soup9onner  I'epoque  de  la  fondation  de  tels  monuments,  dont 
I'origine  se  perd  dans  la  nuit  des  temps."  (Antiquites  Mexicaines, 
torn,  ii.,  Examen,  p.  'jj,.')  Colonel  Galindo,  fired  with  the  contempla- 
tion of  the  American  ruins,  pronounces  this  country  the  true  cradle 
of  civilization,  whence  it  passed  over  to  China,  and  latterly  to  Europe, 
which,  whatever  "  its  foolish  vanity"  may  pretend,  has  but  just  started 
in  the  march  of  improvement!  See  his  Letter  on  Copan,  ap.  Trans, 
of  Am.  Ant.  Soc,  vol.  ii. 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION. 


395 


hieroglyphics,  and  the  apparent  duration  of  trees,  are 
vague  and  unsatisfactory.^^  And  liow  far  can  we  derive 
an  argument  from  the  discoloration  and  dilapidated 
condition  of  the  ruins,  when  we  find  so  many  struc- 
tures of  the  Middle  Ages  dark  and  mouldering  with 
decay,  while  the  marbles  of  the  Acropolis  and  the 
gray  stone  of  Paestum  still  shine  in  their  primitive 
splendor  ? 

There  are,  however,  undoubted  proofs  of  consider- 
able age  to  be  found  there.  Trees  have  shot  up  in  the 
midst  of  the  buildings,  which  measure,  it  is  said,  more 
than  nine  feet  in  diameter.*'  A  still  more  striking 
fact  is  the  accumulation  of  vegetable  mould  in  one  of 
the  courts,  to  the  depth  of  nine  feet  above  the  pave- 
ment.5°  This  in  our  latitude  would  be  decisive  of  a 
very  great  antiquity.  But  in  the  rich  soil  of  Yucatan, 
and  under  the  ardent  sun  of  the  tropics,  vegetation 
bursts  forth  with  irrepressible  exuberance,  and  genera- 
tions of  plants  succeed  each  other  without  intermis- 
sion, leaving  an  accumulation  of  deposits  that  would 
have  perished  under  a  northern  winter.     Another  evi- 

88  From  these  sources  of  information,  and  especially  from  the  num- 
ber of  the  concentric  rings  in  some  old  trees,  and  the  incrustation  of 
stalactites  found  on  the  ruins  of  Palenque,  M.  Waldeck  computes 
their  age  at  between  two  and  three  thousand  years.  (Voyage  en 
Yucatan,  p.  78.)  The  criterion,  as  far  as  the  trees  are  concerned,  can- 
not be  relied  on  in  an  advanced  stage  of  their  growth ;  and  as  to  the 
stalactite  formations,  they  are  obviously  affected  by  too  many  casual 
circumstances,  to  afford  the  basis  of  an  accurate  calculation. 

89  Waldeck,  Voyage  en  Yucatan,  ubi  supra. 

90  Antiquites  Mexicaines,  Examen,  p.  76. — Hardly  deep  enovigh. 
however,  to  justify  Captain  Dupaix's  surmise  of  the  antediluvian 
existence  of  these  buildings ;  especially  considering  that  the  accumu- 
lation was  in  the  sheltered  position  of  an  interior  court. 


39b  APPENDIX. 

dence  of  their  age  is  afforded  by  the  circumstance  that 
in  one  of  the  courts  of  Uxmal  the  granite  pavement, 
on  which  the  figures  of  tortoises  were  raised  in  relief, 
is  worn  nearly  smooth  by  the  feet  of  the  crowds  who 
have  passed  over  it ; ''  a  curious  fact,  suggesting  infer- 
ences both  in  regard  to  the  age  and  population  of  the 
place.  Lastly,  we  have  authority  for  carrying  back 
the  date  of  many  of  these  ruins  to  a  certain  period, 
since  they  were  found  in  a  deserted,  and  probably  di- 
lapidated, state  by  the  first  Spaniards  who  entered  the 
country.  Their  notices,  indeed,  are  brief  and  casual, 
for  the  old  Conquerors  had  little  respect  for  works  of 
art ;  '"^  and  it  is  fortunate  for  these  structures  that  they 

91  Waldeck,  Voyage  en  Yucatan,  p.  97. 

92  The  chaplain  of  Grijalva  speaks  with  admiration  of  the  "  lofty 
towers  of  stone  and  lime,  some  of  them  very  ancient,"  found  in  Yu- 
catan. (Itinerario,  MS.  (1518). )  Bemal  Diaz,  with  similar  expres- 
sions of  wonder,  refers  the  curious  antique  relics  found  there  to  the 
Jews.  (Hist,  de  la  Conquista,  cap.  2,  6.)  Alvarado,  in  a  letter  to 
Cortes,  expatiates  on  the  "  maravillosos  et  grandes  edificios"  to  be 
seen  in  Guatemala.  (Oviedo,  Hist,  de  las  Ind.,  MS.,  lib.  33,  cap.  42.) 
According  to  Cogolludo,  the  Spaniards,  who  could  get  no  tradition 
of  their  origin,  referred  them  to  the  Phoenicians  or  Carthaginians. 
(Hist,  de  Yucatan,  lib.  4,  cap.  2.)  He  cites  the  following  emphatic 
notice  of  these  remains  from  Las  Casas:  "  Ciertamente  la  tierra  de 
Yucathan  da  d  entender  cosas  mui  especiales,  y  de  mayor  antiguedad, 
por  las  grandes,  admirables,  y  excessivas  maneras  de  edificios,  y  letre- 
ros  de  ciertos  caracteres,  que  en  otra  ninguna  parte  se  hallan."  (Loc. 
cit.)  Even  the  inquisitive  Martyr  has  collected  no  particulars  respect- 
ing them,  merely  noticing  the  buildings  of  this  region  with  general 
expressions  of  admiration.  (De  Insulis  nuper  Inventis,  pp.  334-34'3-) 
What  is  quite  as  surpiising  is  the  silence  of  Cortes,  who  traversed  the 
country  forming  the  base  of  Yucatan,  in  his  famous  expedition  to 
Honduras,  of  which  he  has  given  many  details  we  would  gladly  have 
exchanged  for  a  word  respecting  these  interesting  memorials.  Carta 
Quinta  de  Cortes,  MS. —  I  must  add  that  some  remarks  in  the  above 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.       39 '^ 

had  ceased  to  be  the  living  temples  of  the  gods,  since 
no  merit  of  architecture,  probably,  would  have  availed 
to  save  them  from  the  general  doom  of  the  monuments 
of  Mexico. 

If  we  find  it  so  difficult  to  settle  the  age  of  these 
buildings,  what  can  we  hope  to  know  of  their  archi- 
tects? Little  can  be  gleaned  from  the  rude  people  by 
whom  they  are  surrounded.  The  old  Tezcucan  chron- 
icler so  often  quoted  by  me,  the  best  authority  for  the 
traditions  of  his  country,  reports-  that  the  Toltecs,  on 
the  breaking  up  of  their  empire, — which  he  places, 
earlier  than  most  authorities,  in  the  middle  of  the 
tenth  century, — migrating  from  Anahuac,  spread  them- 
selves over  Guatemala,  Tehuantepec,  Campeachy,  and 
the  coasts  and  neighboring  isles  on  both  sides  of  the 
Isthmus. 53  This  assertion,  important,  considering  its 
source,  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  several  of  the 
nations  in  that  quarter  adopted  systems  of  astronomy 
and  chronology,  as  well  as  sacerdotal  institutions,  very 
similar  to  the  Aztec, ^^  which,  as  we  have  seen,  were 

paragraph  in  the  text  would  have  been  omitted,  had  I  enjoyed  tlie 
benefit  of  Mr.  Stephens's  researclies  when  it  was  originally  written. 
This  is  especially  the  case  with  the  reflections  on  the  jbrobable  condi- 
tion of  these  structures  at  the  time  of  the  Conquest ;  wlien  some  of 
them  would  appear  to  have  been  still  used  for  their  original  purposes. 

93"Asimismo  los  Tultecas  que  escaparon  se  fueron  por  las  costas 
del  Mar  del  Sur  y  Norte,  como  son  Huatimala,  Tecuantepec,  Cuauh- 
zacualco,  Campechy,  Tecolotlan,  y  los  de  las  Islas  y  Costas  de  una 
mar  y  otra,  que  despues  se  vinieron  a  multiplicar."  Ixtlilxochitl, 
Relaciones,  MS.,  No.  5. 

94  Herrera,  Hist,  general,  dec.  4,  lib.  10,  cap.  1-4. — Cogolludo,  Hist, 
de  Yucatan,  lib.  4,  cap.  5. — Pet.  Martyr,  De  Insulis,  ubi  supra. — M. 
Waldeck  comes  to  just  the  opposite  inference,  namely,  that  the  in- 
habitants of  Yucatan  were  the  true  sources  of  the  Toltec  and  Aztec 
Vol.  III.— 34 


398  APPENDIX. 

also  probably  derived  from  the  Toltecs,  their  more 
polished  predecessors  in  the  land. 

If  so  recent  a  date  for  the  construction  of  the  Ameri- 
can buildings  be  thought  incompatible  with  this  ob- 
livion of  their  origin,  it  should  be  remembered  how 
treacherous  a  thing  is  tradition,  and  how  easily  the 
links  of  the  chain  are  severed.  The  builders  of  the 
pyramids  had  been  forgotten  before  the  time  of  the 
earliest  Greek  historians. '^  The  antiquary  still  dis- 
putes whether  the  frightful  inclination  of  that  archi- 
tectural miracle,  the  tower  of  Pisa,  standing  as  it  does 
in  the  heart  of  a  populous  city,  was  the  work  of  ac- 
cident or  design.  And  we  have  seen  how  soon  the 
Tezcucans,  dwelling  amidst  the  ruins  of  their  royal 
palaces,  built  just  before  the  Conquest,  had  forgotten 
their  history,  while  the  more  inquisitive  traveller  refers 
their  construction  to  some  remote  period  before  the 
Aztecs.  9* 

The  reader  has  now  seen  the  principal  points  of 
coincidence  insisted  on  between  the  civilization  of 
ancient  Mexico  and  the  Eastern  hemisphere.  In  pre- 
senting them  to  him,  I  have  endeavored  to  confine 
myself  to  such  as  rest  on  sure  historic  grounds,  and 
not  so  much  to  offer  my  own  opinion  as  to  enable  him 
to  form  one  for  himself.  There  are  some  material  em- 
barrassments in  the  way  to  this,  however,  which  must 

civilization.  (Voyage  en  Yucatan,  p.  72.)  "  Doubt  must  be  our  lot 
in  everj-thing,"  exclaims  the  honest  Captain  Dupaix, — "  the  true  faith 
always  excepted."     Antiquites  Mexicaines,  torn.  i.  p.  21. 

95  "  Inter  omnes  eos  non  constat  a  quibus  factae  sint,  justissimo 
casu,  obliteratis  tantse  vanitatis  auctoribus."  Pliny,  H'st.  Nat.,  lib. 
36,  cap.  17. 

9*  Ante,  vol.  i.  p.  186. 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN   CIVILIZATION. 


399 


not  be  passed  over  in  silence.  These  consist,  not  in 
explaining  the  fact  that,  while  the  mythic  system  and 
the  science  of  the  Aztecs  afford  some  striking  points 
of  analogy  with  the  Asiatic,  they  should  differ  in  so 
many  more ;  for  the  same  phenomenon  is  found  among 
the  nations  of  the  Old  World,  who  seem  to  have  bor- 
rowed from  one  another  those  ideas,  only,  best  suited 
to  their  peculiar  genius  and  institutions.  Nor  does  the 
difficulty  lie  in  accounting  for  the  great  dissimilarity 
of  the  American  languages  to  those  in  the  other  hemi- 
sphere ;  for  the  difference  with  these  is  not  greater  than 
what  exists  among  themselves;  and  no  one  will  contend 
for  a  separate  origin  for  each  of  the  aboriginal  tribes." 
But  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  reconcile  the  knowledge 
of  Oriental  science  with  the  total  ignorance  of  some 
of  the  most  serviceable  and  familiar  arts,  as  the  use  of 
milk  and  iron,  for  example ;  arts  so  simple,  yet  so  im- 
portant to  domestic  comfort,  that  when  once  acquired 
they  could  hardly  be  lost. 

The  Aztecs  had  no  useful  domesticated  animals. 
And  we  have  seen  that  they  employed  bronze,  as  a 
substitute  for  iron,  for  all  mechanical  purposes.  The 
bison,  or  wild  cow  of  America,  however,  which  ranges 
in  countless  herds  over  the  magnificent  prairies  of  the 
west,  yields  milk  like  the  tame  animal  of  the  same 
species  in  Asia  and  Europe  3  ^  and  iron  was  scattered 

97  At  least,  this  is  true  of  the  etymology  of  these  languages,  and, 
as  such,  was  adduced  by  Mr.  Edward  Everett,  in  his  Lectures  on  the 
Aboriginal  Civilization  of  America,  forming  part  of  a  course  delivered 
some  years  since  by  that  acute  and  highly  accomplished  scholar. 

98  The  mixed  breed,  from  the  buffalo  and  the  European  stock,  was 
known  formerly  in  the  northwestern  counties  of  Virginia,  says  Mr. 
Gallatin  (Synopsis,  sec.  s) ;  who  is,  however,  mistaken  in  asserting 


400 


APPENDIX. 


in  large  masses  over  the  surface  of  the  table-land.  Yet 
there  have  been  people  considerably  civilized  in  East- 
ern Asia  who  were  almost  equally  strangers  to  the  use 
of  milk. '9  The  buffalo  range  was  not  so  much  on  the 
western  coast  as  on  the  eastern  slopes  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains ;'°°  and  the  migratory  Aztec  might  well 
doubt  whether  the  wild,  uncouth  monsters  whom  he 
occasionally  saw  bounding  Avith  such  fury  over  the 
distant  plains  were  capable  of  domestication,  like  the 
meek  animals  which  he  had  left  grazing  in  the  green 
pastures  of  Asia.  Iron,  too,  though  met  with  on  the 
surface  of  the  ground,  was  more  tenacious,  and  harder 
to  work,  than  copper,  which  he  also  found  in  much 
greater  quantities  on  his  route.     It  is  possible,  more- 

that  "  the  bison  is  not  known  to  have  ever  been  domesticated  by  the 
Indians."  (Ubi  supra.)  Gomara  speaks  of  a  nation,  dwelling  about 
40°  north  latitude,  on  the  northwestern  borders  of  New  Spain,  whose 
chief  wealth  was  in  droves  of  these  cattle  {bi/yes  con  una  giba  sobre  la 
cruz,  "  o.\en  with  a  hump  on  the  shoulders"),  from  which  they  got  their 
clothing,  food,  and  drink,  which  last,  however,  appears  to  have  been 
only  the  blood  of  the  animal.  Historia  de  las  Indias,  cap.  214,  ap. 
Barcia,  torn.  ii. 

99  The  people  of  parts  of  China,  for  example,  and,  above  all,  of 
Cochin  China,  who  never  milk  their  cows,  according  to  Macartney, 
cited  by  Humboldt,  Essai  politique,  torn.  iii.  p.  58,  note.  See,  also, 
p.  118. 

'oo  "Y'hQ  native  regions  of  the  buffalo  were  the  vast  prairies  of  the 
Missouri,  and  they  wandered  over  the  long  reach  of  country  east  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  from  55°  north,  to  the  headwaters  of  the 
streams  between  the  Mississippi  and  the  Rio  del  Norte.  The  Colum- 
bia plains,  says  Gallatin,  were  as  naked  of  game  as  of  trees.  (Synop- 
sis, sec.  5.)  That  the  bison  was  sometimes  found  also  on  the  other 
side  of  the  mountains,  is  plain  from  Gomara's  statement.  (Hist,  de 
las  Ind.,  loc.  cit.)  See,  also,  Laet,  who  traces  their  southern  wan- 
derings to  the  river  Vaquimi(?),  in  the  province  of  Cinaloa,  on  the 
Cahfornian  Gulf.     Novus  Orbis(Lugd.  Bat.,  1633),  p.  286. 


ORIGIN  OF  MEXICAN  CIVILIZATION.       401 

over,  that  his  migration  may  have  been  previous  to  the 
time  when  iron  was  used  by  his  nation ;  for  we  have 
seen  more  than  one  people  in  the  Old  World  employ- 
ing bronze  and  copper  with  entire  ignorance,  appar- 
ently, of  any  more  serviceable  metal. '°' — Such  is  the 
explanation,  unsatisfactory,  indeed,  but  the  best  that 
suggests  itself,  of  this  curious  anomaly. 

The  consideration  of  these  and  similar  difficulties 
has  led  some  writers  to  regard  the  antique  American 
civilization  as  purely  indigenous.  Whichever  way  we 
turn,  the  subject  is  full  of  embarrassment.  It  is  easy, 
indeed,  by  fastening  the  attention  on  one  portion  of 
it,  to  come  to  a  conclusion.  In  this  way,  while  some 
feel  little  hesitation  in  pronouncing  the  American 
civilization  original,  others,  no  less  certainly,  discern 
in  it  a  Hebrew,  or  an  Egyptian,  or  a  Chinese,  or  a 
Tartar  origin,  as  their  eyes  are  attracted  by  the  light 

•°«  Anie,  vol.  i.  p.  142. 
Thus  Lucretius  : 

"  Et  prior  seris  erat,  quam  ferri  cognitus  usus. 
Quo  facilis  m.igis  est  natura,  et  copia  major. 
M.XC  solum  terrae  tractabant,  jereque  belli 
Miscebant  fluctus." 

De  Rerum  Natura,  lib.  5. 

According  to  Carli,  the  Chinese  were  acquainted  with  iron  3000 
years  before  Christ,  (l^ettres  Americ,  torn.  ii.  p.  63.)  Sir  J.  G. 
Wilkinson,  in  an  elaborate  inquiry  into  its  first  appearance  among  the 
peop'e  of  Europe  and  Western  Asia,  finds  no  traces  of  it  earlier  than 
the  sixteenth  century  before  the  Christian  era.  (Ancient  Egyptians 
vol.  iii.  pp.  241-246.)  The  origin  of  the  most  useful  arts  is  lost  in 
darkness.  Their  very  utility  is  one  cause  of  this,  from  the  rapidity 
with  which  they  are  diffused  among  distant  nations.  Another  cause 
is,  that  in  the  first  ages  of  the  discovery  men  are  more  occupied  with 
availing  themselves  of  it  than  with  recor  ing  its  history;  until  time 
turns  history  into  fiction.  Instances  are  familiar  to  every  school-boy. 
^  1* 


402  APPENDIX. 

of  analogy  too  exclusively  to  this  or  the  other  quarter. 
The  number  of  contradictory  lights,  of  itself,  per- 
plexes the  judgment  and  prevents  us  from  arriving  at  a 
precise  and  positive  inference.  Indeed,  the  affectation 
of  this,  in  so  doubtful  a  matter,  argues  a  most  unphilo- 
sophical  mind.  Yet  where  there  is  most  doubt  there  is 
often  the  most  dogmatism. 

The  reader  of  the  preceding  pages  may  perhaps 
acquiesce  in  the  general  conclusions, — not  startling 
by  their  novelty, — 

First,  that  the  coincidences  are  sufficiently  strong  to 
authorize  a  belief  that  the  civilization  of  Anahuac  was 
in  some  degree  influenced  by  that  of  Eastern  Asia. 

And,  secondly,  that  the  discrepancies  are  such  as  to 
carry  back  the  communication  to  a  very  remote  period ; 
so  remote  that  this  foreign  influence  has  been  too  feeble 
to  interfere  materially  with  the  growth  of  what  may  be 
regarded  in  its  essential  features  as  a  peculiar  and  in- 
digenous civilization. 


J 


APPENDIX. 

PART    IL 
ORIGINAL    DOCUMENTS. 


/ 


(403) 


APPENDIX,  PART   II. 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS. 
No.  I. — See  vol.  i.  p.  153. 

ADVICE  OF  AN  AZTEC  MOTHER  TO  HER  DAUGHTER; 
TRANSLATED  FROM  SAHAGUN'S  "  HISTORIA  DE  NUEVA- 
ESPANA,"  LIB.  VI.  CAP.  XIX. 

[I  have  thought  it  best  to  have  this  translation  made 
in  the  most  literal  manner,  that  the  reader  may  have  a 
correct  idea  of  the  strange  mixture  of  simplicity,  ap- 
proaching to  childishness,  and  moral  sublimity,  which 
belongs  to  the  original.  It  is  the  product  of  the  twilight 
of  civilization.] 

My  beloved  daughter,  very  dear  little  dove,  you  have  already 
heard  and  attended  to  the  words  which  your  father  has  told  you. 
They  are  precious  words,  and  such  as  are  rarely  spoken  or  listened 
to,  and  which  have  proceeded  from  the  bowels  and  heart  in  which 
they  were  treasured  up;  and  your  beloved  father  well  knows  that  you 
are  his  daughter,  begotten  of  him,  are  his  blood,  and  his  flesii  ;  and 
God  our  Lord  knows  that  it  is  so.  Although  you  are  a  woman,  and 
are  the  image  of  your  father,  what  more  can  I  say  to  you  than  has  al- 
rer.dy  been  said  ?  What  more  can  you  hear  than  what  you  have  heard 
from  your  lord  and  father?  who  has  fully  told  you  what  it  is  becoming 
for  you  to  do  and  to  avoid ;  nor  is  there  anything  remaining,  which 
concerns  you,  that  he  has  not  touched  upon.  Nevertheless,  that  I 
may  do  towards  you  my  whole  duty,  I  will  say  to  you  some  few  words. 

(405) 


4o6  APPENDIX. 

— The  first  thing  that  I  earnestly  charge  upon  you  is,  that  you  observe 
and  do  not  forget  what  your  father  has  now  told  you,  since  it  is  all 
very  precious ;  and  persons  of  his  condition  rarely  publish  such  things ; 
for  they  are  the  words  which  belong  to  the  noble  and  wise, — valuable 
as  rich  jewels.  See,  then,  that  you  take  them  and  lay  them  up  in  your 
heart,  and  write  them  in  your  bowels.  If  God  gives  you  life,  with 
these  same  words  will  you  teach  your  sons  and  daughters,  if  God  shall 
give  you  them. — The  second  thing  that  I  desire  to  say  to  you  is,  that 
I  love  you  much,  that  you  are  my  dear  daughter.  Remember  that 
nine  months  I  bore  you  in  my  w^omb,  that  you  were  born  and  brought 
up  in  my  arms.  •  I  placed  you  in  your  cradle,  and  in  my  lap,  and  with 
my  milk  I  nursed  you.  This  I  tell  you,  in  order  that  you  may  know 
that  I  and  your  father  are  the  source  of  your  being ;  it  is  we  who  now 
instruct  you.  See  that  you  receive  our  words,  and  treasure  them  in 
your  breast. — Take  care  that  your  garments  are  such  as  are  decent 
and  proper ;  and  observe  that  you  do  not  adorn  yourself  with  much 
finery,  since  this  is  a  mark  of  vanity  and  of  folly.  As  little  becoming 
is  it,  that  your  dress  should  be  very  mean,  dirty,  or  ragged ;  since  rags 
are  a  mark  of  the  low,  and  of  those  who  are  held  in  contempt.  Let 
your  clothes  be  becoming  and  neat,  that  you  may  neither  appear  fan- 
tastic nor  mean.  When  you  speak,  do  not  hurry  your  words  from 
uneasiness,  but  speak  deliberately  and  calmly.  Do  not  raise  your 
voice  very  high,  nor  speak  very  low,  but  in  a  moderate  tone.  Neither 
mince,  when  you  speak,  nor  when  you  salute,  nor  speak  through  your 
nose ;  but  let  your  words  be  proper,  of  a  good  sound,  and  your  voice 
gentle.  Do  not  be  nice  in  the  choice  of  your  words.  In  walking,  my 
daughter,  see  that  you  behave  becomingly,  neither  going  with  haste, 
nor  too  slowly ;  since  it  is  an  evidence  of  being  puffed  up,  to  walk  too 
slowly,  and  walking  hastily  causes  a  vicious  habit  of  restlessness  and 
instability.  Therefore  neither  walk  very  fast,  nor  very  slow ;  yet, 
when  it  shall  be  necessary  to  go  with  haste,  do  so, — in  this  use  your 
discretion.  And  when  you  may  be  obliged  to  jump  over  a  pool  of 
water,  do  it  with  decency,  that  you  may  neither  appear  clumsy  nor 
light.  When  you  are  in  the  street,  do  not  carry  your  head  much  in- 
clined, or  your  body  bent ;  nor  as  little  go  with  your  head  very  much 
raised;  since  it  is  a  mark  of  ill  breeding;  walk  erect,  and  with  your 
head  slightly  inclined.  Do  not  have  your  mouth  covered,  or  your 
face,  from  shame,  nor  go  looking  like  a  near-sighted  person,  nor,  on 
your  way,  make  fantastic  movements  with  your  feet.  Walk  through 
the  street  quietly,  and  with  propriety.     Another  thing  that  you  must 


ORIGINAL    DOCUMEXTS. 


407 


attend  to,  my  daughter,  is,  that  when  you  are  in  the  street  you  do 
not  go  looking  hither  and  thither,  nor  turning  your  head  to  look  at 
this  and  that;  walk  neither  looking  at  the  skies  nor  on  the  ground. 
Do  not  look  upon  those  whom  you  meet  with  the  eyes  of  an  offended 
person,  nor  have  the  appearance  of  being  uneasy  ;  but  of  one  who  looks 
upon  all  with  a  serene  countenance ;  doing  this,  you  will  give  no  one 
occasion  of  being  offended  with  you.  Show  a  becoming  countenance ; 
that  you  m  ly  neither  appear  morose,  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  too  com- 
plaisant. See,  my  daughter,  that  you  give  yout;self  no  concern  about 
the  words  you  may  hear,  in  going  through  the  street,  nor  pay  any  regard 
to  them,  let  those  who  come  and  go  say  what  they  will.  Take  care 
that  you  neither  answer  nor  speak,  but  act  as  if  you  neither  heard 
nor  understood  them  ;  since,  doing  in  this  manner,  no  one  will  be  able 
to  say  with  truth  that  you  have  said  anything  amiss.  See,  likewise, 
my  daughter,  that  you  never  paint  your  face,  or  stain  it  or  your  lips 
with  colors,  in  order  to  appear  well ;  since  this  is  a  mark  of  vile  and 
unchaste  women.  Paints  and  coloring  are  things  which  bad  women 
use, — the  immodest,  who  have  lost  all  shame  and  even  sense,  who  are 
like  fools  and  drunkards,  and  are  called  rameras  [prostitutes].  But, 
that  your  husband  may  not  dislike  you,  adorn  yourself,  w^sh  yourself, 
and  cleanse  your  clothes  ;  and  let  this  be  done  with  moderation  ;  since 
if  every  day  you  wash  yourself  and  your  clothes  it  will  be  said  of  you 
that  you  are  over-nice, — too  delicate ;  they  will  call  you  tapepctzon 
iineviaxoch. — My  daughter,  this  is  the  course  you  are  to  take  ;  since 
in  this  manner  the  ancestors  from  whom  you  spring  brought  us  up. 
Those  noble  and  venerable  dames,  your  grandmothers,  told  us  not  so 
many  things  as  I  have  told  you, — they  said  but  few  words,  and  spoke 
thus :  "  Listen,  my  daughters  ;  in  this  world  it  is  necessary  to  live  with 
much  prudence  and  circumspection.  Hear  this  allegory,  which  I  shall 
now  tell  you,  and  preserve  it,  and  take  from  it  a  warning  and  example 
for  living  aright.  Here,  in  this  world,  we  travel  by  a  very  narrow, 
s'eep,  and  dangerous  road,  which  is  as  a  lofty  mountain  ridge,  on 
whose  top  passes  a  narrow  path  ;  on  either  side  is  a  great  gulf  without 
bottom  ;  and  if  you  deviate  from  the  path  you  will  fall  into  it,  There 
is  need,  therefore,  of  much  discretion  in  pursuing  the  road."  My  ten- 
derly loved  daughter,  my  little  dove,  keep  this  illustration  in  your  heart, 
and  see  that  you  do  not  forget  it, — it  will  be  to  you  as  a  lamp  and  a 
beacon  so  long  as  you  shall  live  in  this  world.  Only  one  thing  remains 
to  be  said,  and  I  have  done.  If  God  shall  give  you  life,  if  you  shall 
continue  some  years  upon  the  earth,  sec  that  you  guard  yourself  care- 


4o8  APPENDIX. 

fully,  that  no  stain  come  upon  you;  should  you  forfeit  your  chastity, 
and  afterwards  be  asked  in  marriage  and  should  marry  any  one,  you 
will  never  be  fortunate,  nor  have  true  love, — he  will  always  remember 
that  you  were  not  a  virgin,  and  this  will  be  the  cause  of  great  affliction 
and  distress  ;  you  will  never  be  al  peace,  for  your  husband  will  always 
tje  suspicious  of  you.  O  my  dearly  beloved  daughter,  if  you  shall 
live  upon  the  earth,  see  that  not  more  than  one  man  approaches  you; 
and  observe  what  I  now  shall  tell  you,  as  a  strict  command.  \Vhen 
it  shall  please  God  that  you  receive  a  husband,  and  you  are  placed 
aiider  his  authority,  be  free  from  arrogance,  see  that  you  do  not 
neglect  him,  nor  allow  your  heart  to  be  in  opposition  to  him.  Be  not 
disrespectful  to  him.  Beware  that  in  no  time  or  place  you  commit 
the  treason  against  him  called  adultery.  See  that  you  give  no  favor 
to  another;  since  this,  my  dear  and  much-loved  daughter,  is  to  fall 
into  a  pit  without  bottom,  from  which  there  will  be  no  escape.  Ac- 
rord.ng  to  the  custom  of  the  world,  if  it  shall  be  known,  for  this  crime 
they  A'ill  kill  you,  they  will  throw  you  into  the  street,  for  an  example 
to  all  the  people,  where  your  head  will  be  crushed  and  dragged  upon 
the  g»ound.  Of  these  says  a  proverb,  "  You  will  be  stoned  and  dragged 
upon  the  earth,  and  others  will  take  warning  at  your  death."  From 
this  wifl  arise  a  stain  and  dishonor  upon  our  ancestors,  the  nobles  and 
senators  from  whom  we  are  descended.  You  will  tarnish  their  illus- 
trious lame,  and  their  glory,  by  the  filthiness  and  impurity  of  your  sin. 
You  win,  likewise,  lose  your  reputation,  your  nobility,  and  honor  of 
birth  ;  yuur  name  will  be  forgotten  and  abhorred.  Of  you  will  it  be 
said  that  vou  were  buried  in  the  dust  of  your  sins.  And  remember, 
my  daughter,  that,  though  no  man  shall  see  you,  nor  your  husband 
liver  know  what  happens,  God,  who  is  in  every  place,  sees  you,  will  be 
.angry  witn  you,  and  will  also  excite  the  indignation  of  the  people 
against  you,  and  will  be  avenged  upon  you  as  he  shall  see  fit.  By  his 
command,  you  shall  either  be  maimed,  or  struck  blind,  or  your  body 
will  wither,  or  you  will  come  to  extreme  poverty,  for  daring  to  injure 
your  husband.  Or  perhaps  he  will  give  you  to  death,  and  put  you 
under  his  feet,  sending  you  to  the  place  of  torment.  Our  Lord  is 
compassionate  ;  but,  if  you  commit  treason  against  your  husband, 
God,  who  is  in  every  place,  shall  take  vengeance  on  your  sin,  and  will 
permit  you  to  have  neither  contentment,  nor  repose,  nor  a  peaceful 
life ;  and  he  will  excite  your  husband  to  be  always  unkind  towards 
you,  and  always  to  speak  to  you  with  anger.  My  dear  daughter, 
whom  I  tenderly  love,  see  that  you  live  in  the  world  in  peace,  tran- 


I 


ORIGINAL    DOCUMENTS. 


409 


quil'f-ty,  and  contentment,  all  the  days  that  you  shall  live.  See  that 
you  disgrace  not  yourseli,  that  you  stain  not  your  honor,  nor  pollute 
the  lustre  and  fame  of  your  ancestors.  See  that  you  honor  me  and 
your  father,  and  reflect  glory  on  us  by  your  good  life.  May  God 
prosper  you,  my  hrst-born,  and  may  you  come  to  God,  who  is  in  every 
place. 


No.  II. — See  vol.  i.  p.  175. 

a.  CASTILIAN  AND  AN  ENGLISH  TRANSLATION  OF  A  POEM 
ON  THE  MUTABILITY  OF  LIFE,  BY  NEZAHUALCOYOTL, 
LORD  OF  TEZCUCO. 

[This  poem  was  fortunately  rescued  from  the  fate  of 
too  many  of  the  Indian  MSS.,  by  the  chevalier  Botu- 
rini,  and  formed  part  of  his  valuable  Museo.  It  was 
subsequently  incorporated  in  the  extensive  collection 
of  documents  made  by  Father  Manuel  de  la  Vega,  in 
Mexico,  1792,  This  magnificent  collection  was  made 
in  obedience  to  an  enlightened  order  of  the  Spanish 
government,  "  that  all  such  MSS.  as  could  be  found  in 
New  Spain,  fitted  to  illustrate  the  antiquities,  geogra- 
phy, civil,  ecclesiastical,  and  natural  history  of  Amer- 
ica, should  be  copied  and  transmitted  to  Madrid." 
This  order  was  obeyed,  and  the  result  was  a  collection 
of  thirty-two  volumes  in  folio,  which,  amidst  much 
that  is  trivial  and  of  little  worth,  contains  also  a  mass 
of  original  materials,  of  inestimable  value  to  the  his- 
torian of  Mexico  and  of  the  various  races  who  occu- 
pied the  country  cf  New  Spain.] 

Un  rato  cantar  quiero, 
pues  la  ocasion  y  el  tiempo  se  ofrece; 
Vol.  III.— s  35 


4IO  APPENDIX. 

ser  admitido  espero, 

si  intento  lo  merece; 

y  comienzo  mi  canto, 

aunque  fuera  inejor  llamarle  llanto, 

Y  tu,  querido  Amigo, 
goza  la  amenidad  de  aquestas  flores, 
alegrate  conmigo ; 
desechemos  de  pena  los  temores, 
que  el  gusto  trae  medida, 
por  ser  al  fin  con  fin  la  mala  vida. 

Id  tocare  cantando 
el  miisico  instrumento  sonoroso, 
tu  de  flores  gozando 
danza,  y  festeja  d  Dies  que  es  Poderoeo  i 
gocemos  de  esta  gloria, 
porque  la  humana  vida  es  transitoria. 

De  Ocblehacan  pusiste 
en  esta  noble  Corte,  y  siendo  tuyo, 
tus  sillas,  y  quisiste 
vestirlas ;  donde  arguyo, 
que  con  grandeza  tanta 
el  Imperio  se  aumenta  y  se  levanta. 

Oyoyotziii  prudente, 
famoso  Rey  y  singular  Monarca, 
goza  del  bien  presente, 
que  lo  presente  lo  florido  abarca; 
porque  vendrd  algun  dia 
que  busques  este  gusto  y  alegria. 

Entonces  tu  Fortuna 
te  ha  de  quitar  el  Cetro  de  la  mano, 
ha  de  menguar  tu  Luna 
no  te  verds  tan  fuerte  y  tan  ufano ; 
entonces  tus  criados 
de  todo  bien  seran  desamparados. 

Y  en  tan  triste  suceso 
los  nobles  descendientes  de  tu  nido, 
de  Principes  el  peso, 
los  que  de  nobles  Padres  han  nacido, 
faltando  tu  Cabeza, 
gustardn  la  amargura  de  pobreza. 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS.  4;  t 

Y  traerdn  d  la  memoria 

quien  fuiste  en  pompa  de  todos  envidiada 

tus  triunfos  y  victoria  ; 

y  con  la  gloria  y  Magestad  pasada 

cotejando  pesares, 

de  lagrimas  haran  crecidas  Mares. 

Y  estos  tus  descendientes, 
que  te  sirven  de  pluma  y  de  corona 
de  ti  viendose  ausentes, 

de  Culhuacan  estranaran  la  cuna, 

y  tenidos  por  tales 

con  sus  desdichas  crecerdn  sus  males. 

Y  de  esta  grandeza  rara, 
digna  de  mil  coronas  y  blasones, 
serd  la  fama  avara ; 

solo  se  acordaran  en  las  naciones, 

lo  bien  que  governdron, 

las  tres  Cabezas  que  el  imperio  honrdron. 

En  Mexico  famosa 
Moctezuma,  valor  de  pecho  Indiano; 
d  Culhuacan  dichosa 
de  Ne9ahualcoyotl  rigio  la  mano; 
Acatlapan  la  fuerte 
Totoquilhuastli  le  salio  por  suerte. 

Y  ningun  olvido  temo 

de  lo  bien  que  tu  reyno  dispusiste, 

estando  en  el  supremo 

lugar,  que  de  la  mano  recibiste 

de  aquel  Senor  del  Mundo, 

factor  de  aquestas  cosas  sin  segundo. 

Y  goza  pues  niuy  gustoso, 

O  Ne9ahualcoyotl,  lo  que  agora  tienes 

con  flores  de  este  hermoso 

jardin  corona  tus  ilustres  sienes ; 

oye  mi  canto,  y  lira 

que  d  darte  gustos  y  placeres  tira. 

Y  los  gustos  de  esta  vida, 

sus  riquezas,  y  mandos  son  prestados 

son  sustancia  fingida, 

con  apanencias  solo  matizados; 


4V2 


APPENDIX. 

y  es  tan  gran  verdad  esta, 

que  a  una  pregunta  me  has  de  dar  respuesta, 

I Y  que  es  de  Cihuapan, 
y  Quantzintecomtzin  el  valiente, 
y  Conahuatzin ; 
que  es  de  toda  esa  gente  ? 
sus  voces ;  \  agora  acaso  ! 
ya  estan  en  la  otra  vida,  este  es  el  caso. 

]  Ojala  los,  que  agora 
juntos  los  tiene  del  amor  el  hilo, 
que  amistad  atesora, 
vieramos  de  la  muerte  el  duro  filol 
porque  no  hay  bien  seguro, 
que  siempre  trae  mudanza  d  lo  future. 


Now  would  I  sing,  since  time  and  place 

Are  mine, — and  oil !  with  thee 
May  tliis  my  song  obtain  the  grace 

My  purpose  claims  for  me. 
1  wake  these  notes  on  song  intent, 
But  call  it  rather  a  lament. 
Do  thou,  beloved,  now  delight 
In  these  my  flowers,  pure  and  bright, 

Rejoicing  with  thy  friend  ; 
Now  let  us  banish  pain  and  fear, 
For,  if  our  joys  are  measured  here, 

Life's  sadness  hath  its  end. 

And  I  will  strike,  to  aid  my  voice. 

The  deep,  sonorous  chord  ; 
Thou,  dancing,  in  these  flowers  rejoice, 

And  feast  Earth's  mighty  Lord; 
Seize  we  the  glories  of  to-day, 
For  mortal  life  fleets  fist  away. — 
In  Ocblehacan,  all  thine  own. 
Thy  hand  hatb  placed  the  noble  throne 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS. 

Which  thou  hast  richly  dressea ; 
From  whence  I  argue  that  thy  sway 
Shall  be  augmented  day  by  day, 

In  rising  greatness  blessed. 

Wise  Oyoyotzin  !  pnident  king! 

Unrivalled  Prince,  and  great  I 
Enjoy  the  fragrant  flowers  that  spiing 

Around  thy  kingly  state  ; 
A  day  will  come  which  shall  destroy 
Thy  present  bliss, — thy  present  joy, — 
When  fate  the  sceptre  of  command 
Shall  wrench  from  out  thy  royal  hand, — 

Thy  moon  diminished  rise  ; 
And,  as  thy  pride  and  strength  are  qiienclied, 
From  thy  adherents  shall  be  wrenched 

All  that  they  love  or  prize. 

Wlien  sorrow  shall  my  truth  attest. 

And  this  thy  throne  decline, — 
The  birds  of  thy  ancestral  nest, 

The  princes  of  thy  line, — 
The  mighty  of  thy  race, — shall  see 
The  bitter  ills  of  poverty  ; — 
And  then  shall  memory  recall 
Thy  envied  greatness,  and  on  all 

Thy  brilliant  triumphs  dwell ; 
And  as  they  think  on  by-gone  years. 
Compared  with  present  shame  their  tears 

Shall  to  an  ocean  swell. 

And  those  who,  though  a  royal  band, 

Serve  thee  for  crown,  or  plume. 
Remote  from  Culhuacan's  land 

Shall  find  the  exile's  doom. 
Deprived  of  thee, — their  rank  forgot,— 
Misfortune  shall  o'erwhelm  their  lot. 
Then  fame  shall  grudgingly  withhold 
Her  meed  to  greatness,  which  of  old 

Blazons  and  crowns  displayed ; 
35* 


413 


414  APPENDIX. 

The  people  will  retain  alone 
Remembrance  of  that  ti-iple  throne 
Which  this  our  land  obeyed. 

Brave  Moctezuma's  Indian  land 

Was  Mexico  the  great, 
And  Nezahualcoyotl's  hand 

Blessed  Culhuacan's  state, 
Whilst  Totoquil  his  portion  drew 
In  Acatlapan,  strong  and  true; 
But  no  oblivion  can  I  fear. 
Of  good  by  thee  accomplished  here, 

Whilst  high  upon  thy  throne ; 
rhat  station,  which,  to  match  thy  worth, 
Was  given  by  the  Lord  of  Earth, 

Maker  of  good  alone. 

Then,  Nezahualcoyotl, — now, 

In  what  thou  hast,  delight ; 
And  wreathe  around  thy  royal  brow 

Life's  garden  blossoms  bright ; 
List  to  my  lyre  and  my  lay, 
Which  aim  to  please  thee,  and  obey. 
The  pleasures  which  our  lives  present — 
Earth's  sceptres,  and  its  wealth — are  lent. 

Are  shadows  fleeting  by  ; 
Appearance  colors  all  our  bliss ; 
A  truth  so  great,  that  now  to  this 

One  question,  make  reply. 

What  has  become  of  Cihuapan, 

Quantzintecomtzin  brave. 
And  Conahuatzin,  mighty  man; 

Where  are  they  ?     In  the  grave! 
Their  names  remain,  but  they  are  fled, 
Forever  numbered  with  the  dead. 
Would  that  those  now  in  friendship  bound, 
We  whom  Love's  thread  encircles  round. 

Death's  cruel  edge  might  see! 
Since  good  on  earth  is  insecure, 
And  all  things  must  a  change  endure 

In  dark  futurity ! 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS.  415 


No.  III. — See  vol.  i.  p.  178. 

DESCRIPTION  OF  THE  RESIDENCE  OF  NEZAHUALCOYOTL 
AT  TEZCOTZINCO,  EXTRACTED  FROM  IXTLILXOCHITL'S 
"HISTORIA    CHICHIMECA,"   MS.,  CAP.   XLII. 

De  los  jardines  el  mas  ameno  y  de  curiosidades  fue  el  Bosque  de 
Tezcotzinco ;  porque  demas  de  la  cerca  tan  grande  que  tenia,  para 
subir  d  la  cumbre  de  el,  y  andarlo  todo,  tenia  sus  gradas,  parte  de  ellas 
de  argamasa,  parte  labrada  en  la  misma  peiia ;  y  el  agua  que  se  trahia 
para  las  Fuentes,  Pilas,  y  Baiios,  y  los  caiios  que  se  repartian  para  el 
riego  de  las  Flores  y  arboledas  de  este  Bosque,  para  poderla  traer 
desde  su  Nacimiento,  fue  nienester  hacer  fuertes  y  altissimas  murallas 
de  argamasa  desde  unas  sierras  a  otras,  de  increible  grandeza ;  sobre 
la  qual  hizo  una  Fargea  hasta  venir  a  dar  i.  la  mas  alta  del  Bosque,  y 
a  las  espaldas  de  la  cumbre  de  el.  En  el  primer  Eslanque  de  Agua 
estaba  una  Pena  esculpida  en  ella  en  circunfcrencia  los  anos  desde  que 
havia  nacido  el  Rey  Nezahualcoiotzin  hasla  la  edad  de  aquel  tiempo ; 
y  por  la  parte  de  afuera  los  anos  en  fin  de  cada  uno  de  ellos,  asi  mismo 
esculpidas  las  cosas  mas  memorables  que  hizo:  y  por  dentro  de  la 
rueda  esculpidas  sus  Armas,  que  eran  una  casa,  que  estaba  ardiendo, 
en  llamas  y  desaciendose  ;  otra  que  estaba  muy  ennoblecida  de  edi- 
ficios  :  y  en  medio  de  las  dos  un  pie  de  venado,  atada  en  el  una  piedra 
preciosa,  y  salian  del  pie  unos  penachos  dc  plumas  preciosas,  y  asi 
mismo  una  cierva,  y  en  ella  tui  Brazo  asido  de  un  Arco  con  unas  Fle- 
chas,  y  como  un  H ombre  armado  con  su  Morrion  y  oregeras,  coselete, 
y  dos  tigres  a  los  Lados,  de  cuias  bocas  salian  agua  y  fuego,  y  por  orla, 
doce  cabezas  de  Reyes  y  Seiiores,  y  otras  cosas  que  el  primer  Arzobispo 
de  Mexico,  Don  Fray  Juan  de  Zumarraga,  mando  hacer  pedazos,  en- 
tendiendo  ser  algimos  Idolos ;  y  todo  lo  referido  era  la  etimologfa  de 
sus  Armas.  Y  de  alli  se  partia  esta  agua  en  dos  partes,  que  la  una  iba 
cercando  y  rodeando  el  Bosque  por  la  parte  del  Norte,  y  la  otra  por  la 
parte  del  Sur.  En  la  cumbre  de  este  Bosque  estaban  edificadas  unas 
casas  d  manera  de  torre,  y  por  remate  y  Chapitel  estaba  hecha  de  can- 
teria  una  como  a  manera  de  Mazeta,  y  dentra  de  ella  salian  unos 
Penachos  y  plumeros,  que  era  la  etimologia  del  nombre  del  Bosque; 
y  luego  mas  abajo,  hecho  de  una  Pena,  un  Leon  de  mas  de  dos  brazas 
de  largo  con  sus  alas  y  plumas :  estaba  hechado  y  mirando  a  la  parte 


41 6  APPENDIX. 

del  Oriente,  en  cuiaboca  asomaba  un  rostro,  que  era  el  mismo  retrato 
del  Rey,  el  qual  Leon  estaba  de  ordinario  debajo  de  un  palio  hecho 
de  oro  y  plumeria.  Un  poquito  mas  abajo  estaban  tres  Albercas  de 
agua,  y  en  la  de  en  medio  estaban  en  sus  Bordos  tres  Damas  esculpidas 
y  labradas  en  la  misma  Pefia,  que  significaban  la  gran  Laguna  y  las 
Ramas  las  cabezas  del  Imperio ;  y  por  un  lado  (que  era  hacia  la  parte 
del  Norte)  otra  Alberca,  y  en  una  Pefia  esculpido  el  nombre  y  Escudo 
de  Aimas  de  la  Ciudad  de  Tolan,  que  fue  cabecera  de  los  Tultecas; 
y  por  el  lado  izquierdo,  que  caia  hacia  la  parte  del  Sur,  estaba  la  otra 
Alberca,  y  en  la  pena  esculpido  el  Escudo  de  Armas  y  nombre  de  la 
Ciudad  de  Tenaiocan,  que  fue  la  cabecera  del  Imperio  de  los  Chichi- 
mecas;  y  de  esta  Alberca  salia  un  cano  de  Agua,  que  sahando  sobre 
Unas  penas  salpicaba  el  Agua,  que  iba  a  caer  a  un  Jardin  de  todas 
flores  olorosas  de  Tierra  caliente,  que  parecia  que  llovia  con  la  pre- 
cipitacion  y  golpe  que  daba  el  agua  sobre  la  pena.  Tras  este  jardin 
se  seguian  los  Banos  hechos  y  labrados  de  pena  viva,  que  con  dividirse 
en  dos  Banos  eran  de  una  pieza ;  y  por  aqui  se  bajaba  por  una  peiia 
gVandisima  de  unas  gradas  hechas  de  la  misma  pena,  tan  bien  gravadas 
y  lizas,  que  parecian  Espejos;  y  por  el  pretil  de  estas  gradas  estaba 
esculpido  el  dia,  mes,  y  ano,  y  hora,  en  que  se  le  dio  aviso  al  Rey 
Kezahualcoiotzin  de  la  muerte  de  un  Senor  de  Huexotzinco,  d  quien 
quiso  y  amo  notablemente,  y  le  cojio  esta  nueva  quando  se  estaban 
haciendo  estas  gradas.  Luego  consecutivamente  estaba  el  Alcazar  y 
Palacio  que  el  Rey  tenia  en  el  Bosque,  en  los  quales  havia,  entre  otras 
muchas  salas,  aposentos,  y  retretes,  una  muy  grandisima,  y  delante  de 
alia  un  Patio,  en  la  qual  recivia  d  los  Reyes  de  Mexico  y  Tlacopan,  y 
a  otros  Grandes  Seiiores,  quando  se  iban  a  holgar  con  el,  y  en  el  Patio 
se  hacian  las  Damas,  y  algunas  representaciones  de  gusto  y  entrete- 
nimiento.  Estaban  estos  alcazares  con  tan  admirable  y  maravillosa 
hecliura,  y  con  tanta  diversidad  de  piedras,  que  no  parecian  ser  hechos 
de  industria  huraana.  El  Aposento  donde  el  Rey  dormia  era  redondo ; 
todo  lo  demas  de  este  Bosque,  como  dicho  tengo,  estaba  plantado  de 
diversidad  de  Arboles,  y  flores  odonferas,  y  en  ellos  diversidad  de 
.'\ves,  sin  las  que  el  Rey  tenia  en  jaulas,  traidas  de  diversas  partes,  <iue 
hacian  una  armonia,  y  canto,  que  no  se  oian  las  Gentes.  Fuera  de 
las  florestas,  que  las  dividia,  una  Pared  entraba  la  Montana,  en  que 
havia  muchos  venados,  conejos,  y  liebres,  que  si  de  cada  cosa  muy 
particular  se  describiese,  y  de  los  demas  Bosques  de  este  Reyno,  era 
menester  hacer  Historia  muy  particular. 


ORIGINAL    DOCUMENTS.  417 


No.  IV. — See  vol.  i.  p.  201. 

TRANSLATION  FROM  IXTLILXOCHITL's  "  HISTORIA  CHICIII- 
MECA,"   MS.,   CAP.   LXIV. 

OF  THE  EXTRAORDINARY  SEVERITY  WITH  WHICH  THE  KING 
NEZAHUALI'II.LI  rUMSlIED  THE  MEXICAN  QUEE.V  FOR  HER 
ADULIEKY   ANU   TREASON. 

When  Axaiacatzin,  king  of  Mexico,  and  other  lords,  sent  their 
daughters  to  king  Nezahualpilli,  for  him  to  choose  one  to  be  his  queen 
and  lawful  wife,  whose  son  might  succeed  to  the  inheritance,  she  who 
had  higl.cst  claims  among  them,  from  nobility  of  birth  and  rai.k,  was 
Chachiu'.menetzin,  daughter  of  the  Mexican  king.  But,  being  at  that 
time  very  young,  she  was  brought  up  by  the  monarch  in  a  separate 
palace,  with  great  pomp  and  numerous  attendants,  as  became  the 
daughter  of  so  great  a  king.  Thf;  number  of  servants  attached  to 
her  household  exceeded  two  the  asand.  Young  as  she  was,  she  wns 
yet  exceedingly  artful  and  vicious ;  so  that,  finding  herself  alone,  and 
seeing  that  her  people  feared  her,  on  account  of  her  rank  and  impor- 
tance, she  began  to  give  way  to  the  unlimited  indulgence  of  her  lust. 
Whenever  she  saw  a  young  man  who  pleased  lier  fancy,  she  gave 
.ecret  orders  to  have  him  brought  to  her,  and,  having  satisfied  her 
desires,  caused  him  to  be  put  to  death.  She  then  ordered  a  statue  or 
effigy  of  his  person  to  be  made,  and,  adorning  it  with  rich  clothing, 
gold,  and  jewelry,  had  it  placed  in  the  apartment  in  which  she  lived. 
The  number  of  statues  cf  those  whom  she  thus  put  to  death  was  so 
great  as  almost  to  fill  the  apartment.  When  the  king  came  to  visit 
her,  and  inquired  respecting  these  statues,  she  answered  that  they 
were  her  gods;  and  he,  knowing  how  strict  the  Mexicans  were  in 
the  worship  of  their  false  deities,  believed  her.  But,  as  no  iniquity 
can  be  long  committed  with  entire  secrecy,  she  was  finally  found  out 
in  this  manner.  Three  of  the  young  men,  for  some  reason  or  other, 
she  had  left  alive.  Their  names  were  Chicuhcoatl,  Huitzilimitzin,  and 
Maxtla,  one  ot  whom  was  lord  of  Tesoyucan,  and  one  of  the  grandees 
of  the  kingdom  ;  and  the  other  two,  nobles  of  high  rank.  It  ]i;ip- 
pened  that  one  day  the  king  recognized  on  one  of  these  a  very  precious 
jewel,  which  he  had  given  to  the  queen  ;  and,  although  he  had  no  feai 
of  treason  on  her  part,  it  gave  him  some  uneasiness.  Proceeding  to 
visit  her  that  night,  her  attendants  told  him  that  she  was  asleep,  sup- 


4i8  APPENDIX. 

posing  that  the  king  would  then  return,  as  he  had  done  at  othet 
times.  But  the  affair  of  the  jewel  made  him  insist  on  entering  the 
chamber  in  which  she  slept;  and,  going  to  awake  her,  he  found  only 
a  statue  in  the  bed,  adorned  with  her  hair,  and  closely  resembling  her. 
This  being  seen  by  the  king,  and  also  that  the  attendants  around  were 
in  much  trepidation  and  alarm,  he  called  his  guards,  and,  assembling 
all  the  people  of  the  house,  made  a  general  search  for  the  queen,  who 
was  shortly  found,  at  an  entertainment  with  the  three  young  lords,  who 
were  likewise  arrested  with  her.  The  king  referred  the  case  to  the 
judges  of  his  court,  in  order  that  they  might  make  an  inquiry  into  the 
matter  and  examine  the  parties  implicated.  These  discovered  manj 
individuals,  servants  of  the  queen,  who  had  in  some  way  or  other  been 
accessory  to  her  crimes,  workmen  who  had  been  engaged  in  making 
and  adorning  the  statues,  others  who  had  aided  in  introducing  the 
young  men  into  the  palace,  and  others  again  who  had  put  them  to 
death  and  concealed  their  bodies.  The  case  having  been  sufficiently 
investigated,  he  despatched  ambassadors  to  the  kings  of  Mexico  and 
Tlacopan,  giving  them  informatio.  of  the  event,  and  signifying  the 
day  on  which  the  punishment  of  the  queen  and  her  accomplices  was 
to  take  place ;  and  he  likewise  sent  through  the  empire  to  summon  all 
the  lords  to  bring  their  wives  and  their  daughters,  however  young 
they  might  be,  to  be  witnesses  of  a  punishment  which  he  designed  for 
a  great  example.  He  also  made  a  truce  with  all  the  enemies  of  the 
empire,  in  order  that  they  might  come  freely  to  see  it.  The  time 
being  arrived,  so  great  was  the  concourse  of  people  gathered  on  the 
occasion,  that,  large  as  was  the  city  of  Tezcuco,  they  could  scarcely 
all  find  room  in  it.  The  execution  took  place  publicly,  in  sight  of  the 
whole  city.  The  queen  was  put  to  the  garrote  [a  method  of  stran- 
gling by  means  of  a  rope  twisted  round  a  stick],  as  well  as  her  three 
gallants;  and,  from  their  being  persons  of  high  birth,  their  bodies 
were  burned,  together  with  the  effigies  before  mentioned.  The  other 
parties  who  had  been  accessory  to  the  crime,  who  were  more  than  two 
thousand  persons,  were  also  put  to  the  garrote,  and  buried  in  a  pit 
made  for  the  purpose  in  a  ravine  near  a  temple  of  the  Idol  of  Adul- 
terers. All  applauded  so  severe  and  exemplar)'  a  punishment,  except 
the  iSTexican  lords,  the  relations  of  the  queen,  who  were  much  incensed 
at  so  public  an  example,  and,  although  for  the  present  they  concealed 
their  resentment,  meditated  future  revenge.  It  was  not  without  cause 
that  the  king  experienced  this  disgrace  in  his  household,  since  he  was 
thus  punished  for  the  unworthy  means  made  use  of  by  his  father  to 
obtain  bis  motlier  as  a  wife. 


okigjaal  document-;  419 


No.  V. — See  vol.  i.  p.  24S. 

INSTRUCTIONS  GIVEN  BY  VELASQUEZ,  GOVERNOR  OF  CUBA, 
TO  CORTES  ON  HIS  TAKING  COMMAND  OF  THE  EXPE- 
DITION j    DATED  AT  Fl'.RNANDINA,  OCTOBER  23,  1518. 

[The  instrument  forms  part  of  the  Munoz  collectioii.] 

Por  quanto  yo  Diego  Velasquez,  Alcalde,  capitan  general,  e  repar- 
tidor  de  los  caciques  e  yndios  de  esta  isla  Fernandina  por  sus  Altezas, 
&c.,  embie  los  dias  pasados,  en  nombre  e  servicio  de  sus  Altezas,  aver 
^  bojar  la  ysla  de  Yucatan  S'^  Maria  de  los  remedies,  que  nuevamente 
habia  descubierto,  e  a  descobrir  lo  demas  que  Dios  N^^o  So'  fuese  ser- 
vido,  y  en  nombre  de  sus  Altezas  tomar  la  posesion  de  todo,  una  armada 
con  la  gente  necesaria,  en  que  fue  e  nombre  por  capitan  dellaa  Juan  de 
Grijalva,  vezino  de  la  villa  de  la  Trinidad  desta  ysla,  el  qual  me  embio 
una  caravela  de  las  que  llevava,  porque  le  facia  niucha  agua,  e  en  ella 
cierta  gente,  que  los  Indios  en  la  dicha  S'*  Maria  de  los  remedies  le 
habian  herido,  e  otros  adolecido,  y  con  la  razon  de  todo  lo  que  le  habia 
ocurrido  hasta  otras  yslas  e  tierras  que  ^e  nuebo  descubrio ;  que  la 
una  es  una  ysla  que  se  dice  Cozumel,  e  le  puso  por  nombre  S'^  Cruz ; 
y  la  otra  es  una  tierra  grande,  que  parte  della  se  llama  Ulua,  que  puco 
por  nombre  S'=»  Maria  de  las  Niebes  ;  desde  donde  me  embio  la  dicha 
caravela  e  gente,  e  me  escribio  como  iba  siguiendo  su  demanda  prin- 
cipalmente  a  saber  si  aquella  tierra  era  Isla,  6  tierra  firme ;  e  ha 
muchos  dias  que  de  razon  habia  de  haber  sabido  nueva  del,  de  que 
se  presume,  pues  tal  nueva  del  fasta  oy  no  se  sabe,  que  debe  de  tener 
6  estar  en  alguna  6  estrema  necesidad  de  socorro:  e  asi  mesmo  por- 
que una  caravela,  que  yo  embie  al  dicho  Juan  de  Grijalva  desde! 
puerto  desta  cibdad  de  Santiago,  para  que  con  el  e  la  armada  que 
lleva  se  juntase  en  el  puerto  de  S"  Cristobal  de  la  Havana,  porque 
itiuy  mas  proveido  de  todo  e  como  al  servicio  de  sus  Altezas  convenia 
fuesen,  quando  llego  donde  penso  fallarle,  el  d^o  Juan  de  Grijalva  se 
habia  fecho  a  la  bela  e  hera  ido  con  toda  la  dicha  armada,  puesto  que 
dejo  abiso  del  viage  que  la  d''*  carabela  habia  de  llebar;  e  como  la 
d''*  carabela,  en  que  iban  ochenta,  6  noventa  hombres,  no  fallo  la 
d''^  armada,  tomo  el  dicho  aviso,  y  fue  en  seguimiento  del  d'">  Juan 
de  Grijalva;  y  segun  paresre  e  se  ha  sabido  por  inform,  cion  de  las 


42  0 


APPENDIX. 


[lersonas  feridas  e  dolientes,  que  el  ^°  Juan  de  Grijalva  me  en.bio,  no 
se  habia  juntado  con  el,  ni  della  habia  habido  ninguna  nueba,  ni  los 
(jhos  dolientes  ni  feridos  la  supieron  a  la  buelta,  puesto  que  vinieron 
mucha  parte  del  biage  costa  a  costa  de  la  ysla  de  S'^*  M*  de  los  reme- 
dios  por  donde  habian  ydo ;  de  que  se  presume  que  con  tiempo  for- 
zoso  podria  de  caer  acia  tierra  firme,  6  llegar  a  alguna  parte  donde  los 
dichos  ochenta  6  noventa  ombres  espanoles  corran  detrimento  por  el 
nabio,  6  por  ser  pocos,  6  por  andar  perdidos  en  busca  del  d'^«  Juan  de 
Grijalva,  puesto  que  iban  muy  bien  pertrechados  de  todo  lo  necesario : 
ademas  de  esto  porque  despues  que  con  el  d''"  Juan  de  Grijalva  embie 
la  dicha  armada  he  sido  informado  de  muy  cierto  por  un  yndio  de  los 
de  la  d''^'  ysla  de  Yucatan  S'^  Maria  de  los  remedios,  como  en  poder 
dc  ciertos  Caciques  principales  della  estan  seis  cristianos  cautibos,  y 
'.OS  tienen  por  esclabos,  e  se  sirben  dellos  en  sus  haciendas,  que  los 
tomaron  muchos  dias  ha  de  una  carabela  que  con  tiempo  por  alH  diz 
que  aporto  perdida,  que  se  cree  que  alguno  dellos  deve  ser  Nicuesa 
capitan,  que  el  catolico  Rey  D"  Fernando  de  gloriosa  memoria  mando 
ir  a  tierra  firme,  e  redimirlos  seria  grandisimo  servicio  de  Dios  N''"  S^"^  e 
de  sus  Altezas  :  por  todo  lo  qual  pareciendome  que  al  servicio  de  Dios 
N™  S"''  e  de  sus  Altezas  convenia  inhiar  asi  en  seguimiento  e  socorro 
de  la  d''3  armada  quel  d^o  Juan  de  Grijalva  llebo,  y  busca  de  la  cara- 
bela que  tras  el  en  su  seguimiento  fue  como  d  redimir  si  posible  fuese 
OS  di'o*  cristianos  que  en  poder  de  los  ^°^  Indios  estan  cabtivos; 
acorde,  habiendo  muchas  veces  pensado,  e  pesado,  e  platicadolo  con 
personas  cuerdas,  de  embiar  como  embie  otra  armada  tal,  e  tambien 
bastecida  e  aparejada  ansi  de  nabios  e  mantenimientos  como  de  gente 
i.  todo  lo  demas  para  semejanle  negocio  necesario ;  que  si  por  caso  a 
la  gente  de  la  otra  primera  armada,  6  de  la  d^a  carabela  que  fue  en  su 
seguimiento  hallase  en  alguna  parte  cerca  de  infieles,  sea  bastante 
para  los  socorrer  6  descercar ;  e  si  ansi  no  los  hallare,  por  si  sola 
pueda  seguramente  andar  e  calar  en  su  busca  todas  aquellas  yslas 
tierras,  e  saber  el  secreto  dellas,  y  faser  todo  lo  demas  que  al  servicio 
4  de  Dios  N'o  So"'  cumpla  e  al  de  sus  Altezas  combenga :  e  para  ello 
he  acordado  de  la  encomendar  a  vos  Fernando  Cortes,  e  os  inibiar 
por  capitan  della,  por  la  esperiencia  que  de  vos  tengo  del  tiempo  que 
ha  que  en  esta  ysla  en  mi  compania  habeis  servido  a  sus  Altezas,  con- 
fiando  que  soys  persona  cuerda,  y  que  con  toda  pendencia  e  zelo  de 
su  real  servicio  dareis  buena  razon  e  quenta  de  todo  lo  que  por  mi  en 
nombre  de  sus  Altezas  os  fuere  mandado  acerca  de  la  dicha  negocia- 
cion,  y  la  guiareis  6  encaminar^is  como  mas  al  servicio  ne  Dios  N'" 


ORIGINAL    DOCUMENTS.  '421 

Sof  e  dc  sus  Altezas  combenga  ;  y  porque  mejor  guiada  la  negocia- 
cion  de  todo  vaya,  lo  que  habeis  de  fazer,  y  mirar,  e  con  mucha  vigi- 
lancia  y  deligencia  ynquirir  e  saber,  es  lo  siguiente. 

1.  Hagase  el  servicio  de  Dios  en  todo,  y  quien  saltare  castiga  con 
rigor. 

2.  Castigareis  en  particular  la  fornicacion. 

3.  Proibireis  dados  y  naipes,  ocasion  de  discordias  y  otros  excesos. 

4.  Y;i  salido  la  armada  del  p"  desta  ciud  '  de  Santiago  en  los  otros, 
dotarei'j  desta  esta  cuidado  no  se  haga  agravio  a  Espaiioles  ni  Indios, 

5.  Tornados  los  bastimentos  necesarios  en  d'>°^  puertos,  partireis  k 
vf°  dastino.haciendo  antes  alarde  de  gente  6  armas. 

6.  No  consentireis  vaya  ningun  Indio  ni  India. 

7.  S.ilido  al  mar  y  metidas  las  barcas,  en  la  de  v™  navlo  visitarcis 
los  otros,  y  reconocereis  otra  vez  la  gente  con  las  copias  [las  listas]  de 
cada  uno. 

8.  Apercib'reis  a  los  capitanes  y  Maestres  de  los  otros  navios  que 
jamas  se  aparten  de  v"  conserva,  y  hareis   quanto  convenga  para 

llegar  todos  juntos  a  la  ysla  de  Cozumel  Santa  Cruz,  donde  sera  vues- 
tra  derecha  den  jta. 

g.  Si  por  algun  caso  llegaren  antes  que  vos,  les  mandareis  que  nadie 
sea  osado  a  tratar  mal  a  los  Indios,  ni  les  diga  la  causa  porque  vais,  ni 
les  demande  6  interrogue  por  los  cristianos  captivos  en  la  Isla  de  S  » 
Maria  de  los  remedios:  digan  solo  que  vos  liablareis  en  llegando. 

10.  Llegado  d  d'^''  ysla  de  S=^  Cruz  vereis  y  sondeareis  los  puertos, 
entradas.y  aguadas,  asi  della  como  de  S  ='  Maria  de  los  remedios,  y  la 
punta  de  S"^  Maria  de  las  Nieves,  para  dar  cumplida  relacion  de  todo. 

11.  Direis  alos  Indios  de  Cozumel,  S-»  Cruz,  y  demas partes,  que  s-ais 
por  mandado  del  Rey  a  visitarles  ;  hablareis  de  su  poder  y  conquistas, 
individuando  las  hechas  en  estas  Islas  yTierra  firme,  de  sus  mercedes 
k  quantos  le  sirven  ;  que  ellos  se  vengan  A  su  obediencia  y  den  mues- 
tras  dello,  regalandole,  como  los  otros  ban  hecho,  con  oro,  pcrlas, 
&c.,  para  que  eche  de  ver  su  buena  voluntad  y  les  favorezca  y  defi- 
enda :  que  yo  les  aseguro  de  todo  en  su  nombre,  que  me  peso  niucho 
de  la  batalla  que  con  ellos  ovo  Francisco  Hernandez,  y  os  embio  para 
darles  d  entender  como  Su  Alteza  quiere  que  scan  bien  tratados,  &c. 

12.  Tomareis  entera  informacion  de  las  cruces  que  diz  se  liallan  en 
d''^  Isla  S-'  Cruz  adoradas  por  los  Indios,  del  origen  y  causas  de 
Bemejante  costumbre. 

13.  En  general  sabreis  quanto  concierne  d  la  religion  de  la  tierra. 

14.  Y  cuidad  mucho  de  doctrinarlos  en  la  verdadera  fee,  purs  esta 
VOL.  III.  36 


422  •     APPENDIX. 

es  la  causa  principal  porque  sus  Altezas  permiten  estos  descubrimi- 
entos. 

15.  Inquirid  de  la  armada  de  Juan  de  Grijalva,  y  de  la  caravela  que 
llevo  en  su  seguimiento  Cristov.  de  Olid. 

16.  Caso  de  juntaros  con  la  armada,  busquese  la  caravela,  y  con- 
certad  donde  podreis  juntaros  otra  vez  todos. 

17.  Lo  misino  hareis  si  i  ■  se  halla  la  caravela. 

18.  Ireis  por  la  costa  de  la  Isla  de  Yucatan  S'^  Maria  de  los  reme- 
dios,  do  estan  seis  cristianos  en  poder  de  unos  caciques  a  quiencs  dice 
conocer  Melchor  Indio  de  alii,  que  con  vos  llevais.  Tratadlo  con 
mucho  amor,  para  que  os  le  tenga  y  sirva  fielmente.  No  sea  que  os 
suceda  algun  daiio,  por  que  los  Indios  de  aquella  tierra  en  caso  de 
guerra  son  maiiosos. 

19.  Donde  quiera,  tratareis  muy  bien  a  los  Indios. 

20.  Quantos  rescates  hicieredes  metereis  en  area  de  tres  Haves  de 
que  tendreis  vos  una,  las  otras  el  Veedor  y  el  Tesorero  que  nombra- 
redes. 

21.  Quando  se  necesite  hacer  agua,  6  lena,  &c.,  embiareis  personas 
cuerdas  al  mando  del  de  mayor  confianza,  que  ni  causen  escandalo  ni 
se  pongan  en  peligro. 

22.  Si  adentro  la  tierra  viereis  alguna  poblacion  de  Indios  que 
ofrecieren  amistad,  podreis  ir  a  ella  con  la  gente  mas  pacifica  y  bien 
armada,  mirando  mucho  en  que  ningun  agravio  se  les  haga  en  sus 
bienes  y  mugeres. 

23.  En  tal  caso  dejareis  d  mui  buen  recabdo  los  navios ;  estareis 
mui  sobre  aviso  que  no  os  engaiien  ni  se  entrometan  muchos  Indios 
entre  los  Espanoles,  &c. 

24.  Avisdo  que  placiendo  d  Dios  N.  S.  ayais  los  X"°5  que  en  la  d*"* 
Isla  de  S'^  M*  de  los  remedios  estdn  captivos,  y  buscado  que  por  ella 
ayais  la  d^"*  armada  e  la  d^^  caravela,  seguireis  vuestro  viage  d  la  punta 
liana  ques  el  principio  de  la  tierra  grande  que  agora  nuevamente  el 
dho  J.  de  Grijalva  descubrio,  y  correreis  en  su  busca  por  la  costa  della 
adelante  buscando  todos  los  rios  e  puertos  della  fasta  llegar  d  la  baia 
de  S.  Juan,  y  S'*  M*  de  los  Nieves,  que  es  desde  donde  el  ^°  J.  de 
Gnjalva  me  embio  los  heridos  e  dolientes,  e  me  escrivio  lo  que  hasta 
alii  le  habia  occurrido;  e  si  alii  hallaredes,  juntaros  e  ir  con  el  J.; 
porque  entre  los  Espanoles  que  llevais  6  alia  estan  no  haya  diferen- 
cias, .  .  .  cada  uno  tenga  cargo  de  la  gente  que  consigo  lleva,  .  .  . 
y  entramos  mui  conformes,  consultareis  lo  que  mas  convenga  conforme 
d  es'ii  instruccion,  y  d  la  que  Grijalva  llevo  de  sus  Patemidade.s  y  mias ; 


II 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS. 


423 


en  tal  caso  los  rescates  todos  se  haran  en  presencia  de  Francisco  de 
Penalosa,  veedor  nombrado  por  sus  Paternidades. 

25.  Inquirireis  las  cosas  de  las  tierras  a  do  llegareis,  asi  morales 
como  fisicas,  si  hai  perlas,  especierla,  oro,  &c.,  part^e  en  S''^  M*  de  las 
Nieves,  de  donde  Grijalva  me  embio  ciertos  granos  de  oro  por  fundir 

.€  fundidos. 

26.  Quando  salteis  en  tierra  sea  ante  v™  S"°  y  muclios  testigos,  y 
tomareis  posesion  della  con  las  solemnidades  usadas :  inquirid  la  cali- 
dad  de  las  gentes :  porque  diz  que  hay  gentes  de  orejas  grandes  y 
anchas,  y  otras  que  tienen  las  caras  como  perros,  ...  a  que  parte 
estan  las  Amazonas,  que  dicen  estos  Indios  que  con  vos  llevais,  que 
estan  cerca  de  alii. 

27.  Las  denii'S  cosas  dejo  a  V^  prudencia,  confiando  de  vos  que  en 
todo  tomeis  el  cuidadoso  cuidado  de  hacer  lo  que  mas  cumpla  al 
servicio  de  Dios  y  de  SS.  AA. 

28.  En  todos  los  puertos  de  esta  ysla  do  hallareis  Espaiioles  que 
quieran  ir  con  vos,  no  lleveis  a  quien  tuviere  deudas,  si  antes  no  las 
paga  6  da  fianzas  suficientes. 

29.  Luego  en  llegando  a  S'^  M^'  de  las  Nieves,  me  embiareis  en  el 
navio  que  menos  falta  hiciere,  quanto  hubieredes  rescatado  y  hallado 
de  oro,  perlas.  especeria,  animales,  aves,  &c.,  con  relacion  ddo  hecho 
y  lo  que  pensais  hacer,  p^  que  yo  lo  mande  y  diga  al  Rey. 

30.  Conocereis  conforme  a  derecho  de  las  causas  civiles  y  criminales 
que  ocurran,  como  Capitan  desta  armada  con  todos  los  poderes,  &c. 
&c.  F"^  en  esta  cibdad  de  Santiago  puerto  desta  isla  Fernandina,  d 
23  Oct.,  1518. 


No.  VI. — See  vol.  i.  p.  270. 

EXTRACT   FROM    LAS   CASAS'    "HISTORIA    GENERAL    DF 
LAS   INDIAS,"   MS.,  MR.   IH.   CAP.   CXVl. 

[Few  Spanish  scholars  have  had  access  to  the  writings 
of  Las  Casas ;  and  I  have  made  this  short  extract  from 
the  original,  as  a  specimen  of  the  rambling  but  vigor- 


424  APPENDIX. 

ous  style  of  a  work  the  celebrity  of  which  has  been 
much  enhanced  by  the  jealous  reserve  with  which  it 
has  been  withheld  from  publication.] 

Esto  es  uno  de  los  herrores  y  disparates  que  muchos  han  tenido  y 
echo  en  esias  partes  ;  porqiie  simprimero  por  mucho  tiempo  aver  a  los 
yndios  y  i.  qualquiera  nacion  ydolatria  dotrinado  es  gran  desvario 
quitarles  los  ydolos  ;  lo  qual  nunca  se  hace  por  voluntad  sino  contra  de 
los  ydolatras  ;  porque  ninguno  puede  dexarpor  su  voluntad  e  de  buena 
gana  aquello  que  tiene  de  muchos  anos  por  Dios  y  en  la  leche  mamado 
y  autorizado  por  sus  mayores,  sin  que  primero  tenga  entendido  que 
aquello  que  les  dan  i  en  que  les  comutan  su  Dios.  sea  verdadero  Dios. 
Mirad  que  doctrina  les  podian  dar  en  dos  6  en  tres  6  en  quatro  6  en 
diez  dias,  que  alii  estuvieron,  y  que  mas  estuvieran,  del  verdadero 
Dios,  y  tampoco  les  supieran  dar  para  desarraygalles  la  opinion  erro- 
nea  de  sus  dioses,  que  en  yendose,  que  se  fueron,  no  tornaron  a  ydo- 
latrar.  Primero  se  han  de  rraer  de  los  corazones  los  ydolos,  conviene 
d  saber  el  concepto  y  estima  que  tienen  de  ser  aqiiellos  Dios  los  ydo- 
latras por  diuturna  y  deligente  e  continua  dotrina,  y  pintalles  en  ellos 
el  concepto  y  verdad  del  verdadero  Dios,y  despues  ellos  mismosviendo 
su  engaiio  y  error  an  de  derrocar  e  destruir,  con  sus  mismas  manos  y 
de  toda  su  voluntad,  los  f  dolos  que  veneraban  por  Dios  e  por  dioses. 
Y  asi  lo  ensena  San  Agustin  en  el  sermon,  De puero  ceiifurionis,  de  verbis 
Domini.  Pero  no  fue  aqueste  el  postrero  disparate  que  en  estas  yndias 
cerca  desta  materia  se  a  hecho  poner  cruces,  ynduciendo  a  los  yndios 
d  la  rreverencia  dellas.  Si  ay  tiempo  para  ello  con  sinificacion  alguna 
del  fruto  que  pueden  sacar  dello,  si  se  lo  pueden  dar  a  entender  para 
hacerse  y  bien  hacerse,  pero  no  aviendo  tiempo  ni  lengua  ni  sazon, 
cosa  superflua  e  ynutil  parece.  Porque  pueden  pensar  los  yndios  que 
les  dan  algun  ydolo  de  aquella  figura  que  tienen  por  Dios  los  chris- 
tianos,  y  asi  lo  aran  ydolatra  adorando  por  Dios  aquel  palo.  La  mas 
cierta  e  conveniente  regla  e  dotrina  que  por  estas  tierras  y  otras  de 
ynfieles  semf  jantes  k  estos  los  christianos  deben  dar  e  tener,  quando 
van  de  pasada  como  estos  yvan,  e  quando  tambien  quisieren  niorar 
entre  ellas,  es  dalles  niuy  buen  exemplo  de  hobras  virtuosas  y  Chris- 
tianas, para  que,  como  dice  nuestro  Redemptor,  viendolas  alaben  y 
den  gloria  al  Dios  e  padre  de  los  cristianos,  e  por  ellas  juzguen  que 
qiiien  tales  cultores  tiene  no  puede  ser  sino  bueno  e  verdadero  Dies. 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS.  425 


No.  VII. — See  vol.  i.  p.  325. 

DEPOSITION    OF    ALONSO    HERNANDEZ    DE    PUERTO  "CAR- 
RERO,    MS. 

[Puerto-Carrero  and  IMontejo  were  the  two  ofificers 
sent  home  by  Cortes  from  Villa  Rica  with  despatches 
to  the  government.  The  emissaries  were  examined 
under  oath  before  the  venerable  Dr.  Carbajal,  one  of 
the  Council  of  the  Indies,  in  regard  to  the  proceed- 
ings of  Velasquez  and  Cortes;  and  the  following  is 
the  deposition  of  Puerto-Carrero.  He  was  a  man  of 
good  family,  superior  in  this  respect  to  most  of  those 
embarked  in  the  expedition.  The  original  is  in  the 
Archives  of  Simancas.] 

En  la  cibdad  de  la  Coruna,  d  30  dias  del  mes  de  Abril,  de  1520 
afios,  se  tomo  el  d''°  e  depusicion  de  Alonso  Hernandez  Puerto-Car- 
rero por  mi,  Joan  de  Samano,  del  qual  haviendo  jurado  en  forma  so 
cargo  del  juramento  dijo  lo  sig''^. 

Primeramente  dijo,  que  en  ell  armada  que  hizo  Fran«^°  Hernandez 
de  Cordova  e  Caycedo  e  su  companero  el  no  fue  en  ella ;  de  la  qual 
armada  fue  el  ^°  Fran<^°  Hernandez  de  Cordova  por  Capitan  General 
e  principal  armador ;  e  que  ha  oido  decir  como  estos  descubrieron  la 
Isla  que  se  llama  de  Yucatan. 

Item:  dijo  que  en  ell  armada  de  que  fue  Cap"  General  Joan  de 
Grijalva  este  testigo  no  fue  ;  pero  que  vido  un  Cap",  que  se  dice  Pedro 
de  Alvarado,  que  embio  Joan  de  Grijalva  en  una  caravela  con  cierto 
oro  e  joyas  a  Diego  Velasquez;  e  que  oyo  decir,  que  des  que  Diego 
Velasquez  vido  que  traian  tan  poco  oro,  e  el  Capitan  Joan  de  Grijalva 
se  queria  luego  bolver  e  no  hacer  mas  rescate,  acordo  de  hablar  k 
H  ^rnandez  Cortes  para  que  hiciesen  esta  armada,  por  que  al  presente 
en  Santiago  no  havia  persona  que  mejor  aparejo  tuviese,  i  que  mas 
bien  quisto  en  la  isla  fuese,  por  que  al  presente  tenia  tres  navios  ;  fuele 
preguntado,  como  savia  lo  susod^o;  respondio,  que  poique  lo  avia 
oido  decir  d  muchas  personas  de  la  isla. 
36* 


426  APPENDIX. 

Dice  mas  que  se  pregono  en  el  pueblo  don  este  testigo  vivia,  que 
todas  las  peisonas  que  quisiesen  ir  en  ell  armada,  de  todo  lo  que  se 
oviese  6  rescatase  habria  la  una  tercera  parte,  e  las  otras  dos  partes 
eran  para  los  armadores  i  navios. 

Fuele  preguntado,  quien  hizo  dar  el  d'"'  pregun,  e  en  cuyo  nombre 
se  hacia,  e  quien  se  decia  entonces  que  hacia  la  d''^  armada  ;  respon- 
dio,  que  oyo  decir,  que  Hernando  Cortes  havia  escripto  ima  carta  a  un 
Alc«  de  aquel  pueblo  para  que  hiciese  a  pregonarlo ;  e  que  oyo  decir, 
que  Diego  Velasquez  hablo  con  Hern^o  Cortes  para  que  juntam'^  con 
el  hiciesen  la  d''^"  armada,  por  que  al  presente  no  habia  otra  persona 
que  mejor  aparejo  en  la  dicha  isla  para  ello  tuviese,  porque  al  pre- 
sente tenia  tres  navios,  e  era  bien  quisto  en  la  isla ;  e  que  oyo  decir, 
que  si  el  no  fuera  por  Capitan,  que  no  fuera  la  tercera  parte  de  la 
gente  que  con  el  fue ;  e  qtie  no  sabe  el  concierto  que  entre  si  tienen, 
mas  de  que  oyo  decir,  que  amvos  hacian  aquella  armada,  e  que  ponia 
Hern^io  Cortes  mas  de  las  dos  partes  della,  e  que  la  otra  parte  cree 
este  testigo  que  la  puso  Diego  Velasquez,  porque  lo  oyo  decir,  e  des- 
pues  que  fue  en  la  d*^^  armada  vido  ciertos  navios  que  puso  Hern<io 
Cortes,  en  lo  que  gastaba  con  la  gente,  que  le  parecio  que  ponia  las 
dos  partes  6  mas,  e  que  de  diez  navios  que  fueron  en  ell  armada 
los  tres  puso  Diego  Velasquez,  e  los  siete  Cortes  suyos  e  de  sus 
amigos. 

Dijo  que  le  dijeron  muchas  personas  que  ivan  en  ell  armada  como 
Herndo  Cortes  hizo  pregonar,  que  todos  los  que  quisiesen  ir  en  su 
companla,  si  toviesen  nescesida  de  dineros  asi  para  comprar  vestidos 
como  provisiones  6  armas  para  ellos,  que  fuesen  a  el,  e  que  el  les 
socoreria  e  les  daria  lo  que  hoviesen  menester,  e  que  d  todos  los  que 
d  el  acodian  que  lo  dava,  e  que  esto  sabe,  porque  muchas  personas  k 
quien  el  socorria  con  dineros  que  lo  dijeron  ;  e  que  estando  en  la  villa 
de  la  Trenidad,  vio  que  el  e  sus  amigos  davan  4  toda  la  gente  que  alii 
estaba  todo  lo  que  havian  menester ;  e  asi  mesmo  estando  en  la  villa 
de  Sant  Cristobal  en  la  Havana,  vio  hacer  lo  mismo,  e  comprar 
muchos  puercos  e  pan,  que  podian  ser  tres  6  cuatro  meses. 

Fuele  preguntado,  d  quien  tenian  por  principal  armador  desta 
armada,  e  qtiien  era  publico  que  la  hacia;  dijo  que  lo  que  oyo  decir 
e  vido,  que  Hern^o  Cortes  gastava  las  dos  partes,  e  que  los  d''o5  Diego 
Velasquez  e  Hern^o  Cortes  la  hicieron  como  d''°  tiene,  e  que  no  sabe 
mas  en  esto  de  este  aniculo. 

Fuele  preguntado,  si  sabia  quel  ^°  Diego  Velasquez  fuese  el  prin- 
cipal por  respecto  de  ser  Governador  por  su  Al.  en  las  tierras  i  islas 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS. 


427 


que  por  su  industria  se  descobriesen ;  que  no  lo  sabe,  por  que  no  la 
eran  entonces  Uegados  Gonzalo  de  Guzman  e  Narvaez. 

Fuele  preguntado,  si  sabe  el  d*""  Diego  Velasquez  sea  lugar  teniente 
de  Governador  e  capitan  de  la  isla  de  Cuba ;  dijo  que  ha  oido  decir, 
ques  teniente  de  Almirante. 

Fuele  preguntado,  si  sabia  dellasi'"  e  capitulac"  que  el  dicho  Diego 
Velasquez  tomo  con  los  Frailes  Geronimos  en  nombre  de  S.  M.,  e  de 
la  instruccion  que  ellos  para  el  descubrimiento  le  dieron ;  dijo  que 
oyo  decir,  que  les  havia  f ho  relacion  que  havia  descovierto  una  f™  que 
era  mui  rica,  e  les  embio  i.  pedir  le  diesen  lic^^  para  vojalla  e  para  res- 
catar  en  ella,  e  los  Padres  Geronimos  que  la  dieron,  e  que  esto  sabe 
por  que  lo  oyo  decir :  fuele  preguntado,  si  vio  este  asiento  6  poderes 
algunos  de  los  6^°^  Padres  6  la  d''^  instruccion;  dijo  que  bien  los 
puede  haver  visto,  mas  lo  que  en  ellos  iva,  no  se  acuerda  mas  que  lo 
arriva  6^°. 

Fuele  preguntado,  si  vio  6  oyo  decir,  que  los  dichos  poderes  e 
capitulac"  de  los  ^°^  Padres  Geronimos  fuese  nombrado  Diego  Velas- 
quez 6  el  dho  Cortes ;  dijo  que  en  los  poderes  que  los  Pes  Geronimos 
embiaron  A  Diego  Velasquez  que  a  el  seria,  e  no  ha  Hernando  Cortes, 
por  que  el  d''°  Diego  Velasquez  lo  embio  a  pedir. 

Fuele  preguntado,  como  e  porque  causa  obedecia  k  Hern<i°  Cortes 
por  Cap"  General  de  aquella  armada  ;  dijo  que  porque  Diego  Velas- 
quez le  dio  su  poder  en  nombre  de  su  Al.  para  ir  hacer  aquel  rescate  ; 
^  que  lo  sabe,  porque  vio  el  poder  e  lo  oyo  decir  d.  todos  ellos. 

Fuele  preguntado,  que  fue  la  causa  por  que  no  usaron  con  el  dix* 
Hern'io  Cortes  de  los  poderes  que  Uevaba  del  d'>o  Diego  Velasquez; 
dijo  que  esta  armada  iva  en  achaque  de  buscar  d  Juan  de  Grijalva ; 
que  oyo  decir,  que  no  tenia  poder  Diego  Velasquez  de  los  P^es  Gero- 
nimos para  hacer  esta  armada ;  e  con  este  achaque  que  arriva  dice 
hicieron  esta  armada,  e  que  el  uso  del  poder  que  Diego  Velasquez  le 
dio,  e  alii  rescato. 

Fuele  preguntado,  que  fue  la  causa  porque,  quando  quisieron  poblar, 
le  nombrdron  ellos  por  Capitan  General  e  justicia  mayor  de  nuevo ; 
dijo  que  Hernando  Cortes,  desque  havia  rescatado  e  vido  que  tenia 
pocos  vastim'os^  que  no  havia  mas  de  para  bolver  tasadamente  d  la  isla 
de  Cuba,  dijo  que  se  queria  bolver ;  e  entonces  toda  la  gente  se  junta- 
ron  e  le  requirieron  que  poblase,  pues  los  Yndios  les  tenian  buena 
voUintad  e  mostravan  que  holgaban  con  ellos,  e  la  t  '•'  era  tan  apare- 
jada  para  ello,  e  S.  M.  seria  dello  mui  servido ;  e  respondio,  que  el  no 
traia  poder  para  poblar,  que  el  responderia ;  e  respondio,  que  pues 


428  APPENDIX. 

era  sen'icio  de  S.  M.  poblar,  otejaba  que  poblasen  ;  e  hicieron  Ale'  h 
Rexidores,  e  se  juntaron  en  su  cabildo,  e  le  proveyeron  de  Xusticia 
mayor  e  Capitan  General  en  nombre  de  S.  M. 

Fiiele  preguntado,  que  se  hicieron  los  navios  que  llebaron  ;  dijo  que 
dcsque  poblaron  venian  los  maestres  de  los  navios,  a  decir  al  capitan 
que  todos  los  navios  se  ivan  a  fondo,  que  no  los  podian  tener  encima 
dell  agua ;  i  el  d''°  Capitan  inando  a  ciertos  maestres  e  pilotos  que 
entrasen  en  los  navios  e  viesen  los  que  estavan  para  poder  navcgar,  e 
ver  si  se  podiesen  remediar ;  e  los  Ci^°^  maestres  e  pilotos  digeron,  que 
no  liavia  mas  de  tres  navios  que  pudiesen  navegar  e  remediarse,  e  que 
havia  de  ser  con  mucha  costa ;  e  que  los  demas  que  no  havia  medio 
ninguno  en  ellos,  e  que  alguno  dellos  se  undio  en  la  mar,  estando 
echada  el  ancla ;  e  que  con  los  demas  que  no  estavan  para  poder 
navegar  e  remediarse,  los  dejdron  ir  al  traves  ;  e  que  esta  es  la  verdad, 
e  firmolo  de  su  nombre. 

Dijo  que  se  acuerda  que  oyo  decir,  que  Hernando  Cortes  havia 
gastado  en  esta  armada  cinco  mill  ducados  6  castellanos  ;  e  que  Diego 
Velasquez  oyo  decir,  que  havia  gastado  mill  e  setecientos,  poco  mas  6 
menos ;  e  que  esto  que  gasto  fue  en  vinos  e  aceites  e  vinngre  e  ropas 
de  vestir,  las  que  les  vendio  un  factor  que  alia  esta  de  Diego  Velas- 
quez, en  que  les  vendia  el  arroba  de  vino  a  cuatro  castellanos  que 
salia  al  respecto  por  una  pipa  cient.  castellanos,  el  arroba  del  aceite  d 
seis  castellanos,  e  alomesmo  la  arrova  del  vinagre,  e  las  camisas  a  dos 
pesos,  y  el  par  de  los  alpargates  d  castellano,e  un  mazo  de  cuentas  de 
valoria  d  dos  castellanos  costandole  a  el  d  dos  reales,  e  a  este  respecto 
fueron  todas  las  otras  cosas ;  e  que  esto  que  gasto  Diego  Velasquez  lo 
sabe,  porque  lo  vido  vender,  e  este  testigo  se  le  vendio  hasta  parte  dello. 
— Alonso  Hernandez  Portocarrero  declare  ante  mi,  Johan  de  Samaao. 


No.  VIII. — See  vol.  i.  p.  32S. 

EXTRACT  FROM  THE  "CARTA  DE  VERA  CRUZ,"  MS. 

[The  following  extract  from  this  celebrated  letter  of 
the  Municipality  of  La  Villa  Rica  de  la  Vera  Cruz  to 
the  Emperor  gives  a  succinct  view  of  the  foundation 


ORIGIN-AL   DOCUMENTS. 


429 


of  the  first  colony  in  Mexico,  and  of  the  appointment 
of  Cortes  by  that  body  as  Chief  Justice  and  Captain- 
General.  The  original  is  preserved  in  the  Imperial 
Library  at  Vienna.] 

Despues  de  se  aver  despedido  de  nosotros  el  dicho  Ca9ir,ue,  y  buelto 
d  sti  casa,  en  mucha  conformidad,  como  en  esta  armada  venimos,  per- 
sonas  nobles,  cavalleros,  hijos  dalgo,  zelosos  del  servicio  de  n™  Senor 
y  de  V'^  Reales  Altezas,  y  deseosos  de  ensalzar  su  Corona  Real,  de 
acrecentar  sus  Senorios,  y  de  auinentar  sus  rentas,  nos  jiintamos  y 
platicamos  con  el  dicho  capitan  Fernando  Cortes,  diciendo  que  esta 
tiorra  era  buena,  y  que  segun  la  rriuestra  de  oro  que  aquel  Ca9ique 
avia  traido,  se  creia  que  debia  de  ser  mui  rica,  y  que  segun  las  mues- 
tras  que  el  dicho  Ca9ique  avia  dado,  era  de  creer  que  el  y  todos  sus 
Indios  nos  tenian  muy  buena  voluntad  ;  por  tanto  que  nos  pare9ia 
que  nos  convenia  al  servicio  de  V''"^  Magestades,  y  que  en  tal  tierra  ?c 
hiziese  lo  que  Diego  Velasquez  avia  mandado  hacer  al  dicho  Capitan 
Fernando  Cortes,  que  era  rescatar  todo  el  oro  que  pudiese,  y  rescatado 
bolverse  con  todo  ello  d  la  Isla  Fernandina,  para  gozar  solamente  de 
el'.o  el  dicho  Diego  Velasquez  y  el  dicho  Capitan  ;  y  que  lo  mejor  que 
d  todos  nos  parecia  era,  que  en  nombre  de  V"^  Reales  Altezas  se 
poblase  y  fundase  alii  un  pueblo  en  que  huviese  justicia,  para  que  en 
esta  tierra  tuviesen  Senorio,  como  en  sus  Reinos  y  Senorios  lo  tienen; 
porque  siendo  esta  tierra  poblada  de  Espanoles,  de  mas  de  acre9entar 
los  Reinos  y  Senorios  de  V'^^  Magestades,  y  sus  rentas,  nos  podrian 
hacer  mercedes  d  nosotros  y  d.  los  pobladores  que  de  mas  alia  vini- 
esen  adelante ;  y  acordado  esto,  nos  juntamos  todos  en  concordcs 
de  un  animo  y  voluntad,  y  hizimos  un  requerimiento  al  dicho  capi- 
tan, en  el  qual  diximos,  que  pues  el  veia  quanto  al  servicio  de 
Dios  n™  Senor  y  al  de  V^^s  Magestades  convenia,  que  esta  tierra 
estuviese  poblada,  dandole  las  causas  de  que  arriba  d  V'^*  Altez;is 
se  ha  hecho  rela9ion,  que  le  requerimos  que  luego  cesase  de  hacer 
re^cates  de  la  manera  que  los  venia  d  hacer,  porque  seria  deslruir 
la  tierra  en  mucha  manera,  y  \''"^^  Magestades  serian  en  ellos  muy 
desservidos;  y  que  ansi  mismo  le  pedimos  y  requerimos  que  luego 
nombrase  para  aquelia  villa,  que  se  avia  por  nosotros  de  liacer  y 
fundar.  Alcaldes  y  Regidores,  en  nombre  de  V'^^  Reales  Altezas,  con 
ciertas  protestaciones,  en  forma  que  contra  el  protestamos  si  ansi  no  lo 
bizieseu ;  y  hecho  este  requerimiento  al  dicho  Capitan,  dixo  que  daria 


430 


APPENDIX. 


su  respuesta  el  dia  siguiente ;  y  viendo  pues  el  dicho  Capitan  como 
convenia  al  servicio  de  V^^  Reales  Altezas  lo  que  le  pediamos,  luego 
otro  dia  nos  respondio  diciendo,  que  su  voluntad  estava  mas  inclinada 
al  servicio  de  V"""  Magestades  que  a  otra  cosa  alguna,  y  que  no  mi- 
rando  al  interese  que  a  el  se  le  siguiese,  si  prosiguiera  en  el  rescate 
que  traia  propuesto  de  rehacer  los  grandes  gastos  que  de  su  hacienda 
avia  hecho  en  aquella  armada  juntamente  con  el  dicho  Diego  Velas- 
quez, antes  poniendolo  todo  le  placia  y  era  contento  de  hacer  lo  que 
por  nosotros  le  era  pedido,  pues  que  tanto  convenia  al  servicio  de 
¥■■»*  Reales  Altezas;  y  luego  comenzo  con  gran  diligencia  a  poblar  y 
d  fundar  una  villa  la  qual  puso  por  nombre  la  rica  Villa  de  Vera  Cruz, 
y  nombronos  d  los  que  Id  delantes  subscribimos,  por  Alcaldes  y  Regi- 
dores  de  la  dicha  Villa,  y  en  nombre  de  V'^^  Reales  Altezas  recibio 
de  nosotros  el  juramento  y  solenidad  que  en  tal  caso  se  acostumbra 
y  suele  hacer ;  despues  de  lo  qual  otro  dia  siguiente  entramos  en 
nuestro  cabildo  y  ajuntamiento,  y  estando  asi  juntos  embiamos  d 
llamar  al  dicho  Capitan  Fernando  Cortes,  y  le  pedimos  en  nombre  de 
V'"  Reales  Altezas  que  nos  mostrase  los  poderes  y  instrucciones  que 
el  dicho  Diego  Velasquez  le  avia  dado  para  venir  d  estas  partes,  el 
qual  embio  luego  por  ellos  y  nos  los  mostro ;  y  vistos  y  leidos  por 
nosotros,  bien  examinados  segun  lo  que  pudimos  mejor  entender, 
hallamos  d  nuestro  parecer  que  por  los  dichos  poderes  y  instrucciones 
no  tenia  mas  poder  el  dicho  capitan  Fernando  Cortes,  y  que  por  uver 
ya  espirado  no  podia  usar  de  justicia  ni  de  Capitan  de  alii  adelante ; 
pareciendonos  pues,  mui  Excellentissimos  Principes!  que  para  la 
pacificacion  y  concordia  de  entre  nosotros,  y  para  nos  gobernar  bien, 
convenia  poner  una  persona  para  su  Real  servicio,  que  estuviese  en 
nombre  de  V"''"  Magestades  en  la  dicha  villa  y  en  estas  partes  por  jus- 
ticia mayor  y  capitan  y  cabeza,  d  quien  todos  acatasemos  hasta  hacer 
relacion  de  ello  d  V^^  Reales  Altezas  para  que  en  ello  proveyesen  lo 
que  mas  servidos  fuesen,  y  visto  que  d  ninguna  persona  se  podria  dar 
mejor  el  dicho  cargo  que  al  dicho  Fernando  Cortes,  porque  demas  de 
ser  persona  tal  qual  para  ello  conviene,  tiene  muy  gran  zelo  y  deseo 
del  servicio  de  V'"  Magestades,  y  ansi  mismo  por  la  mucha  experi- 
encia  que  de  estas  partes  y  Islas  tiene,  de  causa  de  los  quales  ha  siem- 
pre  dado  buena  cuenta,  y  por  haver  gastado  todo  quanto  tenia  por 
venir  como  vino  con  esta  armada  en  servicio  de  V"^  Magestades,  y 
por  aver  tenido  en  poco,  como  hemos  hecho  relacion,  todo  lo  que 
podia  ganar  y  interese  que  se  le  podia  seguir  si  rescataja  como  traia 
concertado.  v  le  proveimos  en  nombre  de  V'»»  Reales  Altezas  de 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS. 


431 


Justicia  y  Alcalde  mayor,  del  qual  recibimos  el  juramento  que  en  tal 
caso  se  reqiiiere,  y  hecho  coiiio  convenia  al  Real  servicio  de  V"  Ma- 
gesiad,  lo  recibimos  en  su  Real  nombre  en  n™  ajuntamiento  y  cabildo 
por  Justicia  mayor  y  capitan  de  V™^  Reales  armas,  y  ansi  esta  y  estard 
hasta  tanto  que  V''  '^  Magestades  provean  lo  que  mas  a  su  servicio 
convenga :  hemos  querido  hacer  de  todo  esto  rela9ion  d  V'  '^  Reales 
Aliezas,  porque  sepan  lo  que  aca  se  ha  hecho,  y  el  estado  y  manera 
£n  que  quedamos. 


No.  IX, — See  vol.  i.  p.  407. 

EXTRACT   FROM   CAMARGO'S  "  HISTORIA    DE   TLASCALA," 
MS. 

[This  passage  from  the  Indian  chronicler  relates  to 
the  ceremony  of  inauguration  of  a  Tecuhtle,  or  mer- 
chant-knight, in  Tlascala.  One  might  fancy  himself 
reading  the  pages  of  Ste.-Palaye,  or  any  other  historian 
of  European  chivalry.] 

Esta  ceremonia  de  armarse  caballeros  los  naturales  de  Mexico  y 
Tlaxcalla  y  otras  provincias  de  la  Laguna  Mejicana  es  cosa  muy 
nctoria ;  y  asi  no  nos  detendremos  en  ella,  mas  de  pasar  secunta- 
mente.  Es  de  saber,  que  cualquier  Senor,  6  hijos  de  Senores,  que  por 
sus  personas  habian  ganado  alguna  cosa  en  la  guerra,  6  que  hubiesen 
hecho  6  emprendido  cosas  senaladas  y  aventajadas,  como  tubiese 
indicios  de  mucho  valor,  y  que  fuese  de  buen  consejo  y  aviso  en  la 
republica,  le  armaban  caballero ;  que  como  fuesen  tan  ricos  que  por 
sus  riquezas  se  enoblecian  y  hacian  ncgocios  de  hijos  y  dalgo  y 
caballero,  los  armaban  caballeros  por  dos,  diferentemente  que  los 
caballeros  de  linea  recta,  porque  los  llamaban  Tepilhuan :  Al  Mer- 
cader  que  era  armado  caballero,  y  a  los  finos  que  por  descendencia 
lo  eran,  llamaban  Tecuhtles.  Estos  Tecuhtles  se  armaban  caba- 
lleros con  muchas  ceremonias.  Ante  todas  cosas,  estaban  encer- 
lados  40  6  60  dias  en  un  temple  de  sus  fdolos,  y  ayunaban  todo 


432  APPENDIX. 

este  tiempo,  y  no  trataban  con  gente  mas  que  con  aquellos  que  les 
Servian,  y  al  cabo  de  los  cuales  eran  llevados  al  templo  mayor,  y 
alii  se  les  daban  grandes  doctrinas  de  la  vida  que  habian  de  tener  y 
guardar ;  y  antes  de  todas  estas  cosas  les  daban  grandes  bejamenes 
con  muchas  palabras  afrentosas  y  satiricas,  y  les  daban  de  punadas 
con  grandes  reprensiones,  y  aun  en  su  propio  rostro,  segun  atras  deja- 
mos  tratado,  y  les  horadaban  las  narices  y  labios  y  orejas ;  y  la  sangre 
que  de  ellos  salia  la  ofrecian  a  sus  Idolos.  Alii  les  daban  publica- 
mente  sus  arcos  y  flechas  y  macanas  y  todo  genero  de  armas  usadas 
en  su  arts  militar.  Del  templo  era  Uevado  por  las  calles  y  plazas 
acostumbradas  con  gran  pompa  y  regocijo  y  solemnidad :  ponianles 
en  las  orejas  orejeras  de  oro,  y  bezotes  de  lo  mismo,  llevando  adelanie 
muchos  truhanes  y  chocarreros  que  decian  grandes  donaires,  con  que 
hacian  reir  las  gentes ;  pero  como  vamos  tratando,  se  ponian  en  las 
narices  piedras  ricas,  oradabanles  las  orejas  y  narices  y  bezos,  no  con 
yerros  ni  cosa  de  oro  ni  plata,  sino  con  guesos  de  Tigres  y  leones  y 
dguilas  agudos.  Este  armado  caballero  hacia  muy  solemnes  fiestas  y 
costosas,  y  daban  muy  grandes  presentes  a  los  antiguos  Seiiores  caba- 
lleros  asi  de  ropas  como  de  esclavos,  oro  y  piedras  preciosas  y  plume- 
rias  ricas,  y  divisas,  escudos,  rodelas  y  arcos  y  flechas,  d.  manera  de 
propinas  cuando  se  doctoran  nuestros  letrados.  Andan  de  casa  en 
casa  de  cstos  Tecuhtles  dandoles  estos  presentes  y  dadivas,  y  lo  propio 
hacen  con  estos  armados  caballeros  despues  que  lo  eran,  y  se  tenia 
cuenta  con  todos  ellos.  Y  era  repiiblica  ;  y  asi  no  se  armaban  muchos 
caballeros  hidalgos  pobres,  por  su  poca  posibilidad,  sino  eran  aquellos 
que  por  sus  nobles  y  loables  hechos  lo  habian  merecido,  que  en  tal 
caso  los  caciques  cabeceros  y  los  mas  supremos  Senores  Reyes,  pues 
tenian  meromixto  imperio  con  sus  tierras,  y  orca  y  cuchillo  para  eje- 
cutar  los  casos  de  justicia,  como  en  efecto  era  asi.  Finalmente,  que 
los  que  oradaban  las  orejas,  bezos,  y  narices  de  estos,  que  asi  se 
armaban  caballeros,  eran  caballeros  ancianos  y  muy  antiguos,  los 
cualrs  estaban  dedicados  para  esto  ;  y  asi  como  para  en  los  casos  de 
justicia  y  consejos  de  guerra.  Servian  estos  caballeros  veleranos  en 
la  repiiblica,  los  cuales  eran  temidos,  obedecidos,  y  reverenciados  en 
ir.jy  gran  veneracion  y  estima.  Y  como  atras  dejamos  dicho,  que  al 
cabo  de  los  40  6  60  dies  de  ayuno  de  los  caballeros  nobles  los  sacaban 
de  alii  para  llevarlos  al  templo  mayor  donde  tenian  sus  simulacros; 
no  les  oradaban  entonces  las  orejas,  narices,  ni  labios,  que  son  los  labios 
de  la  parte  de  abajo,  sino  que  cuando  se  ponian  en  el  ayuno,  entonces; 
y  ante  todas  cosas  les  bacian  estos  bestiales  especticulos ;  y  en  todo 


ORIGINAL    DOCUMENTS.  433 

el  tiempo  de  ayuno  estaba  en  cura,  para  que  el  dia  de  la  mayor  cere 
monia  fuese  sano  de  las  heridas,  que  pudiesen  ponerle  las  orejeras  y 
bezotes  sin  ningun  detrimento  ni  dolor ;  y  en  todo  este  tiempo  no  se 
lavaban,  antes  estaban  todo  tiznados  y  embiajados  de  negro,  y  con 
muestras  de  gran  liumildad  para  conseguir  y  alcanzar  tan  gran  merced 
y  premio,  velando  las  armas  todo  el  tiempo  del  ayuno  segun  sus  orde- 
nanzas,  constitutiones,  y  usos  y  costumbres  entre  ellos  tan  celebrados. 
Tambien  usaban  tener  las  puertas  donde  estaban  ayunando  cerradas 
con  ramos  de  laurel,  cuyo  drbol  entre  los  naturales  era  muy  estimado. 


No.  X. — See  vol.  ii.  p.  119. 

EXTRACT   FROM    OVIEDO's    "  HISTORTA   DE   LAS    INDIAS," 
MS.,  LIB.   XXXin.   CAP.  XLVL 

[This  chapter,  which  has  furnished  me  with  many 
particulars  for  the  narrative,  contains  a  minute  account 
of  Montezuma's  household  and  way  of  life,  gathered 
by  the  writer,  as  he  tells  us,  from  the  testimony  of 
different  individuals  of  credit,  who  had  the  best  means 
of  information.  It  affords  a  good  specimen  of  the 
historian's  manner,  and  may  have  interest  to  the  Cas- 
tilian  scholar,  since  the  original  has  never  been  pub- 
lished, and,  to  judge  from  appearances,  is  not  likely 
to  be  so.] 

Quando  este  gran  Principe  Montezuma  comia,  estaba  en  una  gran 
sala  encalada  e  mui  pintada  de  pinturas  diversas ;  alii  tenia  enanos  6 
chocarreros  que  le  decian  gracias  e  donaires,  e  otros  que  jugaban  con 
vn  palo  puesto  sobre  los  pies  grande,  6  le  traian  e  meneaban  con  tanta 
fucilidad  e  ligereza,  que  parecia  cosa  imposible ;  e  otros  hacian  otros 
juegos  e  cosas  de  mucho  para  se  admirar  los  liombres.  A  la  ])uerta 
de  la  sala  estaba  vn  patio  mui  grande,  en  que  habia  cien  aposentos  de 
25  6  30  pies  de  largo,  cada  uno  sobre  si,  en  torno  de  dicho  patio.  6 
Vol.  III. — T  37 


434 


APPENDIX. 


alii  estaban  los  Senores  principales  aposentados  como  guardas  del  pa- 
lacio  ordinarias,  y  estos  tales  aposentos  se  Hainan  galpoiies,  los  quales  ■k 
la  coniina  ocupan  mas  de  600  hombres,  que  jamas  se  quitaban  de  alii, 
e  i^ada  vno  de  aquellos  tenian  mas  de  30  servidores,  de  manera  que  a 
lo  menos  nunca  faltaban  3000  hombres  de  guerra  en  esta  guarda  cot';- 
diana  del  palacio.  Quando  queria  comer  aquel  principe  graude,  dab;  n 
I2  agiia  a  manos  sus  Mugeres,  e  salian  alii  hasta  20  dellas  las  mas  quj- 
rid.is  e  mas  hermosas  e  estaban  en  pie  en  tanto  que  el  comia ;  E  iraiale 
vn  Mayordomo  6  Maestre-sala  3000  plates  6  mas  de  diversos  manjares 
de  gallinas,  codornices,  palomas,  tortolas,  e  otras  aves,  e  algunos  plator. 
de  muchachos  tiernos  guisados  a  su  modo,  e  todo  mui  lleno  de  axi,  e 
el  comia  de  lo  que  las  mugeres  le  trahian  6  queria.  Despues  que 
habia  acabado  de  comer  se  tornaba  a  labar  las  inanos,  e  las  Mugeres 
se  iban  a  su  aposento  dellas,  donde  eran  mui  bien  servidas;  E  iucgo 
ante  el  seiior  allegabanse  a  sus  burlas  e  gracias  aquellos  chocarreros 
e  donosos,  e  mandaba  les  dar  de  comer  sentados  a  vn  cabo  de  la  sala ; 
e  todo  lo  restante  de  la  comida  mandaba  dar  a  la  otra  gente  que  se  ha 
dicho  que  estaban  en  aquel  gran  patio ;  y  luego  venian  3000  Xicalos  i 
cantaros  6  anforas  de  brevage,  e  despues  que  el  seiior  habia  comido  6 
bebido,  e  labadose  las  manos,  ibanse  las  Mugeres,  e  acabadas  de  salir 
de  la  sala,  entraban  los  negociantes  de  muchas  partes,  asi  de  la  misma 
cibdad  como  de  sus  sefiorios  ;  e  los  que  le  habian  de  hablar  incabanse 
de  rodillas  quatro  varas  de  medir  6  mas,  apartados  del  e  descalzos,  e 
sin  manta  de  algodon  que  algo  valiese ;  e  sin  mirarle  a  la  cara  deciaa 
su  razonamiento  ;  e  el  proveia  lo  que  le  parecia ;  e  aquellos  se  levan- 
taban  e  tornaban  atras  retraiendose  sin  volver  las  espaldas  vn  buen 
tiro  de  piedra,  como  lo  acostumbraban  hacer  los  Moros  de  Granada 
delante  de  sus  senores  e  principes.  Alii  habia  muchos  jugadores  de 
diversos  juegos,  en  especial  con  vnos  fesoles  a  manera  de  habas,  e 
apuntadas  como  dados,  que  es  cosa  de  ver ;  e  juegan  cuanto  tienen 
los  que  son  Tahures  entrellos.  Ivan  los  Espaiioles  a  ver  a  Montezuma, 
e  manddbales  dar  duchos,  que  son  vnos  banquillos  6  escabelos,  en  que 
se  sentasen,  mui  lindamente  labrados,  e  de  gcntil  madera,  e  decianles 
que  querian,  que  lo  pidiesen  e  darselo  han.  Su  persona  era  de  pocas 
canes,  pero  de  buena  gracia  e  afabil,  e  tenia  cinco  6  seis  pelos  en  la 
barba  tan  luengos  como  un  geme.  Si  le  parecia  buena  alguna  ropa 
que  el  Espanol  tubiese,  pediasela,  e  si  se  la  dada  liberal mente  sin  le 
pedir  nada  por  ella,  luego  se  la  cobria  e  la  miraba  mui  particular- 
mente,  e  con  placer  la  loaba;  mas  si  le  pedian  precio  por  ella  hacialo 
dar  luego,  e  tomaba  la  ropa  e  tornabasela  k  dar  d  los  christianos  sin 


ORIGINAL    DOCUMENTS. 


435 


so  la  cobrir  e  como  descontento  de  la  mala  crianza  del  que  pedia  el 
precio,  decia :  Para  mi  no  ha  de  haber  precio  alguno,  porque  yo  soy 
senor,  e  no  me  han  de  pedir  nada  deso ;  que  yo  lo  dare  sin  que  me 
den  alguna  cosa ;  que  es  mui  gran  afrenta  poner  precio  de  ninguna 
cosa  a  los  que  son  senores,  ni  ser  ellos  Mercaderes.  Con  esto  con- 
cuerdan  las  palabras  que  de  Scipion  Africano,  que  de  si  decian  aquella 
contienda  de  prestancia,  que  escrive  Luciano,  entre  los  tres  capitaner. 
mas  excelentes  de  los  antiguos,  que  son  Alexandro  Magno,  e  Anibal, 
e  Scipion  :  Desde  que  nasci,  ni  vend!  ni  compre  cosa  ninguna.  Asi  que 
decia  Montezuma  quando  asi  le  pedian  prescio :  Otro  dia  no  te  pedire 
cosa  alguna,  porque  me  has  hecho  mercader ;  vete  con  Dios  d  tu  casa, 
e  lo  que  obieses  menester  pidelo,  e  darsete  ha :  li  no  tomes  aca,  que  no 
soy  amigo  desos  tratos,  ni  de  los  que  en  ellos  entienden,  para  mas  de 
dexdrselos  vsar  con  otros  hombres  en  mi  Seiiorio.  Tenia  Montezuma 
mas  de  3000  senores  que  le  eran  subgetos,  e  aquellos  tenian  muchos 
vasallos  cada  uno  dellos ;  li  cada  qual  tenia  casa  principal  en  Temix- 
titan,  e  habia  de  residir  en  ella  ciertos  rneses  del  ano ;  E  quando  se 
habian  de  ir  d  su  tierra  con  licencia  de  Montezuma,  habia  de  quedar 
en  la  casa  su  hijo  6  hermano  hasta  quel  seiior  della  tornase.  Esto 
hacia  Montezuma  por  tener  su  tierra  segura,  e  que  ninguno  se  le 
alzase  sin  ser  sentido.  Tenia  vna  seiia,  que  trahian  sus  Almoxarifes  e 
Mensageros  quando  recogian  los  tributes,  e  el  que  erraba  lo  mataban 
d  el  e  d  quantos  del  venian.  Dabanle  sus  vasallos  en  tribute  ordinario 
de  tres  hijos  uno,  e  el  que  no  tenia  hijos  habia  de  dar  vn  Indio  6  India 
para  sacrificar  d  sus  Dioses,  e  sino  lo  daban,  habian  de  sacrificarle  d 
el :  Dabanle  tres  hanegas  de  mahiz  vna,  e  de  todo  lo  que  grangeaban, 
6  comian,  6  bebian ;  En  fin,  de  todo  se  le  daba  el  tercio;  E  el  que 
desto  faltaba  pagaba  con  la  cabeza.  En  cada  pueblo  tenian  Mayor- 
domo  con  sus  libros  del  numero  de  la  gente  e  de  todo  lo  demas  asen- 
tado  por  tales  figuras  e  caracteres  quellos  se  entendian  sin  discrepancia, 
como  entre  nosotros  con  nuestras  letras  se  entenderia  vna  cuenta  mui 
bien  ordenada.  fe  aquellos  particulares  Mayordomos  daban  quenta  d 
aquellos  que  residian  en  Temixtitan,  e  tenian  sus  alholies  e  magazenes 
e  depositos  donde  se  recogian  los  tributos,  e  oficiales  para  ello,  e 
ponian  en  carceles  los  que  d  su  tiempo  no  pagaban,  e  dabanles  ler- 
mino  para  la  paga,  e  aquel  pasado  e  no  pagado,  justiciaban  al  tal 
deudor,  6  le  hacian  esclavo. 

Dexemos  esta  materia,  e  volvamos  d  este  gran  Principe  Montezuma, 
el  qual  en  vna  gran  sala  de  150  pies  de  largo,  e  de  50  de  ancho,  de 


436  APPENDIX. 

grandes  vigas  e  postes  de  madera  que  lo  sostenian,  encima  de  la  qual. 
era  todo  vn  terrado  e  azutea,  e  tenia  dentro  desta  sala  muclios  generos 
de  aves,  e  de  animales.  Havia  50  aguilas  caudales  en  jaolas,  tigns, 
lobos,  culebrai.,  tan  gruesas  como  la  pierna,  de  mucho  espanto,  e  en 
sus  jioUis  asi  misnio,  e  alii  se  les  llevaba  la  sangre  de  los  homhres 
k  mugeres  e  niiios  que  sacrificaban,  e  cebaban  con  ella  aquellas 
bestias ;  e  habia  vn  suelo  hecho  de  la  mesma  sangre  humana  en  toda 
la  dicha  sala,  e  si  se  metia  vn  pilo  6  vara  temblaba  el  suelo.  En  en- 
trando  por  la  sala,  el  hedor  era  mucho  e  aborrecible  e  asqueroso  ;  las 
culebras  daban  grandes  e  horribles  silvos,  e  los  gemidos  e  tonos  de  !os 
olros  animales  alii  presos  era  una  melodia  infernal,  e  para  poner  es- 
panto ;  tenian  500  gallinas  de  racion  cada  dia  para  la  sustentacion 
desos  animales.  En  medio  de  aquella  sala  habia  vna  capilla  a  manera 
de  vn  horno  grande,  e  por  encima  chapada  de  las  minas  de  oro  e  plata 
e  piedras  de  muchas  maneras,  como  ajatas  e  comesinas,  nides,  trpa- 
cios,  planas  desmeraldas,  e  de  otras  suertes,  muchas  e  muibien  engas- 
tadas.  Alii  entraba  Montezuma  e  se  retrahia  a  hablar  con  el  Dieblo, 
al  qual  nombraban  Atezcatepoca,  que  aquella  gente  tienen  por  Dios 
de  la  guerra,  y  el  les  daba  a  entender,  que  era  Seiior  y  criador  de  todo, 
y  que  en  su  mano  era  el  veneer ;  e  los  Indies  en  sus  arreitos  y  can- 
tares  e  hablas  le  dan  gracias  y  lo  invocan  en  sus  necesidades.  En 
aquel  patio  e  sala  habia  continuamente  5000  hombres  pintados  de 
cierto  betun  6  tinta,  los  quales  no  llegan  a  mugeres  e  son  castos; 
Uamanlos  papas,  k  aquestos  son  religiosos. 

»  «  ■%  5s  *  *  *  s  » 

Tenia  Montezuma  vna  casa  mui  grande  en  que  estaban  sus  Mugeres, 
que  eran  mas  de  4000  hijas  de  senores,  que  se  las  daban  para  ser  sus 
Mugeres,  e  el  lo  mandaba  hacer  asi ;  e  las  tenia  mui  guardadas  y 
servidas ;  y  algunas  veces  el  daba  algunas  dellas  -k  quien  queria  favo- 
recer  y  honrar  de  sus  principales :  Ellos  las  recibian  como  vn  don 
grandisimo.  Habia  en  su  casa  muchos  jardines  e  100  vaiios,  6  mas, 
como  los  que  vsan  los  Moros,  que  siempre  estaban  calientes,  en  que 
se  banaban  aquellas  sus  Mugeres,  las  quales  tenian  sus  guardas,  e  otras 
mugeres  como  Prioras  que  las  governaban :  6  a  estas  mayores,  que 
eran  ancianas,  acataban  como  a  Madres,  y  ellas  las  trataban  como  d 
hijas.  Tuvo  su  padre  de  Montezuma  150  hijos  e  hijas,  de  lo:>  quales 
los  mas  mato  Montezuma,  y  las  hermanas  caso  muchas  dellas  con 
quien  le  parecio  ;  y  el  tubo  50  hijos  y  hijas,  6  mas ;  y  acaecio  algimas 
veces  tener  50  mugeres  prefiadas.  y  las  mas  dellas  matabin  las  cria- 
turas  en  el  cuerpo,  porque  asi  dicen  que  se  lo  mandaba  el  Diablo,  que 


fl 


ORIGINAL    DOCUMENTS. 


437 


hablaba  con  ellas  y  deciales  que  se  sacrificasen  ellas  las  orejas  y  las 
lenguas  y  sus  naturas,  e  se  sacasen  mucha  san;;re  e  se  la  ofreciesen, 
e  asi  lo  hacian  en  efeto.  Parecia  la  casa  de  Montezuma  vna  cibdad 
mui  poblada.  Tenia  sus  porteros  en  cada  puerta.  Tenia  20  puertas 
de  servicio ;  entraban  nuchas  calles  de  agua  a  ellas,  por  las  ciuales 
cntraban  e  salian  las  canoas  con  mahiz,  e  olros  bastimentos,  e  Icna. 
Entraba  en  esta  casa  vn  cano  de  agua  dulce,  que  venia  de  dos  leguas 
de  alii,  por  encima  de  vna  calzada  de  piedra,  que  venia  de  vna  fuente, 
que  se  dice  chapictepeque,  que  nace  en  vn  pciion,  que  esta.  en  Li 
Laguna  salada,  de  mui  excelente  agua. 


No.  XI. — See  vol.  ii.  p.  27-;,  et  alibi. 

DIALOGUE  OF  OVIEDO  WITH  DON  THOAN  CANO,  AP. 
"  HISTORIA  DE  LAS  INDIAS,"  MS.,  LIB.  XXXllI.  CAP. 
LIV. 

[The  most  remarkable,  in  some  respects,  of  Ovi- 
edo's  compositions  is  his  Quinciiagcnas,  a  collection  of 
imaginary  dialogues  with  the  most  eminent  persons  of 
his  time,  frequently  founded,  no  doubt,  on  the  personal 
communications  which  he  had  held  with  them.  In  his 
"History  of  the  Indies"  he  has  also  introduced  a 
dialogue  which  he  tells  us  he  actually  had  with  Don 
Thoan  Cano,  a  Castilian  hidalgo,  who  married  Guate- 
mozin's  widow,  the  lovely  daughter  of  Montezuma. 
lie  came  into  the  country  originally  with  Narvaez ; 
and,  as  he  was  a  man  of  intelligence,  according  to 
Oviedo,  and  lus  peculiar  position  both  before  and  after 
the  Conquest  opened  to  him  the  best  sources  of  in- 
formation, his  testimony  is  of  the  highest  value.  As 
such  I  have  made  frequent  use  of  it  in  the  preceding 
37* 


438 


APFENDJX. 


pages,  and  I  now  transcribe  it  entire,  in  the  original, 
as  an  important  document  for  the  history  of  the 
Conquest.] 

DIAI.OCO  PEL  ALCAYDE  DE  LA  FORTALEZA  DE  LA  CIRnAn  fe 
I'LEKTO  DE  SANTO  DCLMINGO  DE  LA  ISLA  ESl'ANOLA,  AU'll>R  Y 
CIIKOMSTA  DESTAS  HISIORIAS,  DE  LA  VNA  I'ARTE.  fe  DE  LA 
UTKA,  VN  CAIiALLERO  VECINO  DE  LA  GRAND  CIBDAD  DE  MEXICOf 
LLAMA  DO  THOAN  GANG. 

Alc.  Senor,  ayer  supe  que  Vm.  vive  en  la  grand  cibdad  de  Mexico, 
y  que  os  llamais  Thoan  Cano ;  y  porque  yo  tube  amistad  con  vn 
caballero  llamado  Diego  Cano,  que  fue  criado  del  serenissimo  Prin- 
cipe Don  Thoan,  mi  sefior,  de  gloriosa  memoria,  deseo  saber  si  es 
vivo,  e  donde  sois  sefior  natural,  e  como  queddstes  avecindado  en 
estas  partes,  e  rescibire  merced,  que  no  rescibais  pesadumbre  de  mis 
preguntas  ;  porque  tengo  necesidad  de  saber  algunas  cosas  de  la 
Nueva  Espafia,  y  es  razon,  que  para  mi  satisfaccion  yo  procure  enten- 
der  lo  que  deseo  de  tales  personas  e  habito  que  merezcan  credito;  y 
ansi,  Seiior,  recibire  mucha  merced  de  la  vuestra  en  lo  que  digo. 

TnOAN  Cano.  Senor  Alcayde,  yo  soy  el  que  gano  mucho  en 
conoceros ;  y  tiempo  ha  que  deseaba  ver  vuestra  persona,  porque  os 
soi  aficionado,  y  querria  que  mui  de  veras  me  tubiesedes  por  tan  aniigo 
e  servidor  como  yo  os  lo  sere.  6  satisfaciendo  d  lo  que  Vm.  quiere 
saber  de  mi,  digo,  que  Diego  Cano,  Escribano  de  Camara  del  Principe 
Don  Thoan,  y  camarero  de  la  Tapiceria  de  su  Alteza,  fue  mi  tio,  e  ha 
poco  tiempo  que  murio'en  la  cibdad  de  Caceres,  donde  vivia  e  yo  soy 
natural :  Y  quanto  a  lo  demas,  yo,  Seiior,  pase  desde  la  Isla  de  Cuba  d 
la  Nueva  Espaiia  con  el  capitan  Pdmphilo  de  Karvaez,  e  aunque  mozo 
e  de  pcco  edad,  yo  me  halle  cerca  del  quando  fue  preso  por  Hernando 
Cortes  e  sus  mafias;  e  en  ese  trance  le  quebraron  vn  ojo,  peleando  el 
como  mui  valiente  hombre  ;  pero  como  no  le  acudio  su  gente,  e  con  el 
se  halldron  mui  pocos,  quedo  preso  e  herido,  e  se  hizo  Cortes  sefior  del 
campo,  e  truxo  a  su  devocion  la  gente  que  con  Pamphilo  habia  ido,  k 
en  rencueniros  e  en  batallas  de  manos  en  Mexico  ;  y  todo  lo  que  ha 
sucedido  despues  yo  me  he  hallado  en  ello.  Mandais  que  diga  como 
quede  avecindado  en  estas  partes,  y  que  no  reciba  pesadumbre  de  vues- 
txas  preguntas  ;  satisfaciendo  a  mi  asiento,  digo,  Sefior,  que  yo  me  case 
con  una  Seiiora  hija  legitima  de  Montezuma,  llamada  dofia  Isabel,  tal 
persona,  que  aunque  se  hobiera  criado  en  nuestra  Espaiia,  no  estobiera 
mas  en^eil  ula.  e  bien  dotrinada  e  Catolica,  e  de  tal  conversacion  e  arte, 


.ORIGIN A  I,    DOCUMENTS.  439 

que  OS  satisfaria  su  manera  e  buena  gracia ;  y  no  es  poco  lilil  e  pnove- 
chosa  al  sosiego  e  contentamientos  de  los  naturales  de  la  tierra ;  porque, 
como  es  Seiiora  en  todas  sus  cosas  e  aniiga  de  los  chri^tianos,  por  su 
respecto  e  exemplo  mas  quletud  e  reposo  se  imprime  en  los  dnimos  de 
los  Mexicanos.  En  lo  demas  que  se  me  preguntare,  e  de  que  yo  tenga 
memoria,  yo,  Seiior,  dire  lo  que  supiere  conforme  a  la  verdad. 

Al.C.  lo  acepto  la  merced  que  en  eso  recibire ;  y  quiero  coraenzar 
d.  decir  lo  que  me  ocurre,  porque  me  acuerdo,  que  fui  informado  que 
su  padre  de  Montezuma  tubo  150  hijos  e  hijas,  6  mas,  e  que  le  acaecio 
tener  50  mugeics  p-.eiiidas;  6  ansi  escrebi  esto,  e  otras  cosas  a  este 
proposito  en  el  capitulo  46  ;  lo  qual  si  asi  fue,  qtieria  saber,  ^como 
podeis  vos  tener  por  legitima  liija  de  Montezuma  a  la  S""^  Doiia  Isabel 
vuestra  Muger,  e  que  forma  tenia  vuestro  suegro  para  que  se  cono- 
ciesen  los  hijos  bastardos  entre  los  legitimos  6  espurios,  e  quales  eran 
mugeres  legitimas  e  concubinas? 

Can.  Fue  costumbre  vsada  y  g^ardada  entre  los  Mexicanos,  que 
las  mugeres  legitimas  que  tomaban,  era  de  la  manera  que  agora  se 
dira.  Concertados  el  hombre  e  muger  que  habian  de  contraer  matri- 
monio,  para  le  efectuar  se  juntaban  los  parientes  de  ambas  partes  e 
hacian  vn  areito  despues  que  habian  comido  6  cenado ;  e  al  tiempo 
que  los  Novios  se  liabian  de  acostar  e  dormir  en  vno,  tomaban  la  halda 
delantera  de  la  camisa  de  la  Novia  e  atabanla  a  la  manta  de  algodon 
que  tenia  cubierto  el  Xovio.  it  asi  ligados  tomdbanlos  de  las  manos  los 
principales  parientes  de  ambos,  e  metian  los  en  una  camara,  donde  los 
dejaban  solos  e  oscuros  por  tres  dias  contiguos  sin  que  de  alii  saliesen 
^1  ni  ella,  ni  alia  entraba  mas  de  vna  India  a  los  proveer  de  comer  ^ 
lo  que  habian  menester;  en  e!  qual  tiempo  deste  encerramiento  siempre 
habia  bailes  6  areitos,  que  ellos  llaman  mitote  ;  e  en  fin  de  los  tres  dias 
no  hai  mas  fiesta,  fi  los  que  sin  esta  cerimonia  se  casan  no  son  habi- 
dos  por  matrimonies,  ni  los  hijos  que  proceden  por  legitimos,  ni  here- 
dan.  Ansi  como  murio  Montezuma,  quedaronle  solamente  por  hijos 
legitimos  mi  Mug*  e  vn  hermano  suio,  e  muchachos  ambos;  is.  causa 
de  lo  qual  fue  elegido  por  Senor  vn  hermano  de  Montezuma,  que  se 
decia  Cuitcavaci,  Seiior  de  Iztapalapa,  el  qual  vivio  despues  de  su 
eleccion  s  ilos  60  dias,  y  murio  de  viruelas  ;  a  causa  de  lo  qual  vn 
sobrino  de  Montezuma,  que  era  Papa  6  sacerdote  maior  entre  los 
Indios,  que  se  llamaba  Guatimuci,  mato  al  primo  hijo  legitime  de 
Montezuma,  que  se  decia  Asupacaci,  hermano  de  padre  e  madre  de 
dona  Isabel,  e  hizose  seiior,  e  fue  mui  valeroso.  Este  fue  el  que  perdi6 
d  Mexico,  e  fue  preso,  k  despues  injustamente  muerto  con  otros  prin- 


440  APPENDIX. 

cipales  Senores  e  Indios ;  pues  come  Cortds  e  los  christianos  fu6ron 
ensenoreados  de  Mexico,  ningun  hijo  quedo  legitimo  sino  bastardos 
de  Montezuma,  ecepto  mi  Muger,  que  quedaba  viuda,  porque  Guati- 
muci  senor  de  Mexico,  su  primo,  por  fixar  major  su  estado,  siendo 
ella  mui  muchacha,  la  tubo  "por  muger  con  la  cerimonia  ya  dicha  del 
atar  la  camisa  con  la  manta  ;  e  no  obieron  hijos,  ni  tiempo  para  pro- 
creallos ;  e  ella  se  convirtio  d  nuestra  santa  fee  catolica,  e  casose  con 
vn  hombre  de  bien  de  los  conquistadores  primeros,  que  se  llamaba 
Pedro  Gallego,  e  ovo  vn  hijo  en  ella,  que  se  llama  Thoan  Gallego 
Montezuma ;  e  murio  el  dicho  Pedro  Gallego,  e  yo  case  con  la  dicha 
dona  Isabel,  en  la  qual  me  ha  dado  Dies  tres  hijos  e  dos  hijas,  que  se 
Hainan  Pedro  Cano,  Gonzalo  Cano  de  Saavedra,  Thoan  Cano,  doiia 
Isabel,  e  doiia  Catalina. 

Alc.  Seiior  Thoan  Cano,  suplicoos  que  me  digais  porque  mato 
Hernando  Cortes  d  Guatimuci:  ,;revel6se  despues,  6  que  hizo  para 
que  muriese  ? 

Can.  Habeis  de  saber,  que  asi  a  Guatimuci,  como  al  Rey  deTacuba. 
que  se  decia  Tetepanquezal,  e  al  Senor  de  Tezcuco,  el  capitan  Her- 
nando Cortes  les  hizo  dar  muchos  tormentos  e  crudos,  quemandoles 
los  pies,  e  untandoles  las  plantas  con  aceite,  e  poniendoselas  cerca  de 
las  brasas,  e  en  otras  diversas  maneras,  porque  les  diesen  sus  tesoros ; 
e  teniendolos  en  contiguas  fatigas,  supo  como  el  capitan  Cristova)  de 
Olit  se  le  habia  alzado  en  puerto  de  Caballos  e  Honduras,  la  qual 
provincia  los  Indios  llaman  Guaimuras,  e  determino  de  ir  a  buscar  a 
castigar  el  dicho  Christoval  de  Olit,  ^  partio  de  Mexico  por  tierra  con 
mucha  gente  de  Espaiioles,  e  de  los  naturales  de  la  tierra ;  e  I'.evose 
consigo  aquellos  tres  principales  ya  dichos,  y  despues  los  ahorco  en  el 
camino ;  e  ansi  enviudo  doiia  Isabel,  e  despues  ella  se  caso  de  la 
manera  que  he  dicho  con  Pedro  Gallego,  e  despues  conmigo. 

Alc.  Pues  en  cierta  informacion,  que  se  envio  al  Emperador  Xu- 
estro  Seiior,  dice  Hernando  Cortes,  que  habia  sucedido  Guatimuci  en 
el  Senorio  de  Mexico  tras  Montezuma,  porque  en  las  puentes  murio 
el  hijo  e  heredero  de  Montezuma,  e  que  otros  dos  hijos  que  quedaron 
vivos,  el  vno  era  loco  6  mentecapto,  e  el  otro  paralitico,  e  inaviles  por 
sus  enfermedades :  6  yo  lo  he  escripio  asi  en  el  capitulo  i6,  pensando 
quello  seria  asi. 

Can.  Pues  escriba  Vm.  lo  que  mandare,  y  el  Marques  Hernando 
Cortes  lo  que  quisiere,  que  yo  digo  en  Dios  y  en  mi  conciencia  la 
verdad,  y  esto  es  mui  notorio. 

Alc.  Senor  Thoan  Cano,  digame  Vm.  ide  que  procedio  el  alza- 


I 


ORIGINAL    DOCUMENTS.  441 

miento  de  los  Indios  de  Mexico  en  tanto  que  Hernando  Cortes  salio 
de  aquella  cibdad  e  fue  a  buscar  a  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  e  dexo  preso 
i.  Montezuma  en  poder  de  Pedro  de  Alvarado?  Porque  he  oido 
sobre  esto  muchas  cosas,  e  mui  diferentes  las  vnas  de  las  otras  ;  e  yo 
querria  escrebir  verdad,  asi  Dios  salve  mi  dnima. 

Can.  Seiior  Alcayde,  eso  que  preguntais  es  vn  paso  en  que  pocos 
de  los  que  hai  en  la  tierra  sabran  dar  razon,  aunque  ello  fue  mui  noto- 
rio,  e  mui  jnanifiesta  la  sinrazon  que  a  los  Indios  se  les  hizo,  y  de  alii 
tomaron  tanto  odio  con  los  Christianos  que  no  fiaron  mas  dellos,  y  se 
siguieron  quantos  males  ovo  despues,  e  la  rebelion  de  Mexico,  y 
pienso  desta  manera:  Esos  Mexicanos  tenian  entre  las  otras  sus  ido- 
latrias  ciertas  fiestas  del  ano  en  que  se  juntaban  a  sus  ritos  e  cerimo- 
nias ;  y  llegado  el  tiempo  de  vna  de  aquellas,  estaba  Alvarado  en 
guarda  de  Montezuma,  e  Cortes  era  ido  donde  habeis  dicho,  e  muchos 
Indios  principales  juntaronse  e  pidieron  licencia  al  capitan  Alvarado, 
para  ir  a  celebrar  sus  fiestas  en  los  patios  de  sus.mezquitas  6  qq. 
maiores  junto  al  aposento  de  los  espanoles,  porque  no  pensasan  que 
aquel  aiuntamiento  se  hacia  a  otro  fin  ;  E  el  dicho  Capitan  les  dio  la 
licencia.  6  asi  los  Indios,  todos  Senores,  mas  de  600,  desnudos,  e 
con  muchas  joyas  de  oro,  e  hermosos  penachos,  e  muchas  piedras 
preciosas,  e  como  mas  aderezados  e  gentiles  hombres  se  pudieron  e 
supieron  aderezar,  e  sin  arma  alguna  defensiva  ni  ofensiva,  bailaban  e 
cantaban  e  hacian  su  areito  e  fiesta  segund  su  costumbre  ;  e  al  mejor 
tiempo  que  ellos  estaban  embebecidos  en  su  regocijo,  movido  de  cob- 
dicia  el  Alvarado  hizo  poner  en  cinco  puertas  del  patio  cada  15  hom- 
bres, e  en  el  entro  con  la  gente  restante  de  los  Espanoles,  e  comenza- 
ron  d  acuchillar  e  matar  los  Indios  sin  perdonar  a  vno  ni  a  ninguno, 
hasta  que  a  todos  los  acabaron  en  poco  espacio  de  hora.  I  esta  fu^ 
la  causa  porque  los  de  Mexico,  viendo  muertos  e  robados  aquellos 
sobre  seguro,  e  sin  haber  merecido  que  tal  crueldad  en  ellos  hobiese 
fecho,  se  alzaron  e  hicieron  la  guerra  al  dicho  Alvarado,  e  d  los  chris- 
tianos que  con  el  estaban  en  guarda  de  Montezuma,  e  con  mucha 
razon  que  tenian  para  ello. 

Al.C.  £  Montezuma,  como  murio?  porque  diversamente  lo  he  en- 
tendido,  y  ansi  lo  he  yo  escripto  diferenciadamente. 

Can.  Montezuma  murio  de  vna  pedrada  que  los  de  fuera  tiraron, 
lo  qual  no  se  hiciera,  si  delante  del  no  se  pusiera  vn  rodelero,  porque 
como  le  vieran  ninguno  tirara ;  y  ansi  por  le  cubrir  con  la  rodela,  e  no 
creer  que  alii  estaba  Montezuma,  le  dieron  vna  pedrada  de  que  murio. 
Pero  quiero  que  sepals,  Senor  Alcayde,  que  desde  la  primera  revelion 


442 


APPENDIX. 


de  los  Indios  hasta  que  el  Marques  volvio  d.  la  cibdad  despues  de 
preso  Narvaez,  non  obstante  la  pelea  ordinaria  que  con  los  christianos 
tenian,  siempre  Montezuma  les  hacia  dar  de  comer;  e  despues  que  el 
Marques  torno  se  le  hizo  grand  recebimiento,  e  le  dleron  a  todos  los 
Espanoles  mucha  comida.  Mas  habeis  de  saber,  que  el  capitan  Al- 
var.ido,  como  le  acusaba  la  conciencia,  e  no  arrepentido  de  su  culpa,  mas 
queriendole  dar  color,  e  por  aplacar  el  animo  de  Montezuma,  dixo  k 
Hernando  Cortes,  que  fingiese  que  le  queria  prender  e  castigar,  porqiie 
Montezuma  le  rogase  por  el,  e  que  se  fuesen  muertos  por  muertos;  lo 
qual  Hernando  Cortes  no  quiso  hacer,  antes  mui  enojado  dixo,  que 
eran  vnos  perros,  6  que  no  habia  necesidad  de  aquel  cumplimiento; 
e  envio  a  vn  principal  a  que  hiciesen  el  Franquez  6  Mercado ;  el  qual 
principal  enojado  de  ver  la  ira  de  Cortes  y  la  poca  estimacion  que 
hacia  de  los  Indios  vivos,  y  lo  poco  que  se  le  daba  de  los  muertos, 
desdenado  el  principal  e  determinado  en  la  venganza  fue  el  primeiO 
que  renovo  la  guerra  contra  los  Espanoles  dentro  de  vna  hora. 

Alc.    Siempre  oi  decir  que  es  buena  la  templanza,    e  sancta  la 
piedad,  e  abominable  la  soberbia.    Dicen  que  fue  grandisimo  el  tesoro 
que  Hernando  Cortes  repartio  entre  sus  milites  todos,  quando  deter-" 
mino  de  dexar  la  cibdad  e  irse  fuera  della  por  consejo  de  vn  Botello, 
que  se  preciaba  de  pronosticar  lo  que  estaba  por  venir. 

Can.  Bien  se  quien  era  ese,  y  en  verdad  que  el  fue  de  parecer  que 
Cortes  y  los  Christianos  se  saliesen ;  y  al  tiempo  del  efectuarlo  no  lo 
hizo  saber  a  todos,  antes  no  lo  supieron,  sino  los  que  con  el  se  hallaron 
a  esa  pldtica ;  e  los  demas  que  estaban  en  sus  aposentos  e  cuarteles 
se  quedaron,  que  eran  270  hombres  ;  los  quales  se  defendieron  ciertos 
dias  peleando  hasta  que  de  hambre  se  dieron  d  los  Indios,  e  guardd- 
ronles  la  palabra  de  la  manera  que  Alvarado  la  guardo  d  los  que  es 
dicho ;  e  asi  los  270  Christianos,  e  los  que  dellos  no  habian  sido  muer- 
tos peleando  todos,  quando  se  rindieron,  fueron  cruelmente  sacrifica- 
dos  :  pero  habeis,  Senor,  de  saber,  que  desa  liberalidad  que  Hernando 
Cortes  vso,  como  decis,  entre  sus  milites,  los  que  mas  parte  alcanzi- 
ron  della,  e  mas  se  cargdron  de  oro  e  joyas,  mas  presto  los  mataron ; 
porque  por  salvar  el  albarda  murio  el  Asno  que  mas  pesado  la  tomo  ; 
k  los  que  no  la  quisieron,  sino  sus  espaldas  e  armas,  pasaron  con  menos 
ocupacion,  haciendose  el  camino  con  el  espada. 

Alc.  Grand  lastima  fue  perderse  tanto  Thesoro  y  154  Espanoles, 
k  45  yeguas,  e  mas  de  2000  Indios,  e  entrellos  al  Hijo  e  Hijas  de  Mon- 
tezuma, e  d  todos  los  otros  Seiiores  que  trahian  presos.  lo  asi  lo  tengo 
escripto  en  el  capitulo  14  de  esta  Historia. 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS. 


443 


Can.  Sefior  Alcayde,  en  verdad  quien  tal  os  dixo,  6  no  lo  vido,  ni 
supo  6  quiso  callar  la  verdad.  lo  os  certifico,  que  fueron  los  Espa- 
noles  inuertos  en  eso,  con  los  que  como  dixe  de  suso  que  quedaron 
en  la  cibdad  y  en  los  que  se  perdieron  en  el  camino  siguiendo  a  Cortes, 
y  continuandose  nuestra  fuga,  mas  de  1170;  e  asi  parecio  poralarde; 
^  de  los  Indios  nuestros  amigos  de  Tascaltecle,  que  decis  2000,  sin 
dubda  fueran  mas  de  8000. 

Al.C.  Maravillome  como  despues  que  Cortes  se  acogio,  e  los  que 
escapjiron  d.  la  tierra  de  Tascaltecle,  como  no  acabaron  a  el  e  a  los 
christianos  dexando  alia  muertos  a  los  amigos;  y  aun  asi  diz,  que  no 
les  dahan  de  comer  sino  por  rescate  los  de  Guaulip,  que  es  ya  termino 
de  Tascaltecle,  e  el  rescate  no  le  querian  sino  era  oro. 

Can.  Tenedlo,  Seiior,  por  falso  todo  eso ;  porque  en  casa  de  sus 
Padres  no  pudieron  hallar  mas  buen  acogimiento  los  Christianos,  e 
todo  quanto  quisieron,  e  aun  sin  pedirlo,  se  les  dio  gracioso  e  de  mui 
buena  voluntad. 

Alc.  Para  mucho  ha  sido  el  Marques  e  digno  es  de  quanto  tiene, 
e  de  mucho  mas.  6  tengo  lastima  de  ver  lisiado  vn  cavallero  tan 
valeroso  e  manco  de  dos  dedos  de  la  mano  izquierda,  como  lo  escrebi 
e  saque  de  su  relacion,  e  puse  en  el  capitulo  15.  Pero  las  cosas  de  la 
guerra  ansi  son,  e  los  honores,  e  la  palma  de  la  victoria  no  se  adquie- 
ren  durmiendo. 

Can.  Sin  dubda,  Senor,  Cortes  ha  sido  venturoso  e  sagaz  capitan, 
e  los  principales  suelen  hacer  mercedes  k  quien  los  sirve,  y  es  bien  las 
hagan  a  todos  los  que  en  su  servicio  real  trabajan  ;  pero  algunos  he 
visto  yo  que  trabajan  e  sirven  e  nunca  medran,  e  otros  que  no  hacen 
tanto  como  aquellos  son  gratificados  e  aprovechados ;  peraansi  fuesen 
todos  remunerados  como  el  Marques  lo  ha  sido  en  lo  de  sus  dedos  de 
lo  que  le  habeis  lastima. .  Tubo  Dios  poco  que  hacer  en  sanarlo  ;  y 
salid,  Senor,  de  ese  cuidado,  que  asi  como  los  saco  de  Castilla,  quando 
paso  la  primera  vez  a  estas  partes,  asi  se  los  tiene  agora  en  Espana ; 
porque  nunca  fue  manco  dellos,  ni  le  faltan ;  y  ansi,  ni  hubo  menester 
cirujano  ni  milagro  para  guarecer  de  ese  trabajo. 

Alc.  Senor  Thoan  Cano,  ies  verdad  aquella  crueldad  que  dicen 
que  el  Marques  vs6  con  Chulula,  que  es  vna  Cibdad  por  donde  pa£6 
la  primera  vez  que  fue  d  Mexico  ? 

Can.  Mui  grand  verdad  es,  pero  eso  yo  no  lo  vi,  porque  aun  no 
era  yo  ido  d  la  tierra ;  pero  supe  lo  despues  de  muchos  quo  los  virion 
k  se  hallAron  en  esa  cruel  hazana. 

Aix;.  iComo  oistes  decir  que  pas6? 


444 


APPENDIX. 


Can.  Lo  que  oi  por  cosa  mui  notoria  es,  que  en  aquella  cibdad 
pidio  Hernando  Cortes  3000  Indies  para  que  Uevasen  el  fardage.dse 
los  dieron,  e  los  hiz.o  todos  poner  a  cuchillo  sin  que  eseapase  ningiuio. 

Al.C.  Razon  tiene  el  Emperador  Nuestro  Senor  de  mandar  quitar 
los  Indies  a  todos  los  Christianos. 

Can.  Hagase  lo  que  S.  M.  mandare  e  fuese  servido,  que  eso  es  lo 
que  es  mejor ;  pero  yo  no  querria  que  padeciesen  justos  por  peca- 
dores  :  i  quien  hace  crueldades  paguelas,  mas  el  que  no  comete  delicto 
porque  le  han  de  castigar?  Esto  es  materia  para  mas  espacio ;  y  yo 
me  tengo  de  envarcar  esta  noche,  e  es  ya  quasi  hora  del  Ave  Maria. 
Mirad,  Sailor  Alcayde,  si  hay  en  Mexico  en  que  pueda  yoemplearme 
en  vuestro  servicio,  que  yo  lo  hare  con  enlera  voluntad  e  obra.  Y  en 
lo  que  toca  d  la  libertad  de  los  Indies,  sin  dubda  a  vnes  se  les  habia 
de  rogar  con  ellos  d  que  los  tuviesen  e  governasen,  e  les  industrasen 
en  las  cosas  de  nuestra  sancta  fee  Catolica,  e  d  otres  se  debian  quitar: 
Pero  pues  aqui  esta  el  Obispo  de  Chiapa,  Fr.  Bartolome  de  las  Casas, 
que  ha  side  el  movedor  e  inventor  destas  mudanzas,  e  va  cargado  de 
frailes  mancebos  de  su  orden,  con  el  podeis,  Sefior  Alcayde,  desen- 
volver  esta  materia  de  Indies.  E  yo  no  me  quiero  mas  entremeter  ni 
hablar  en  ella,  aunque  sabria  decir  mi  parte. 

Alc.  Sin  duda,  Senor  Thoan  Cane,  Vmd.  habla  come  prudente, 
y  estas  cosas  deben  ser  asi  ordenadas  de  Dios,  y  es  de  pensar,  que  este 
reverendo  Obispo  de  Cibdad  Real  en  la  previncia  de  Chiapa,  comj 
celoso  del  servicio  de  Dies  e  de  S.  M.,  se  ha  movido  d  estas  peregrina- 
ciones  en  que  anda,  y  plega  d  Dios  que  el  y  sus  Frailes  acierten  d  ser- 
virles ;  pero  el  no  esta  tan  bien  con  migo  come  pensais,  antes  se  ha 
quexado  de  mi  por  lo  que  escrebi  cerca  de  aquellos  Labradores  e 
nuevos  cavalleres  que  quiso  hacer,  y  con  sendas  cruces,  que  querian 
parecer  d  las  de  Calatrava,  seiendo  labradores  e  de  otras  mezclas  e 
genero  de  gente  baja,  quando  fue  d  Cubagua  e  d  Cumand,  e  lo  dixo 
al  Senor  Obispo  de  S.  Joan,  don  Rodrige  de  Bastidas,  para  que  me  lo 
dixese,  y  ansi  me  le  dixo ;  y  lo  que  yo  respond!  a  su  quexa  no  lo  hice 
por  satisfacar  al  Obispo  de  San  Joan,  e  su  sancta  intencion  ;  fue  que 
le  suplique  que  le  dixese,  que  en  verdad  yo  no  tube  cuenta  ni  respecto, 
quande  aquelle  escrevi,  d  le  hacer  pesar  ni  placer,  sine  a  decir  lo  que 
paso;  y  que  viese  vn  Libre,  que  es  la  primera  parte  destas  Historias 
de  Indias,  que  se  imprimio  el  afio  de  1535,  y  alii  estaba  lo  que  escrebi ; 
e  que  holgaba  porque  estabamos  en  parte  que  todo  lo  que  dixe  \  lo 
que  dexe  de  decir  se  provaria  facilmente;  y  que  supiese  que  aquel 
IJbro  estaba  ya  en  Lengua  Toscana  y  Francesa  e  Alemana  e  Latina 


OPraiNAL    DOCUMENTS.  445 

d  Griega  e  Turca  e  Araviga,  aunque  yo  le  escrevi  en  Castellana;  y 
que  pues  el  continuaba  nuevas  empresas,  y  yo  no  habia  de  cesar  de 
escrebir  las  malarias  de  Indias  en  tanto  que  S.  S.  M.  M.  desto  fuesen 
servidos,  que  yo  tengo  esperanza  en  Dlos  que  le  dexara  mejor  acerlar 
en  lo  porvenir  que  en  lo  pasado,  y  ansi  adelante  le  pareceria  mejor 
mi  pluma.  Y  como  el  Seiior  Obispo  de  San  Joan  es  tan  noble  e  'a 
consta  la  verdad,  y  quan  sin  pasion  yo  esciibo,  el  Obispo  de  Chiapa 
quedo  satisfecho,  aun  yo  no  ando  por  satisft.cer  a  su  paladar  ni  otro, 
sine  por  cumplir  con  lo  que  debo,  hablando  con  vos,  Sefior,  10  cierto; 
y  por  tanto  quanto  d  la  carga  de  los  muchos  Frailes  me  parece  en 
verdad  que  estas  tierras  manan,  6  que  llueven  Frailes,  pero  pues  son 
sin  canas  todos  y  de  30  aiios  abajo,  plega  a  Dios  que  todos  acierten  a 
servirle.  Ya  los  vi  entrar  en  esta  Cibdad  de  dos  en  dos  hasta  30  dellos, 
con  sendos  bordones,  e  sus  sayas  e  escapularios  e  sombreros  e  sin 
capas,  e  el  Obispo  detras  dellos.  6  no  parecia  vna  devota  farsa,  e 
agora  la  comienzan  no  sabemos  en  que  parani ;  el  tiempo  lo  dira,  y 
esto  haga  Nuestra  Senor  al  proposito  de  su  sancto  servicio.  Pero 
pues  van  hacia  aquellos  nuevos  vulcanes,  decidme,  Senor,  cQ"c  cosa 
son,  si  los  habei'-  visto,  y  que  cosa  es  otro  que  teneis  alia  en  la  Nueva 
Espana,  que  se  dice  Guaxocingo  ? 

Can.  El  Vulcan  de  Chalco  6  Guaxocingo  todo  es  vna  cosa,  e 
alumbraba  de  noche  364  leguas  6  mas,  e  de  dia  salia  continuo  humo 
e  i  veces  llamas  de  fuego,  lo  qual  esta  en  vn  escoUo  de  la  sierra  nevada, 
en  la  qual  nunca  falta  perpetua  nieve,  e  esta  a  9  leguas  de  Mexico  ; 
pero  este  fuego  e  humo  que  he  dicho  turo  hasta  7  anos,  poco  mas  6 
menos,  despues  que  Hernando  Cortes  paso  a  aquellas  partes,  e  ya  no 
sale  fuego  alguno  de  alii ;  pero  ha  quedado  mucho  azufre  e  mui  bueno, 
que  se  ha  sacado  para  hacer  polvora,  e  hai  quanto  quisieron  sacar 
dello  :  pero  en  Guatimala  h  li  dos  volcanes  e  montes  fogosos,  e  echan 
piedras  mui  grandisimas  fuera  de  si  quemadas,  e  lanzan  aquellas  bocas 
mucho  humo,  e  es  cosa  de  mui  horrible  aspecto,  en  especial  como  le 
vieron  quando  murio  la  pecadora  de  dona  Beatriz  de  la  Cueva,  Muger 
dal  .\deIantado  Don  Pedro  de  Alvarado.  Plega  d  nuestro  Sefior  de 
quedar  con  Vmd.,  Senor  Alcaide,  e  dadme  licencia  que  atiende  I.1 
B.irca  para  irme  a  la  Nao. 

Alc.    Seiior  Thoan  Cano,  el  Espiritu  Sancto  vaya  con  Vm.,  y  os 
de  tan  prospero  viage  e  navegacion,  que  en  pocos  dias  y  en  salva- 
mento  Uegueis  d  Vuestra  Casa,  y  halleis  d  la  S™  dona  Isabel  y  loa 
hijos  e  hijas  con  la  salud  que  Vmd.  y  ellos  os  deseais. 
Vol.  III.  38 


446  APPENDIX. 


No.  XII. — See  vol.  ii.  p.  '^■^■^. 

GRANT  OF  CORTES  TO  DONA  ISABEL  MONTEZUMA,  DAUGH- 
TER OF  THE  EMPEROR  MONTEZUMA;  DATED  AT  MEX- 
ICO, JUNE  27,  1526. 

[Montezuma,  on  his  death-bed,  commended,  as  we 
ha\e  seen  in  the  History,  three  favorite  daughters  to 
the  protection  of  Cortes.  After  their  father's  death 
they  were  baptized,  and  after  the  Conquest  were  mar- 
ried to  Spaniards  of  honorable  family,  and  from  them 
have  descended  several  noble  houses  in  Spain.  Cortes 
granted,  by  way  of  dowry,  to  the  eldest,  Dona  Isabel, 
the  city  of  Tacuba  and  several  other  places,  embracing 
an  extensive  and  very  populous  district.  I  have  given 
here  the  instrument  containing  this  grant,  which  has 
a  singular  degree  of  interest,  from  the  notices  it  con- 
tains of  Montezuma's  last  moments,  and  the  strong 
testimony  it  bears  to  his  unswerving  friendship  for  the 
Spaniards.  Some  allowance  must  be  made  by  the 
reader  for  the  obvious  endeavor  of  Cortes  to  exhibit 
Montezuma's  conduct  in  so  favorable  a  light  to  the 
Castilian  government  as  might  authorize  the  extensive 
grant  to  his  daughter. 

The  instrument  in  the  Munoz  collection  was  taken 
from  an  ancient  copy  in  the  library  of  Don  Rafael 
Floranes  of  Valladolid.] 


PRIVILEGIO  DE  DONA  ISABEL  MOTEZUMA,  HIJA  DEL  GRAN  MOTE- 
ZUMA,  I'rUriMO  REV  INDIO  DEL  GRAN  REYNO  Y  CIBUAU  DE  Mft- 
XICO,  QUE  BAUTIZADA  Y  SIENDO  CHRISTIANA  CAS6  CON  ALoNSO 
GRADO,   NATURAL    .ME    LA    VILLA    DE    ALCANTARA,  HIDALGO,  Y 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS.  447 

CRIADO   DE   SU   MAGESTAD,  QUE   HABIA  SERVIDO  Y   SERVIA    EN 
MUCUOS  OFFICIOS  EN  AQUEL  REYNO. 

otok(;ai)o  roR  noN   hernando  cort£s,  conquistador   del 

DlOlC)  KEYNO,  EN  NOMKRE  DE  SU  MAGESTAD,  COMO  SU  CAITTAN 
GENERAL  Y  GOVERNADOR  DE  LA  NUEVA  EbTANA. 

Por  quanto  al  tiempo  que  yo,  Don  Hernando  Cortes,  capitan  ge- 
neral e  Governador  desta  nueva  Espana  e  sus  provincias  por  S.  Mag'*, 
pase  a  estas  partes  con  ciertos  Navios  e  gente  para  las  pacificar  e  poblar 
y  trailer  las  gentes  della  al  dominio  y  servidumbre  de  la  Corona  Im- 
perial de  S.  M.  como  al  presente  esta,  y  despues  de  a  ellos  benido 
tuve  noticia  de  un  gran  Sefior,  que  en  esta  gran  cibdad  de  Tenextitan 
residio,  y  hera  Seiior  della,  y  de  todas  las  demas  provincias  y  tierras  d 
ella  comarcanas,  que  se  llamaba  Mote9uma,  al  qual  hize  saber  mi 
venida,  y  como  lo  supo  por  los  Mensageros  que  le  envie  para  que  me 
obedeciese  en  nonibre  de  S.  M.  y  se  ofreciese  por  su  vasallo :  Tuvo 
por  bien  la  dicha  mi  venida,  e  por  mejor  mostrar  su  buen  celo  y  volun- 
tad  de  servir  i.  S.  M.,  y  obedecer  lo  que  por  mi  en  su  Real  nombre  le 
fuese  mandado,  me  mostro  mucho  amor,  e  mando,  que  per  todas  las 
partes  que  pasasen  los  Espiiioles  hasta  llegar  a  esta  Cibdad  se  nos 
hiciese  mui  buen  acogimiento,  y  se  nos  diese  todo  lo  que  hubiesemos 
menester,  como  siempre  se  hizo,  y  mui  mejor  despues  que  a  esta  cib- 
dad llegamos,  donde  fuimos  mui  bien  recevidos,  yo  y  todos  los  que  en 
mi  compania  benimos ;  y  aun  mostro  haberle  pesado  mucho  de  algu- 
nos  recuentros  y  batallas  que  en  el  camino  se  me  ofrecieron  antes  de  la 
llegada  a  esta  dicha  cibdad,  queriendose  el  desculpar  dello ;  y  que  de 
lo  demas  dicho  para  efetuar  y  mostrar  mejor  su  buen  deseo,  huvo  por 
bien  el  dicho  Mote9uma  de  estar  debajo  de  la  obediencia  de  S.  M.,  y 
en  mi  poder  i.  manera  de  preso  asta  que  yo  hiciese  relacion  a  S.  M., 
y  del  estado  y  cosas  destas  partes,  y  de  la  voluntad  del  dicho  Mote- 
9uma;  y  que  estando  en  esta  paz  y  sosiego,  y  teniendo  yo  pacificada 
esta  dicha  tierra  docientas  leguas  y  mas  hacia  una  parte  y  otra  con 
el  sello  y  seguridad  del  dicho  seiior  Mote9uma,  por  la  voluntad  y 
amor  que  siempre  mostro  al  servicio  de  S.  M.,  y  complacerme  &  mi 
en  su  real  nombre,  hasta  mas  de  un  aiio,  que  se  ofrecio  la  venida  de 
Pdnfilo  de  Narvaez,  que  los  alboroto  y  escandalizo  con  sus  daiiadas 
palabras  y  temores  que  les  puso ;  por  cuyo  rcspeto  se  levanto  contra 
el  dicho  seiior  Mote9uma  un  hermano  suyo,  llamado  Auit  Lavaci, 
Seiior  de  Iztapalapa,  y  con  mucha  gente  que  traxo  assi  hizo  mui 
cruda  guerra  al  dicho  jMotc9uma  y  a  mi  y  d  los  Espanoles  que  en  mi 
compaiiia  estavan,  poniendonos  mui  recio  cerco  en  los  aposentos  y 


448  APPENDIX. 

casas  donde  estavamos ;  y  para  quel  dicho  su  hermano  y  los  princi- 
pales  que  con  el  venian  cesasen  la  dicha  guerra  y  alzasen  el  cerco,  se 
puso  de  una  ventana  el  dicho  Mote9uiTia,  y  estdndoles  mandando  y 
amonestando  que  no  lo  hiciesen,  y  que  fuesen  vasallos  de  S.  M.  y 
obedeciesen  los  mandamientos  que  yo  en  su  real  nombre  le  mandaba, 
le  tiniron  con  muchas  hondos,  y  le  dieron  con  una  piedra  en  la  cabeza, 
que  le  hicieron  mui  gran  herida ;  y  temiendo  de  morir  della,  me  hizo 
cicrtos  razonamientos,  trayendome  a  la  memoria  que  por  el  entrana- 
ble  amor  que  tenia  al  servicio  de  S.  M.  y  a  mi  en  su  Real  nombre  y  d 
todos  los  Espanoles,  padecia  tantas  heridas  y  afrentas,  lo  qual  dava  por 
bien  empleado ;  y  que  si  el  de  aquella  herida  fallecia,  que  me  rogava 
y  encargaba  muy  afetuosamente,  que  aviendo  respeto  a  lo  mucho  que 
me  queria  y  deseava  complacer,  tuviese  por  bien  de  tomar  a  cargo 
tres  hijas  suyas  que  tenia,  y  que  las  hiciese  bautizar  y  mostrar  nuestra 
doctrina,  porque  conocia  que  era  mui  buena ;  a  las  quales,  despues 
que  yo  gane  esta  diclia  cibdad,  hize  luego  bautizar,  y  poner  por  nom- 
bres  a  la  una  que  es  la  mayor,  su  legitima  heredera,  Doiia  Isabel,  y  a 
las  otras  dos.  Dona  Maria  y  Doiia  Marina;  y  estando  en  finamiento 
de  la  dicha  herida  me  torno  a  llamar  y  rogar  mui  ahincadamente,  que 
si  el  muriese,  que  quirase  por  aquellas  hijas,  que  eran  las  mejores 
joyas  que  el  me  daba,  y  que  partiese  con  alias  de  lo  que  tenia,  por  que 
no  quedasen  perdidas,  especialmente  d  la  mayor,  que  esta  queria 
C"  mucho ;  y  que  si  por  ventura  Dios  le  escapaba  de  aquella  en- 
fermedad,  y  le  daba  Victoria  en  aquel  cerco,  que  el  mostraria  mas 
largamente  el  deseo  que  tenia  de  servir  a  S.  M.  y  pagarme  con  obras 
la  voluntad  y  amor  que  me  tenia ;  y  que  demas  desto  yo  hiciese  rela- 
cion  d.  su  Magestad  de  como  me  dexaba  estas  sus  hijas,  y  le  suplicase 
en  su  nombre  je  sirviese  de  mandarme  que  yo  mirase  por  ellas  y  las 
tuviese  so  mi  amparo  y  administracion,  pues  el  hera  tan  servidor  y 
vasallo  de  S.  M.  y  siempre  tuvo  mui  buena  voluntad  a  los  Espafioles, 
como  yo  havia  visto  y  via,  y  por  el  amor  que  les  tenia  le  havian  dado 
el  pago  que  tenia,  aunque  no  le  pesaba  dello.  Y  aun  en  su  lengua 
me  dixo,  y  entre  estos  razonamientos  que  encargaba  la  conciencia 
sobre  ello. — Por  ende  acatando  los  muchos  servicios  que  el  dicho 
Sefior  Motecuma  hizo  d  S.  M.  en  las  buenas  obras  que  siempre  en  su 
vida  me  hizo,  y  buenos  tratamientos  de  los  Espaiioles  que  en  mi  com- 
pania  yo  tenia  en  su  real  nombre,  y  la  voluntad  que  me  mostro  en  su 
real  servicio  ;  y  que  sin  duda  el  no  fue  parte  en  el  levantamiento  desta 
dicha  cibdad,  sino  el  dicho  su  hermano ;  antes  se  esperaba,  como  yo 
tenia  por  cierto,  que  su  vida  fuera  mucha  ayuda  para  que  la  tierra  cs- 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS. 


449 


tuviera  siempre  mui  pacifica,  y  vinieran  los  naturales  della  en  verdadero 
conocimiento,  y  se  sirviera  S.  M.  con  mucha  suma  de  pesos  de  oro  y 
joyas  y  otias  cosas,  y  per  causa  de  la  venida  del  dicho  Narvaez  y  de  la 
giieira  que  el  dicho  su  heimano  Auit  Lavaci  levanto,  se  perdieron ;  y 
considerando  asi  mismo  que  Dies  nuestro  seiior  y  S.  M.  son  mui 
servidos  que  en  estas  partes  plante  nuestra  santissima  Religion,  como 
de  cada  dia  la  en  crecimiento:  Y  que  las  dichas  hijas  de  Mote9uma 
y  los  demas  Seiiores  y  principales  y  otras  personas  de  los  naturales 
desta  Nueva  Espaiia  se  les  de  y  muestre  toda  la  mas  y  mejor  Dotrina 
que  fuere  posible,  para  quitarlos  de  las  idolatrias  en  que  hasta  aqul 
han  estado,  y  traerlos  al  verdadero  conocimiento  de  nuestra  sancta 
fee  catbolica,  especialniente  los  hijos  de  los  mas  principales,  como  lo 
era  este  Senor  Motecuma,  y  que  en  esto  se  descargava  la  conciencia 
de  S.  M.  y  la  mia ;  en  su  real  nombre  tuve  por  bien  de  azetar  su 
ruego,  y  tener  en  mi  casa  a  las  dichas  tres  sus  hijas,  y  hacer,  como  he 
hccho,  que  se  les  haga  todo  el  mejor  tratamiento  y  acogimiento  que 
ha  podido,  haciendoles  administrar  y  enseiiar  los  mandamientos  de 
nuestra  santa  fe  catholica  y  las  otras  buenas  costumbres  de  Christianos, 
para  que  con  mejor  voluntad  y  amor  sirvan  a  Dios  nuestro  Seiior  y 
conozcan  y  los  Articulos  della,  y  que  los  demas  naturales  tomen 
exemplo.  Me  parecio  quesegun  la  calidad  de  la  persona  de  la  dicha 
Doila  Isabel,  que  es  la  mayor  y  legitima  heredera  del  dicho  Senor 
Mote9uma,  y  que  mas  encargada  me  dejo,  y  que  su  edad  requeria  tener 
compaiiia,  le  he  dado  por  marido  y  esposo  a  una  persona  de  honra,  Hijo- 
Dalgo,  y  que  ha  servido  i.  S.  M.  en  mi  compaiiia  dende  el  principio  que 
d  estas  partes  paso,  teniendo  por  mi  y  en  nombre  de  S.  M.  cargos  y 
oficios  mui  honrosos,  asi  de  Contador  y  mi  lugartheniente  de  Capitan 
Governador  como  de  otras  muchas,  y  dado  dellas  mui  buena  cuenta, 
y  al  presente  esta  a  su  administracion  el  cargo  y  oficio  de  visitador 
general  de  todos  los  Indios  desta  dicha  Nueva  Espaiia,  el  qual  se  dice 
y  nombra  Alonso  Grado,  natural  de  la  villa  de  Alcantara.  Con  la 
qual  dicha  Doiia  Isabel  le  prometo  y  doi  en  dote  y  arras  d  la  dicha 
Dofia  Isabel  y  sus  descendientes,  en  nombre  de  S.  M.,  como  su  Go- 
vernador y  Capitan  General  destas  partes,  y  porque  de  derecho  le  per- 
tenece  de  su  patrimonio  y  legitima,  el  Senorio  y  naturales  del  Pueblo 
de  Tacuba,  que  tiene  ciento  e  veinte  casas ;  y  Yeteve,  que  es  estancia 
que  tiene  quarenta  casas  ;  y  Izqui  Luca,  otra  estancia,  que  tiene  otras 
ciento  y  veinte  casas;  y  Chimalpan,  otra  estancia,  qae  tiene  quarenta 
casas;  y  Chapulma  Loyan,  que  tiene  otras  quarenta  casas;  y  Escapu- 
caltango,  que  tiene  veinte  casas ;  e  Xiloango,  que  tiene  quarenta 
38* 


45  3 


APPENDIX. 


casas ;  y  otra  estancia  que  se  dice  Ocoiacaque,  y  otra  que  se  dice 
Castepeque,  y  otra  que  se  dice  Talanco,  y  otra  estancia  que  se  dice 
Goatrizco,  y  otra  estancia  que  se  dice  Duotepeque,  y  otra  que  se  dice 
Tacala,  que  podra  haver  en  todo  mil  y  docientas  y  quarenta  casas ; 
las  quales  dichas  estancias  y  pueblos  son  subjetos  al  pueblo  de  Tacuba 
y  al  Seiior  della.  Lo  qual,  como  dicho  es,  doy  en  nombre  de  S.  M. 
en  dote  y  arras  a  la  dicha  Dona  Isabel  para  que  lo  haya  y  tenga  y  goce 
por  juro  de  heredad,  para  agora  y  para  siempre  jamas,  con  titulo  de 
Seiiora  de  dicho  Pueblo  y  de  lo  demas  aqui  contenido.  Lo  qual  le 
doy  en  nombre  de  S.  M.  por  descargar  su  Real  conciencia  y  la  mia  en 
su  nombre. — Por  esta  digo  ;  que  no  le  sera  quitado  ni  removido  por 
cosa  alguna,  en  ningun  tiempo,  ni  por  alguna  tnanera ;  y  para  mas 
saneamiento  prometo  y  doy  mi  fe  en  nombre  de  S.  M.,  que  si  se  lo 
escriviese,  le  hare  relacion  de  todo,  para  que  S.  M.  se  sirva  de  con- 
firmar  esta  Merced  de  la  dicha  Dona  Isabel  y  a  los  dichos  sus  here- 
deros  y  subcesores  del  dicho  Pueblo  de  Tacuba  y  lo  demas  aqui 
contenido,  y  de  otras  t  "itancias  a  el  subjetas,  que  estan  en  poder  de 
algunos  Espaiioles,  para  que  S.  M.  asimismo  se  sirva  demandarselas 
dar  y  confirmar  juutamente  con  las  que  al  presente  le  doy;  que  poi 
estar,  como  dicho  es,  en  poder  de  Espaiioles,  no  se  las  di  hasta  ver  si 
S.  M.  es  dello  servido  ;  y  doy  por  ninguna  y  de  ningun  valor  y  efeto 
qualquier  cedula  de  encomienda  y  deposito  que  del  dicho  pueblo  de 
Tacuba  y  de  las  otras  estancias  aqui  contenidas  y  declaradas  yo  aya 
dado  a  qualquiera  persona ;  por  quanto  yo  en  nombre  de  S.  M.  las 
revoco  y  lo  restituyo  y  doi  a  la  dicha  Dona  Isabel,  para  que  lo  tenga 
como  cosa  suya  propia  y  que  de  derecho  le  pertenece.  Y  mando  i. 
todas  y  qualesquier  personas,  vecinos  y  moradores  desta  dicha  Nueva 
Espaiia,  estantes  y  habitantes  en  ella,  que  hayan  y  tengan  a  la  dicha 
Dona  Isabel  por  Senora  del  dicho  pueblo  de  Tacuba  con  las  dichas 
estancias,  y  que  no  le  impidan  ni  estorven  cosa  alguna  della,  so  pena 
de  quinientos  pesos  de  oro  para  la  cdmara  y  fino  de  S.  Mag** . — Fecho 
k  veinte  y  siete  dias  del  mes  de  Junio  de  mil  y  quinientos  y  veinte  y 
seis  anos. — Don  Hernando  de  Cortes. — Por  mandado  del  Govcrnadoi 
mi  sefior. — Alonso  Baliente. 


ORIGINAL    DOCUMENTS 


45  « 


No.  XIII. — See  vol.  ii.  p.  442. 

MIMT.\RY    CODE  ;    DATED    AT    TLASCALA,    DEC.    2  2,    I52O. 

[These  Regulations,  proclaimed  by  Cortes  at  Tlascala 
fin  the  eve  of  the  final  march  against  Mexico,  show 
tiie  careful  discipline  established  in  his  camp,  and,  to 
some  extent,  the  nature  of  his  military  policy.  The 
Code  forms  part  of  the  collection  of  Munoz.] 

ORDENANZAS   MILITARES. 

Este  dia  a  voz  de  pregonero  publico  sus  Ordenanzas,  cuyo  proemio 
es  este. 

Porque  por  muchas  escrituras  y  coronicas  autenticas  nos  es  notorio 
e  manifiesio  quanto  los  antiguos  que  siguieron  el  exercicio  de  la  guerra 
procuraron  e  travaxdron  de  introducir  tales  y  tan  buenas  costumljres  y 
ordenaciones,  con  las  cuales  y  con  su  propia  virtud  y  fortaleza  pudiesen 
alcanzar  y  conseguir  victoria  y  prospero  fin  en  las  conquistas  y  guer- 
ras,  que  hobiesen  de  hacer  e  seguir;  e  por  el  contrario  vemos  haber 
sucedido  grandes  infortunios,  desastres,  e  muertes  a  los  que  no  sigui- 
eron la  buena  costunibre  y  orden  que  en  la  guerra  se  debe  tener ;  e  les 
haber  sucedido  semejantes  casos  con  poca  pujanza  de  los  enemigos, 
segun  parcce  claro  por  muchos  exemplos  antiguos  e  modernos,  que 
aqui  se  podrian  espresar ;  e  porque  la  orden  es  tan  loable,  que  no  tan 
solamente  en  las  cosas  humanas  mas  aun  en  las  divinas  se  ania  y  sigue, 
y  sin  ella  ninguna  cosa  puede  haber  cumplido  efecto,  como  que  ello 
sea  un  principio,  medio,  y  fin  para  el  buen  reximiento  de  todas  las 
cosas:  Por  ende  yo,  H.  C,  Capitan  general  e  Justicia  mayor  en  esta 
Nueva  Espana  del  mar  occeano  por  el  mui  alto,  mui  poderoso,  e  mui 
catolico  D.  Carlos  nuestro  Senor,  electo  Rev  de  Romanos,  futuro  Em- 
pcrador  semper  Augusto,  Rey  de  Espana  e  de  otros  mnclios  grandes 
reynos  e  Senorios,  considerando  todo  lo  suso  dicho,  y  que  si  los  pa- 
sados  falldron  ser  necesario  hacer  Ordenanzas  e  costumbres  por  donde 
se  ligiesen  e  gobcrnasen  aquellos  que  hubicsen  de  seguir  y  exercer  el 
uso  de  la  guerra,  d  los  Espanoles  que  en  mi  conipania  agora  estiin  6 
estubiesen  e  d  mi  nos  es  mucho  mas  necesario  e  conveniente  seguir  y 


452 


APPENDIX. 


observar  toda  la  mejor  costumbre  y  orden  que  nos  sea  posible,  asi  p-^r 
lo  que  toca  al  servicio  de  Dios  nuestro  Seiior  y  de  la  sacra  Catolica 
Magestad,  como  por  tener  por  enemigos  y  contraries  A  la  mas  belicosa 
y  astuta  gente  en  la  guerra  e  de  mas  generos  de  armas  que  ninguna 
otra  generacion,  especialmente  por  ser  tanta  que  no  tiene  numero,  e 
nosotros  tan  pocos  y  tan  apartados  y  destituidos  de  todo  luunano 
Socorro  ;  viendo  ser  mui  necesario  y  cumplidero  al  servicio  de  su 
Cesarea  Magestad  e  utilidad  nuestra,  Mande  hacer  e  hicemas  Orde- 
nanzas  que  de  yuso  serdn  contenidas  e  irdn  firmadas  de  mi  nombre  e 
del  infrascrito  en  la  manera  siguiente. 

Primeramente,  por  quanto  por  la  experiencia  que  habemos  visto 
^  cada  dia  vemos  quanta  solicitud  y  vigilancia  los  naturales  de  estas 
partes  tienen  en  la  cultura  y  veneracion  de  sus  idolos,  de  que  a  Dios 
nuestro  Senor  se  hace  gran  deservicio,  y  el  demonic  por  la  ceguedad 
y  engafio  en  que  los  trae  es  de  ellos  niuy  venerado ;  y  en  los  apartar 
de  tanto  error  e  idolatria  y  en  los  reducir  al  conocimiento  de  nuestra 
Snnta  Fe  catolica  nuestro  Seiior  sera  muy  servido,  y  demas  de  adquirir 
gloria  para  nuestras  dnimas  con  ser  causa  que  de  aqui  adelante  no  se 
pierdan  ni  condenen  lantos,  aca  en  lo  temporal  seria  Dios  siempre  en 
nuestra  ayuda  y  socorro :  por  ende,  con  toda  la  justicia  que  puedo  y 
debo,  exhorto  y  ruego  a  todos  los  Espanoles  que  en  mi  compania  fue- 
sen  a  esta  guerra  que  al  presente  vamos,  y  a  todas  las  otras  guerras 
y  conquistas  que  en  nombre  de  S.  M.  por  mi  mandado  hubiesen  de  ir, 
que  su  principal  motivo  e  intencion  sea  apartar  y  desarraigar  de  las 
dichas  idolatrias  a  todos  los  naturales  destas  partes,  y  reducillos,  6  d 
lo  menos  desear  su  salvacion,  y  que  sean  reducidos  al  conocimiento 
de  Dios  y  de  su  Santa  Fe  catolica;  porque  si  con  otra  intencion  se 
hiciese  la  dicha  guerra,  seria  injusta,  y  todo  lo  que  en  ella  se  oviese 
Onoloxio  e  obligado  d  restitucion,  e  S.  M.  no  ternia  razon  de  mandar 
gratificar  a  los  que  en  ellas  sirviesen.  6  sobre  ello  encargo  la  con- 
ciencia  a  los  dichos  Espanoles,  e  desde  ahora  protesto  en  nombre  de 
S.  M.  que  mi  principal  intencion  e  motivo  en  facer  esta  guerra  e  las 
otras  que  ficiese  por  traer  y  reducir  a  los  dichos  naturales  al  dicho 
conocimiento  de  nuestra  Santa  Fe  e  creencia  ;  y  despues  por  los  soz- 
jugar  e  supeditar  debajo  del  yugo  e  dominio  imperial  e  real  de  su  Sac  ra 
Magestad,  a  quien  juridicamente  el  Seiiorio  de  todas  estas  panes. 

Yt.  En  por  quanto  de  los  reniegos  e  blasfemias  Dios  nuestro  Seiior 
es  muclio  deservido,  y  es  la  mayor  ofensa  que  a  su  Santisimo  nombre 
se  puede  hacer,  y  por  eso  permite  en  las  gentes  recios  y  duros  casti- 
gos ;  y  no  basta  que  seamos  tan  malos  que  por  los  inmensos  bene- 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS.  453 

fif  ios  que  de  cida  dia  del  recibimos  no  le  demos  gracias,  mas  decimos 
nial  e  blasfem.imos  de  su  santo  nombre;  y  por  evitar  tan  aborrecible 
use  y  pecado,  mando  que  ninguna  persona,  de  qualquicra  condicion 
que  sea,  no  sea  osado  decir,  No  creo  en  Dios,  ni  Pese,  ni  Reniego,  ni 
Del  cielo,  ni  No  ha  poder  en  Dios;  y  que  lo  mismo  se  entienda  de 
Nueslia  Senora  y  de  todos  Ios  otros  Santos :  sopcna  que  demas  de  ser 
exucutadas  las  penas  establecidas  por  las  leyes  del  reyno  contra  Ios 
blasfemos,  la  persona  que  en  k  susodicho  incurriese  pague  15  caste- 
llanos  de  oro,  la  tercera  parte  para  la  primera  Cofradia  de  Nuestra 
Seiiora  que  en  estas  partes  se  l.iciese,  y  la  otra  tercera  parte  para  el 
fisco  de  S.  iVI.,  y  la  otra  tercera  parte  para  el  juez  que  lo  sentenciase. 

Yt.  Porque  de  Ios  juegos  muchas  y  las  mas  veces  resultan  reniegos 
y  blasfemias,  e  nacen  otros  inconvenientes,  e  es  justo  que  del  todo  se 
prohiban  y  defiendan  ;  por  ende  mando  que  de  aqui  adelante  ninguna 
persona  sea  osada  de  jugar  a  naypes  ni  a  otros  juegos  vedados  dineros 
ni  preseas  ni  otra  cosa  alguna ;  sopena  de  perdimiento  de  todo  lo  que 
jugase  e  de  20  pesos  de  oro,  la  mitad  de  todo  ello  para  la  Camara,  e 
la  otra  mitad  para  el  juez  que  lo  sentenciase.  Pero  por  quanto  en  las 
guerras  es  bien  que  tenga  la  gente  algun  exercicio,  y  se  acostumbra 
y  permitese  que  jueguen  por  que  se  eviten  otros  mayores  inconveni- 
entes ;  permitese  que  en  el  aposento  donde  estubiese  se  jueguen  naypes 
e  otros  juegos  moderadamente,  con  tanto  que  no  sea  a  Ios  dados, 
porque  alli  es  curarse  ban  de  no  de  decir  mal,  e  a  lo  menos  si  lo 
dixesen  seran  castigados. 

Yt.  Que  ninguno  sea  osado  de  echar  mano  a  la  espada  6  punal  6 
otra  arma  alguna  para  ofender  a  ningun  Espanol ;  sopena  que  el  que 
lo  conlrario  hiciese,  si  fuese  hidalgo,  pague  100  pesos  de  oro,  la  mitad 
para  el  fisco  de  S.  M.,  y  la  otra  mitad  para  Ios  gastos  de  la  Xusticia; 
y  al  que  no  fuese  hidalgo  se  le  han  de  dar  100  azotes  publicamentr. 

Yt.  Por  quanto  acaese  que  algunos  Espanoles  por  no  valar  e  h  icer 
otras  cosas  se  dexan  de  aputar  en  las  copias  de  Ios  Capitanes  que 
lienen  gente  :  por  ende  mando  que  todos  se  alisten  en  las  Capitaiiias 
que  yo  tengo  hechas  e  hiciese,  excepto  Ios  que  yo  sefialare  que  queden 
fuera  dellas,  con  apercibimienlo  que  dende  agora  se  les  face,  que  el 
que  ansi  no  lo  hiciese,  no  se  le  dard  parte  ni  partes  algunas. 

Olrosi,  por  quanto  algunas  veces  suele  acaecer,  que  en  burlas  e  pot 
pasar  tiempo  algunas  personas  que  estin  en  una  capitania  burlan  e 
porfian  de  algunos  de  las  otras  Capitanias,  y  Ios  unos  dicen  de  Ios 
otros,  y  loi  otros  de  Ios  otros,  de  que  se  suelen  recrecer  quistiones  e 
escandalos ;  por  ende  mando  que  de  aqui  adelante  ninguno  sea  osado 


454 


APPENDIX. 


de  biirlar  ni  decir  mal  de  ninguna  Capitania  ni  la  perjudicar ;  sopena 
de  20  pesos  de  oro,  la  mitad  para  la  Camara,  y  la  otra  mitad  para  los 
gastos  de  Xusticia. 

Otrosi,  que  ninguno  de  los  dichos  Espanoles  no  se  aposente  ni  pose 
en  ninguna  parte,  exepto  en  el  lugar  e  parte  donde  estubiese  aposen- 
tada  su  capitan ;  supena  de  12  pesos  de  oro,  aplicados  en  la  forma 
contenida  en  el  capitulo  antecedente. 

Yt.  Que  ningun  capitan  se  aposente  en  ninguna  poblacion  6  villa 
6  ciudad,  sino  en  el  pueblo  que  le  fuese  senalado  por  el  Maestro  de 
Campo,  sopena  de  10  pesos  de  oro,  aplicados  en  la  forma  suso  dicha. 

Yt.  Por  quanto  cada  Capitan  tenga  major  acaudillada  su  gente, 
niaiido  que  cada  uno  de  los  dichos  Capitanes  tenga  sus  cuadrillas  de 
20  en  20  Espanoles,  y  con  cada  una  quadrilla  un  quadrillero  6  cabo 
de  escuadra,  que  sea  persona  habil  y  de  quien  se  deba  confiar ;  so  la 
dicha  pena. 

Otrosi,  que  cada  uno  de  los  dichos  quadrilleros  6  cabos  desquadra 
ronden  sobre  las  velas  todos  los  quartos  que  les  cupiese  de  velar,  so 
la  dicha  pena ;  e  que  la  vela  que  hallasen  durmiendo,  6  ausente  del 
lugar  donde  debiese  velar,  pague  cuatro  Castellanos,  aplicados  en  la 
forma  suso  dicha,  y  demas  que  este  atado  medio  dia. 

Otrosi,  que  los  dichos  quadrilleros  tengan  cuidado  de  avisar  y  avisen 
d  las  velas  que  hubiesen  de  poner,  que  puesto  que  recaudo  en  el  Real 
no  desamparen  ni  dexen  los  portillos  6  calles  6  pasos  donde  les  fuese 
mandado  velar  y  se  vayan  de  alii  a  otra  parte  por  ninguna  necesidad 
que  digan  que  les  constrino  hasta  que  scan  mandado ;  sopena  de  50 
castellanos,  aplicados  en  la  forma  suso  dicha  al  que  fuese  hijo  dalgo ; 
y  sino  lo  fuese,  que  le  sean  dados  100  azotes  publicamente. 

Otrosi,  que  cada  Capitan  que  por  mi  fuese  nombrado  tenga  y  traiga 
consigo  su  tambor  e  bandera  para  que  rija  y  acaudille  mejor  la  gente 
que  tenga  d  su  cargo ;  sopena  de  10  pesos  de  oro,  aplicados  en  la 
forma  suso  dicha. 

Otrosi,  que  cada  Espanol  que  oyese  tocar  el  atambor  de  su  com- 
pania  sea  obligado  a  salir  e  saiga  d  acompanar  su  bandera  con  todas 
sus  armas  en  forma  y  a  punto  de  guerra ;  sopena  de  20  castellanos 
aplicados  en  la  forma  arriba  declarada. 

Otrosi,  que  todas  las  veces  que  yo  mandase  mover  el  Real  para 
alguna  parte  cada  Capitan  sea  obligado  de  Uevar  por  el  camino  toda 
su  gente  junta  y  apartada  de  las  otras  Capitanias,  sinque  se  entrometa 
en  ella  ningun  Espanol  de  otra  Capitania  ninguna ;  y  para  ello  con- 
striaan  e  apreraien  a  los  que  asi  Uevasen  debaxo  de  su  bandera  segun 


ORIGINA L   DO CUMENTS. 


455 


iiso  de  guerra ;  sopena  de  lo  pesos  de  oro,  aplicados  en  la  forma  suso 
declarada. 

Yt.  Per  qu  into  acaece  que  antes  6  al  tiempo  de  romper  en  los  ene- 
migos  algunos  Espanoles  se  meten  entre  el  fardage,  demas  de  ser 
pusilanimidad,  cs  cosa  fea  el  mal  exemplo  para  los  Indies  nuestros 
amigos  que  nos  acompaiian  en  la  guerra :  por  ende  mando  que  ningun 
Espanol  se  entremeta  ni  vaya  con  el  fardage,  salvo  aquellfls  que  para 
ello  fuesen  dados  e  senalados :  sopena  de  20  pesos  de  oro,  aplicados 
seguii  que  de  suso  contiene. 

Otrosi,  por  quanto  acaece  algunas  veces  que  algunos  Espanoles 
fuera  de  orden  y  sin  les  ser  mandado  arremeten  6  rompen  en  algun 
esquadron  de  los  enemigos,  e  por  se  desmandar  ansi  se  desbaratan  y 
salen  fuera  de  ordenanza,  de  que  suele  recrecerse  peligro  a  los  mas: 
por  ende  mando  que  ningun  Capitan  se  desmande  a  romper  por  los 
enemigos  sin  que  primeramente  por  mi  le  sea  mandado ;  sopena  de 
muerte.  En  otra  persona  se  desmanda,  si  fuese  hijodalgo,  pena  de 
100  pesos,  aplicados  en  la  forma  suso  dicha  ;  y  si  no  fuese  hidalgo,  le 
sean  dados  100  azotes  publicamente. 

Yl.  Por  quanto  podria  ser  que  al  tiempo  que  entran  a  tomar  por 
luerza  alguna  poblacion  6  villa  6  ciudad  a  los  enemigos,  antes  de  ser 
del  todo  echados  fuera,  con  codicia  de  robar,  algun  Espafiol  se 
entrase  en  alguna  casa  de  los  Enemigos,  de  que  se  podria  seguir  daiio : 
por  ende  mando  que  ningun  Espanol  ni  Espaiioles  entren  a  robar  ni 
d  otra  cosa  alguna  en  las  tales  casas  de  los  enemigos,  liasta  ser  del 
todo  echados  fuera,  y  haber  conseguido  el  fin  de  la  victoria  ;  sopena 
de  20  pesos  de  oro,  aplicados  en  la  manera  que  dicha  es. 

Yt.  Si  por  escusar  y  evitar  los  hurtos  encubiertos  y  fraudes  que  se 
hacen  en  las  cosas  habidas  en  la  guerra  6  fuera  de  ella,  asi  por  lo  que 
toca  al  quinto  que  dellas  pertenece  i.  su  catolica  Magestad,  como 
porque  han  de  ser  repartidas  conforme  a  lo  que  cada  una  sirve  e 
merece :  por  ende  mando  que  todo  el  oro,  plata,  perlas,  piedras, 
plumage,  ropa,  esclavos,  y  otras  cosas  qualesquier  que  se  adquieran, 
hubiesen,  6  tomasen  en  qualquier  manera,  ansi  en  las  dichas  pobla- 
ciones,  villas,  6  ciudades,  como  en  el  campo,  que  la  persona  6  per- 
sonas  d  cuyo  poder  viniese  6  la  hallasen  6  tomasen,  en  qualquier  forma 
que  sea,  lo  traigan  luego  incontinente  e  manifiesten  ante  mi  6  ante 
otra  persona  que  fuese  sin  lo  meter  ni  llevar  d  su  posada  ni  d  otra 
parte  alguna ;  sopena  de  muerte  e  perdimiento  de  todos  sus  bienes 
para  la  Camara  e  fisco  de  S.  M. 

fe  por  quanto  lo  suso  dicho  e  cada  una  cosa  e  parte  dello  se  guarde 


456  APPENDIX. 

e  cumpla  segun  e  de  la  manera  que  aqtii  de  suso  se  contiene,  y  de 
ninguna  cosa  de  lo  aqui  contenida  pretendan  ignorancia,  mando  que 
sea  apregonado  publicamente,  para  que  venga  a  noticia  de  todos: 
Que  fueron  hechas  las  diclias  Orf^enanzas  en  la  ciudad  y  provincia  de 
Taxclateque  selado  22  dias  del  mes  de  Diciembre,  ano  del  nascimiento 
de  nuestro  Salvador  Jesu  Christo  de  1520  afios. 

Pregonaronse  las  dichas  Ordenanzas  desuso  contenidas  en  la  ciudad 
e  prov......a  de  Taxclatecle,  miercoles  dia  de  San  Esteban,  que  fuesen 

2C  dias  del  mes  de  Diciembre,  ano  del  nacimiento  de  nuestro  Salvador 
Jesu  Christo  de  1520  anos  ;  estando  presente  el  magnifico  Senor  Fer- 
nando Cortes,  capitan  general  e  Justicia  mayor  de  esta  Nueva  Espana 
del  mar  Occeano  por  el  Emperador  nuestro  Sefior,  por  ante  mi,  Juan 
de  Rivera,  escribano  e  Notario  publico  en  todos  los  Reinos  e  Senorios 
de  Espana  por  las  Autoridades  apostolica  y  Real.  Lo  qual  pregono 
en  voz  alta  Anton  Garcia  pregonero,  en  el  Alarde  que  la  gente  de  a 
caballo  e  de  a  pie  que  su  merced  mando  facer  e  se  fizo  el  dicho  dia. 
A  lo  qual  fueron  testigos  que  estaban  presentes,  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval, 
Alguacil  mayor,  e  Alonso  de  Prado,  contador,  e  Rodrigo  Alvarez 
Chico,  veedor  por  S.  M.,  e  otras  muchas  personas. — Feclio  ut  supra. 
— ^Juan  de  Rivera. 


No.  XIV. — See  vol.  iii.  p.  290. 

TRANSLATION    OF   PASSAGES   IN   THE    HONDURAS   LETTER 
OF   CORTES. 

[I  have  noticed  this  celebrated  Letter,  the  Carta 
Quinta  of  Cortes,  so  particularly  in  the  body  of  the 
work,  that  little  remains  to  be  said  about  it  here.  I 
have  had  these  passages  translated  to  show  the  reader 
the  circumstantial  and  highly  graphic  manner  of  the 
general's  narrative.  The  latter  half  of  the  Letter  is 
occupied  with  the  events  which  occurred  in  Mexico  in 
the  absence  of  Cortes  and  after  his  return.  It  may  be 
considered,  therefore,  as  part  of  the  regular  series  of 
his  historical  correspondence,  the  publication  of  which 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS. 


457 


was  begun  by  archbishop  Lorenzana.  Should  another 
edition  of  the  Letters  of  Cortes  be  given  to  the  world, 
this  one  ought  undoubtedly  to  find  a  place  in  it.] 

A  Like  of  great  width  and  proportionate  depth  was  the  difficulty 
which  we  had  to  encounter.  In  vain  did  we  turn  to  the  right  and  to 
the  left ;  the  lake  was  equally  wide  in  every  direction.  My  guides 
told  me  that  it  w;is  useless  to  look  for  a  ford  in  the  vicinity,  as  they 
were  certain  the  nearest  one  was  towards  the  mountains,  to  reach 
which  would  necessarily  be  a  journey  of  five  or  six  days.  I  was  ex- 
tremely puzzled  what  measure  to  adopt.  To  return  was  certain  death  ; 
as,  besides  being  at  a  loss  for  provisions,  the  roads,  in  consequence  of 
the  rains  which  had  prevailed,  were  absolutely  impassable.  Our  situa- 
tion was  now  perilous  in  the  extreme ;  on  every  side  was  room  for 
despair,  and  not  a  single  ray  of  hope  illumined  our  path.  My  fol- 
lowers had  become  sick  of  their  continual  labor,  and  had  as  yet  reaped 
no  benefit  from  their  toils.  It  was  therefore  useless  for  me  to  look  to 
them  for  advice  in  our  present  truly  critical  position.  Besides  the 
primitive  band  and  the  horses,  there  were  upwards  of  three  thousand 
five  hundred  Indians  who  followed  in  our  train.  There  was  one  soli- 
tary canoe  lying  on  the  beach,  in  which,  doubtless,  those  whom  I  had 
sent  in  advance  had  crossed.  At  the  entrance  of  the  lake,  and  on  the 
other  side,  were  deep  marshes,  which  rendered  our  passage  of  the 
lake  considerably  more  doubtful.  One  of  my  companions  entered 
into  the  canoe,  and  found  the  depth  of  the  lake  to  be  five-and-twenty 
feet,  and,  with  some  lances  tied  together,  I  ascertained  that  the  mud 
and  slime  were  twelve  feet  more,  making  in  all  a  depth  of  nearly  forty 
feet.  In  this  juncture,  I  resolved  that  a  floating  bridge  should  be 
made,  and  for  this  purpose  requested  that  the  Indians  would  lend 
their  assistance  in  felling  the  wood,  whilst  I  and  my  followers  would 
employ  ourselves  in  preparing  the  bridge.  The  undertaking  seemed 
to  be  of  such  magnitude  that  scarcely  any  one  entertained  an  idea  of 
its  being  completed  before  our  provisions  were  all  exhausted.  The 
Indians,  however,  set  to  work  with  the  most  commendable  7eal.  Not 
so  with  the  Spaniards,  who  already  began  to  comment  upon  the 
labors  they  had  undergone,  and  the  little  prospect  which  appeared  of 
their  termination.  They  proceeded  to  communicate  their  thoughts 
one  to  another,  and  the  spirit  of  disaffection  had  now  attained  such  a 
height  that  some  had  the  hardihood  to  express  their  disapprobation  ol 
my  proceedings  to  my  very  face.  Touched  to  the  quick  Vfiih  this 
Vol  III.— u  39 


458  APPENDIX. 

show  of  desertion  when  I  had  least  expected  it,  I  said  to  them  that  ] 
needed  not  their  assistance;  and,  turning  towards  the  Indians  who 
accomp.inied  me,  exposed  to  them  the  necessity  we  lay  under  of  using 
the  most  strenuous  exertions  to  reach  the  other  side,  for  if  this  point 
were  not  effected  we  should  all  perish  from  hunger.  I  then  pointed  in 
the  opposite  direction,  in  which  the  province  of  Acalan  lay,  and  cheered 
their  spirits  with  theprospect  of  there  obtaining  provisions  in  abundance, 
without  tai<ing  into  couiideration  the  ample  supjjly  which  would  be 
afforded  us  by  the  caravels.  I  also  promised  them,  in  the  name  of 
jour  Majesty,  that  they  should  be  recompensed  to  the  fullest  extent 
of  their  wishes,  and  that  not  a  person  who  contributed  his  assistance 
should  go  unrewarded.  My  little  oration  had  the  best  possible  effect 
with  the  Indians,  who  promised,  to  a  man,  that  their  exertions  should 
only  terminate  with  their  lives.  The  Spaniards,  ashamed  of  their 
previous  conduct,  surrounded  me  and  requested  that  I  would  pardon 
their  late  act ;  alleging,  in  extenuation  of  their  offence,  the  miserable 
position  in  which  they  were  placed,  obliged  to  support  themselves 
with  the  unsavory  roots  which  the  earth  supplied,  and  which  were 
scarcely  sufficient  to  keep  them  alive.  They  immediately  proceeded 
to  work,  and,  though  frequently  ready  to  fall  from  fatigue,  never  made 
another  complaint.  After  four  days'  incessant  labor  the  bridge  was 
completed,  and  both  horse  and  man  passed  without  the  slightest  acci- 
dent. The  bridge  was  constructed  in  so  solid  a  manner  that  it  would 
be  impossible  to  destroy  it  otherwise  than  by  fire.  More  than  one 
thousand  beams  were  united  for  its  completion,  and  every  one  of  them 
was  thicker  than  a  man's  body,  and  sixty  feet  long. 

«  «  a  «■  s-  *  -s  *  * 

At  two  leagues'  distance  from  this  place,  the  mountains  commenced. 
From  no  words  of  mine,  nor  of  a  more  gifted  man,  can  your  Majesty 
form  an  adequate  idea  of  the  asperity  and  unevenness  of  the  place 
which  we  were  now  ascending.  He  alone  who  has  experienced  the 
hardships  of  the  route,  and  who  himself  has  been  an  eye-witness,  can 
be  fully  sensible  of  its  difficulty.  It  will  be  sufficient  for  me  to  say, 
in  order  that  your  Majesty  may  have  some  notion  of  the  labor  which 
we  had  to  undergo,  that  we  were  twelve  days  before  we  got  entirely 
free  of  it, — a  distance  altogether  of  eight  leagues !  Sixty-eight  horses 
died  on  the  passage,  the  greater  part  having  fallen  down  the  precipices 
which  abounded  on  every  side  ;  and  the  few  that  escaped  seemed  so 
overcome  that  we  thought  not  a  single  one  would  ever  afterwards 
prove  serviceable.     More  than  three  months  elapsed  before  they  re- 


fl 


ORIGINAL    DOCUMENTS. 


459 


covered  from  the  effects  of  the  journey.  It  never  ceased  to  rain,  day 
or  night,  from  the  time  we  entered  the  mountain  until  we  left  it ;  ana 
the  rock  was  of  such  a  nature  that  the  water  passed  away  without  col- 
lecting in  any  place  in  sufficient  quantity  to  allow  us  to  drink.  Thus, 
in  addition  to  the  other  hardships  which  we  had  to  encounter,  was  that 
most  pressing  of  all,  thirst.  Some  of  the  horses  suffered  considerably 
from  the  want  of  this  truly  necessary  article,  and  but  for  the  culinary 
and  other  vessels  which  we  had  with  us,  and  which  served  to  receive 
some  of  the  rain,  neither  man  nor  horse  could  possibly  have  escaped. 
A  nephew  of  mine  had  a  fall  upon  a  piece  of  sharp  rock,  and  frac- 
tured his  leg  in  three  or  four  places;  thus  was  our  labor  increased,  as 
the  men  had  to  carry  him  by  turns.  We  had  now  but  a  league  to 
journey  before  we  could  arrive  at  Tenas,  the  place  which  I  men- 
tioned as  belonging  to  the  chief  of  Tayco ;  but  here  a  formidable 
obstacle  presented  itself,  in  a  very  wide  and  very  large  river,  which 
was  swollen  by  the  continued  rains.  After  searching  for  some  time, 
one  of  the  most  surprising  fords  ever  heard  of  was  discovered.  Some 
huge  jutting  cliffs  arrest  the  progress  of  the  river,  in  consequence  of 
which  it  extends  for  a  considerable  space  around.  Between  these  cliffs 
are  narrow  channels,  through  which  the  water  rushes  with  an  impetu- 
osity which  baffles  description.  From  one  of  these  rocks  to  another 
we  threw  large  trunks  of  trees,  which  had  been  felled  with  much  labor. 
Ropes  of  bass-weed  were  affixed  to  these  trunks ;  and  thus,  though 
at  imminent  risk  of  our  lives,  we  crossed  the  river.  If  anybody  had 
become  giddy  in  the  transit,  he  must  unavoidably  have  perished.  Of 
these  passes  there  were  upwards  of  twenty,  and  we  took  two  whole 
days  to  get  clear,  by  this  extraordinaiy  way. 

•;•:■  ^j  7>  ^:-  -:■:-  ^  %  ^  ^ 

It  were  indeed  an  arduous  task  for  me  to  describe  to  your  Majesty 
the  joy  which  pervaded  every  countenance  when  this  truly  inspiring 
account  was  received.  To  be  near  the  termination  of  a  journey  so 
beset  with  hardships  and  labor  as  ours  had  been,  was  an  event  that 
could  not  but  be  hailed  with  rapture.  Our  last  four  days'  march  sub- 
jected us  to  innumerable  trials ;  ag,  besides  being  without  any  certainty 
of  our  proceeding  in  the  right  direction,  we  were  ever  in  the  heart  of 
mountains  abounding  with  precipices  on  every  side.  Many  horses 
dropped  on  the  way ;  and  a  cousin  of  mine,  Juan  Davilos  by  name, 
fell  down  a  precipice  and  broke  an  arm.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  suit 
of  armor  which  he  wore,  he  would  have  been  infallibly  dashed  to 
pieces.     As  it  was,  besides  having  his  arm  broken,  he  was  dreadfully 


40O  APPENDIX. 

lacerated.  His  horse,  upon  which  he  was  mounted,  having  no  pro- 
tection, was  so  wounded  by  the  fall  that  we  were  obliged  to  leave  him 
behii  d.  With  much  difficulty  we  succeeded  in  extricating  my  cousin 
frorr  his  perilous  situation.  It  would  be  an  endless  task  to  relate  to 
your  Majesty  the  many  sufferings  which  we  endured;  amongst  which 
the  chief  was  from  hunger;  for,  although  we  had  some  swine  which 
we  had  brought  from  Mexico,  upwards  of  eight  days  had  elapsed  with- 
out our  having  tasted  bread.  The  fruit  of  the  palm-tree  boiled  with 
hogs'  flesh,  and  without  any  salt,  which  we  had  exhausted  some  time 
previous,  formed  our  only  sustenance.  They  were  alike  destitute  of 
provisions  at  the  place  at  which  we  had  now  arrived,  where  they  lived 
in  constant  dread  of  an  attack  from  the  adjoining  Spanish  settlement. 
They  needed  not  to  fear  such  an  event ;  as,  from  the  situation  in  which 
I  found  the  Spaniards,  they  were  incapable  of  doing  the  slightest  mis- 
chief. So  elated  were  we  all  with  our  neighborhood  to  Xico  that  all 
our  past  troubles  were  soon  forgotten,  as  are  the  dangers  of  the  sea  by 
the  weather-beaten  sailor,  who  on  his  arrival  in  port  thinks  no  more 
of  the  perils  he  has  encountered.  We  still  suffered  greatly  from 
hunger ;  for  even  the  imsavory  roots  were  procured  with  the  greatest 
difficulty ;  and,  after  we  had  been  occupied  many  hours  in  collecting 
them,  they  were  devoured  with  the  greatest  eagerness,  in  the  shortest 
space  of  time  imaginable. 


No.  XV. — See  vol.  iii.  p.  328. 

LAST  LETTER  OF  CORTES  TO  THE  EMPEROR. 

[I  give  this  Letter  of  Cortes  entire,  Ultima  y  senti- 
disiina  Carta,  his  "  Last  and  most  touching  Letter," 
as  it  is  styled  by  Vargas  Ponq^e,  who  has  embraced  it 
in  his  important  collection  from  the  archives  of  Seville.* 

*  [It  has  since  been  printed  in  the  Col.  de  Doc.  ined.  para  la  Hist, 
de  Espaiia,  tom.  i.,  affording  an  opportunity  for  correcting  the  almost 
innumerable  errors  which  disfigure  the  transcription  of  Vargas  Pon9e 
and  render  it  scarcely  intelligible. — Ec] 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS.  461 

Ic  may  be  called  touching,  when  we  consider  the  tone 
of  it,,  as  compared  with  the  former  correspondence  of 
its  author,  and  the  gloomy  circumstances  under  which 
it  was  written.  Yet  we  are  not  to  take  the  complaints 
contained  in  it  of  his  poverty  too  literally;  since  at 
his  death,  but  three  years  after,  he  left  immense  estates. 
But  these  estates  were  so  much  embarrassed  by  his  ex- 
pensive and  disastrous  expeditions  in  the  South  Sea  that 
his  income  during  the  rest  of  his  life  seems  to  have 
been  scarcely  sufficient  to  meet  his  ordinary  expen- 
diture. The  last  days  of  Cortes,  wasted  in  ineffectual 
attempts  to  obtain  redress  from  the  court  whom  he  had 
so  signally  served,  remind  us  of  the  similar  fate  of 
Columbus.  The  history  of  both  may  teach  us  that  the 
most  brilliant  career  too  often  leads  only  to  sorrow 
and  disappointment,  as  the  clouds  gather  round  the 
sun  at  his  setting.] 

Pense  que  haber  trabajado  en  la  juventud  me  aprovechara  para  que 
en  la  vejez  tubiera  descanso,  y  asi  ha  quarenta  aiios  que  me  he  ocupado 
en  no  dormir,  mal  comer,  y  a  las  veces  ni  bien  ni  mal,  traer  las  amias  d 
cuestas,  poner  la  persona  en  peligro,  gastar  mi  hacienda  y  edad,  todo 
en  servicio  de  Dios,  trayendo  obejas  en  su  corral  muy  remotas  de  nues- 
tro  hemisferio,  ignotas,  y  no  escriptas  en  nuestras  Escrituras,  y  acre- 
centando  y  dilatando  el  nombre  y  patrimonio  de  mi  Rev,  ganandole 
y  trayendole  a  su  yugo  y  Real  cetro  muchos  y  muy  grandes  reynos  y 
senorios  de  muchas  barvaras  naciones  y  gentes,  ganados  por  mi  propia 
persona  y  espensas,  sin  ser  ayudado  de  cosa  alguna,  hantes  muy 
estorvado  por  muchos  emulos  y  invidiosos,  que  como  sangnijuelas  han 
reventado  de  artos  de  mi  sangre.  De  la  parte  que  d  Dios  cupo  de  mis 
trabaos  y  vigiiias  asaz  estoy  pagado,  porque  seyendo  la  obra  suya, 
quis  )  tomarme  por  medio,  y  que  las  gentes  me  atribuyescn  alguna 
parte,  aunc|ue  q\iien  conociere  de  mi  lo  que  yo,  here  claro  (^e  no  sin 
causa  la  divina  providencia  quiso  que  una  hobra  tan  grande  sc  aoavase 
por  el  mas  flaco  e  imitil  medio  que  se  pudo  hallar,  porque  a  solo  dios 
fuese  el  atributo.  De  lo  que  d  mi  rev  quedo,  la  remuneracion  siempre 
39* 


462  APPENDIX. 

estuve  satisfecho,  que  ceteris  paribus  no  fuera  menor  por  ser  en  tiempc 
de  V.  M.,  que  nunca  estos  reynos  de  Espana,  donde  yo  soy  natural  y 
d  quien  cupo  este  beneficio,  fueron  poseydos  de  tan  grande  y  Catolico 
principe,  magnanimo  y  poderoso  Rey;  y  asi  V.  M.,  la  primera  vez  que 
ve^e  las  manos  y  entregue  los  frutos  de  mis  servicios,  mostro  recono- 
cimiento  dellos  y  comenzo  k  mostrar  voluntad  de  me  hacer  gratifica- 
cion,  honrrando  mi  persona  con  palabras  y  hobras,  que  parecicndome 
d  mi  que  no  se  equiparaban  a  mis  meritos,  V.  M.  sabe  que  rehuse  yc 
de  recibir.  V.  M.  me  dijo  y  mando  que  las  aceptase,  porqiie  pareciese 
(jue  me  comenzaba  i.  hacer  alguna  merced,  y  que  no  las  reciviese  por 
pago  de  mis  servicios;  porque  V.  M.  se  queria  haber  con  migo,  como 
se  han  los  que  se  muestran  d  tirar  la  ballesta,  que  los  primeros  tiros 
dan  fuera  del  terrero,  y  enmendando  dan  en  el  y  en  el  bianco  y  fiel ; 
que  la  merced  que  V.  M.  me  hacia  hera  dar  fuera  del  terrero,  y  que 
iria  enmendando  hasta  dar  en  el  fiel  de  lo  que  yo  merecia ;  y  pues 
que  no  se  me  quitava  nada  de  lo  que  tenia,  ni  se  me  habia  de  quitar, 
que  reciviese  lo  que  me  dava;  y  ansi  vese  las  manos  d  V.  M.  por  ello, 
y  enbolviendo  las  espaldas  quitoseme  lo  que  tenia  todo,  y  no  se  me 
cumplio  la  merced  que  V.M.  me  hizo.  Y  demas  destas  palabras  que 
V.  M.  me  dijo,  y  obras  que  me  prometio,  que,  pues  tiene  tan  buena 
memoria,  no  se  le  habran  olvidado,  por  cartas  de  V.  M.  firmadas  de 
su  real  nombre  tengo  otras  muy  mayores.  Y  pues  mis  servicios  hechos 
hasta  alii  son  benemeritos  de  las  obras  y  promesas  que  V.  M.  me 
hizo,  y  despues  aca  no  lo  han  desmerecido ;  antes  nunca  he  cesado  de 
servir  y  acrecentar  el  Patrimonio  de  estos  reynos,  con  mil  estorvos, 
que  si  no  obiera  tenido  no  fuera  menos  lo  acrecentado,  despues  que  la 
merced  se  me  hizo,  que  lo  hecho  porque  la  merec!,  no  se  porque  no 
se  me  cumple  la  promesa  de  las  merecedes  ofrecidas,  y  se  me  quitan 
las  hechas.  Y  si  quisieren  decir  que  no  se  me  quitan,  pues  poseo  algo; 
cierto  es  que  nada  e  inutil  son  una  mesma  cosa,  y  lo  que  tengo  es  tan 
sin  fruto,que  me  fuera  arto  mejor  no  tenerlo,  porque  obiera  entendido 
en  mis  grangerias,  y  no  gastado  el  fruto  de  ellas  por  defcnderme  del 
fiscal  de  V.  M.,  que  a  sido  y  es  mas  dificultoso  que  ganar  la  tierra  de 
los  enemigos;  asi  que  mi  trabajo  aprovecho  para  mi  contentamiento 
de  haber  hecho  el  dever,  y  no  para  conseguir  el  efecto  del,  pues  no 
solo  no  se  me  siguio  reposo  d  la  vejez,  mas  trabajo  hasta  la  muerte ;  y 
pluguiej^  d  Dios  que  no  pasase  adelante,  sino  que  con  la  corporal  se 
acabase,  y  no  se  estendiese  d  la  perpetua,  porque  quien  tanto  trabajo 
tiene  en  defender  el  cuerpo  no  puede  dejar  de  ofender  al  dnima.  Su- 
plico  d  V.  M.  no  permita  que  a  tan  notorios  servicios  haya  tan  poco  mi- 


ORIGINAL    DOCUMENTS.  463 

ramiento,  y  pues  es  de  creer  que  no  es  d  culpa  de  V.  M.  que  las  gentes 
lo  sepan  ,  porque  como  esta  obra  que  Dios  iiizo  por  ini  medio  es  tan 
grande  y  maravillosa.  y  se  ha  estendido  la  fama  de  ella  por  todos  los 
reynos  de  V.  M.  y  de  los  otros  reyes  cristianos  y  aun  por  algunos  in- 
fieles,  en  estos  donde  hay  noticia  del  pleito  de  entre  el  fiscal  y  mi,  no 
se  trata  de  cosa  mas  ;  y  unos  atribuyen  la  culpa  al  fiscal,  otros  a  eulpas 
mias ;  y  estas  no  las  hallan  tan  grandes,  que  si  bastasen  para  por  ellas 
negarseme  el  premio,  no  bnstasen  tambien  para  quitarme  la  vida, 
honrra,  y  hacienda ;  y  que  puc:;  esto  no  se  hace  que  no  deve  ser  niia  la 
culpa.  A  V.  M.  ningunaseatribuye;  porque  si  V.  M.  quisiese  quitarme 
lo  que  me  dio,  poder  tiene  para  ejecutarlo,  pues  al  que  quiere  y  puede 
nada  hay  imposible ;  decir  que  se  vuscan  formas  para  colorar  la  obra, 
y  que  no  se  sienta  el  infento,  ni  caven  ni  pueden  caber  en  los  reyes 
unjidos  por  Dios  tales  medios,  porque  para  con  el  no  hay  color  que  no 
cea  transparente,  para  con  el  mundo  no  hay  para  que  colorarlo,  por 
que  asi  lo  quiero,  asi  lo  mando,  es  el  descargo  de  lo  que  los  reyes  hacen. 
Yo  suplique  d  V.  M.  en  Madrid  fuese  servido  de  aclarar  la  boluntad  que 
tubo  de  hacerme  merced  en  pago  de  mis  servicios,  y  le  traje  a  la  me- 
moria  algunos  de  ellos ;  dijome  V.  M.  que  mandaria  d  los  del  su  consejo 
que  me  despachasen ;  pense  que  se  les  dejava  mandado  lo  que  abian 
de  hacer,  porque  V.  M.  me  dijo  que  no  queria  que  trajese  pleyto  con 
el  fiscal :  cuando  quise  saberlo,  dijeronme  que  me  defendiese  de  la 
demanda  del  fiscal,  porque  havia  de  ir  por  tela  de  justicia,  y  por  ella  se 
habia  de  sentenciar:  sentilo  por  grave,  y  escrebi  a  V.  M.  a  Barcelona, 
suplicandole  (]ue  pues  era  servido  de  entrar  en  juicio  de  su  siervo, 
lo  fuese  en  cjue  obiese  Juezes  sin  sospecha  y  V.  M.  mandase  que 
con  los  del  Consejo  de  las  Indias  se  juntasen  algunos  de  los  otros, 
pues  todos  son  criados  de  V.  M.,  y  que  juntos  lo  determinasen ;  no 
fue  V.  M.  servido,  que  no  puedo  alcanzar  la  causa,  pues  quantos  mas 
lo  viesen  mejor  alcanzarian  lo  que  se  devia  hacer.  Veome  viejo  y  pobre 
y  empenado  en  este  reyno  en  mas  de  veinte  mil  ducados,  sin  mas  de 
ciento  otros,  que  he  gastado  de  los  que  traje  e  me  han  enviado,  que 
algunos  de  ellos  debo  tambien  que  los  an  tornado  prestados  para  en- 
viarme,  y  todos  corren  cambios;  yen  cincoanos  poco  menostiueha  que 
sali  de  mi  casa,  no  es  mucho  lo  que  he  gastado,  pues  nunca  ha  saiido  de 
la  Corte,  con  tres  hijos  que  traygo  en  ella,  con  letrados,  procuradores, 
y  solicitadores ;  que  todo  fi.iera  mejor  empleado  que  V.  M.  se  sirviera 
de  ello  y  de  lo  que  yo  mas  hoviera  adcjuirido  en  este  tiempo ;  ha 
ayudado  tambien  la  ida  de  Argel.  Pareceme  que  al  cojer  del  frnto  de 
mis  trabajos  no  devia  hecharlo  en  basijas  rotas,  y  dejarlo  en  juicio  de 


464  APPENDIX. 

pocos,  sino  tornar  i.  suplicar  i  V.  M.  sea  servido  que  todos  quantos 
jueces  V.  M.  tiene  en  sus  Consejos  conozcan  de  esta  causa,  y  conforme 
d.  justicia  la  sentenciase. — Yo  he  sentido  del  obispo  de  Cuenca  que 
desea  que  obiese  para  esto  otros  jueces  demas  de  I03  que  hay  ;  porque  el 
y  el  licenciado  Salmeron.nuebo  Oidoren  este  Consejo  de  Indias,  son  los 
que  me  despojaron  sin  hoyrme  de  hecho,  siendo  jueces  en  la  nueva 
Espana,  como  lo  tengo  provado,  y  con  quien  yo  traigo  pleito  sobre  el 
dicho  despojo,  y  les  pido  cantidad  de  dineros  de  los  intereses  y  rentas 
de  lo  que  me  despojaron  ;  y  esta  claro  que  no  ban  de  sentenciar  contra 
si.  No  les  he  querido  recusar  en  este  caso,  porque  siempre  crey  que 
V.  M.  fuera  servido  que  no  llegara  d  estos  terminos ;  y  no  seyendo 
V.  M.  servido  que  hayan  mas  jueces  que  determinen  esta  causa,  serme 
ha  forzado  recusar  al  Obispo  de  Cuenca  y  a  Salmeron,  y  pesar  mehia 
en  el  anima  porque  no  podra  ser  sin  alguna  dilacion  ;  que  para  mi  no 
puede  ser  cosa  mas  danosa,  porque  he  sesenta  aiios,  y  anda  en  cinco 
que  sail  de  mi  casa,  y  no  tengo  mas  de  un  hijo  Varon  que  me  suceda ; 
y  aunque  tengo  la  muger  moza  para  poder  tener  mas,  mi  hedad  no 
sufre  esperar  mucho ;  y  si  no  tubiera  otro,  y  dios  dispusiera  de  este 
sin  dejar  sucesion,  l<\Vi&  me  habria  aprovechado  lo  adquirido?  pues 
subcediendo  hijas  se  pierde  la  memoria.  Otra  y  otra  vez  torno  d 
suplicar  a  V.  M.  sea  servido  que  con  los  Jueces  del  Consejo  de  Indias 
se  junten  otros  jueces  de  estos  otros  Consejos ;  pues  todos  son  criados 
de  V.  M  ,  y  les  fia  la  governacion  de  sus  reynos  y  su  real  conciencia, 
no  es  inconveniente  fiarles  que  determinen  sobre  una  escriptura  de 
merced,  que  V.  M.  hizo  d  un  su  vasallo  de  una  partecica  de  un  gran 
todo  con  que  el  sirvio  a  V.  M.,  sin  costar  trabajo  ni  peligro  en  su  real 
persona,  ni  cuidado  de  espiritu  de  proveer  como  se  hiciese,  ni  costa 
de  dineros  para  pagar  la  gente  que  lo  hizo,  y  que  tan  limpia  y  lealm'ente 
sirvio,  no  solo  en  la  tierra  que  gano,  pero  con  mucha  cantidad  de  oro 
y  plata  y  piedra  de  los  despojos  que  en  ella  ubo ;  y  que  V.  M.  mande 
4  los  jueces  que  fuere  servido  que  entiendan  en  ello,  que  en  un 
cierto  tiempo,  que  V.  M.  les  seiiale,  lo  determinen  y  sentencien  sin 
que  haya  esta  dilacion  ;  y  esta  sera  para  mi  muy  gran  merced  ;  porf|ue 
d  dilatai-se,  dejarlo  he  perder  y  volvermehe  a  mi  casa  :  porque  no  tengo 
ya  edad  para  andar  por  mesones,  sino  para  recogerme  d  aclarar  mi 
cucnta  con  Dios,  pues  la  tengo  larga,  y  poca  vida  para  dar  los  descar- 
gos,  y  sera  niejor  dejar  perder  la  acienda  que  el  anima.  Sacra  .Ma- 
gestad :  Dios  Nuestro  Senor  guarde  la  muy  Real  persona  de  V.  M .  con 
el  acrecentamiento  de  Reynos  y  estados  que  V.  M.  desea.  De  Valla- 
dolid,  d.  tres  de  Febrero  de  quinientos  quarenta  y  quatro  aiios.     De 


ORIGINAL   DOCUMENTS.  465 

V.  C.  M.  muy  humilde  siervo  y  vasallo,  que  sus  muy  reales  pies  y 
manos  besa. — El  Marques  de  Valle. 

Cuvierta  a  la  S.  C.  C.  M.,  El  Empcrador  y  Rey  de  las  Espanas. 

Tiene  este  decreto  : — A  su  Mag.  del  Marques  del  Valle,  3  de  Febrero 
de  44: — Nay  que  responder :  parece  letra  de  Covos. 

Original.     Archive  de  Indias. 


No.  XVI, — See  vol.  iii.  p.  335. 

FUNERAL   OBSEQUIES   OF   CORTES. 

[The  original  of  this  document  is  in  the  Hospital  of 
Jesus,  at  Mexico  ;  and  the  following  literal  translation 
was  made  from  a  copy  sent  to  me  from  that  capital.] 

THE  INTERMENT  OF  THE  MARQUIS  OF  THE  VALLEY  OF  OAJACA, 
HEKNAN  CORTES,  AND  OF  HIS  nESCENDANT,  DON  I'EDKO  COKTfes, 
WHICH  TOOK  I'LACE  IN  THIS  CITY  OF  MEXICO,  FEB.  24,  1629. 

The  remains  of  Don  Hernan  Cortes  (the  first  Marquis  of  the  Val- 
ley of  Oajaca),  which  lay  in  the  monastery  of  St.  Francis  for  more 
than  fifty  years  since  they  had  been  brought  from  Castilleja  de  la 
Cuesta,  were  carried  in  funeral  procession.  It  also  happened  that  Don 
Pedro  Cortes,  Marquis  of  the  Valley,  died  at  the  court  of  Mexico, 
yan.'30,  1629.  The  Lord  Archbishop  of  Mexico,  D.  Francisco  Manso 
de  Zuniga,  and  his  E.xcellency  the  Viceroy,  Marquis  of  Serralbo, 
agreed  tliat  the  two  funerals  should  be  conducted  together,  paying  ihe 
greatest  honor  to  the  ashes  of  Hernando  Cortes.  The  place  of  inter- 
ment was  the  church  of  St.  Francis  in  Mexico.  The  procession  set 
forth  from  the  palace  of  the  Marquis  of  the  Valley.  In  the  advance 
were  carried  the  banners  of  the  various  associations ;  then  followed 
the  different  orders  of  the  religious  fraternities,  all  the  tribunals  of 
Mexico,  and  the  members  of  the  Audience.  Next  came  the  Arch- 
bishop and  the  Chapter  of  the  cathedral.  Then  was  borne  along  the 
corpse  of  tlie  Marquis  Don  Pedro  Cortes  in  an  open  coffin,  succeeded 
by  the  remains  of  Don  Hernando  Cortes,  in  a  coffin  covered  with 
black  velvet.     A  banner  of  pure  white,  with  a  crucifix,  an  image  of 


466  APPENDIX. 

the  Virgin  and  of  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  embroidered  in  gold,  was 
carried  on  one  side.  On  the  other  were  the  armorial  bearings  of  the 
King  of  Spain,  also  worked  in  gold.  This  standard  was  on  the  right 
hand  of  the  body.  On  the  left  hand  was  carried  another  banner,  of 
black  velvet,  with  the  arms  of  the  Marquis  of  the  Valley  embroidered 
upon  it  in  gold.  The  standard-bearers  were  armed.  Ne.xt  came  the 
teachers  of  divinity,  the  mourners,  and  a  horse  with  sable  trappings, 
tl;e  whole  procession  being  conducted  with  the  greatest  order.  The 
members  of  the  University  followed.  Behind  them  came  the  Viceroy 
with  a  large  escort  of  cavaliers ;  then  four  armed  captains  with  their 
plumes,  and  with  pikes  on  their  shoulders.  These  were  succeeded  by 
four  companies  of  soldiers  with  their  arquebuses,  and  some  with  lances. 
Behind  them  banners  were  trailed  upon  the  ground,  and  muffled  drums 
were  struck  at  intervals.  The  coffin  enclosing  the  remains  of  the 
Conqueror  was  borne  by  the  Royal  Judges,  while  the  knights  of  the 
order  of  Santiago  supported  the  body  of  the  Marquis  Don  Pedro 
Cortes.  The  crowd  was  immense,  and  there  were  si.x  stations  where 
the  coffins  were  exposed  to  view,  and  at  each  of  these  the  responses 
were  chanted  by  the  members  of  the  religious  fraternities. 

The  bones  of  Cortes  were  secretly  removed  from  the  church  of  St. 
Francis,  with  the  permission  of  his  Excellency  the  Archbishop,  on  the 
2d  of  July,  1794,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  in  the  carriage  of  the 
Governor,  the  Marques  de  Sierra  Nevada,  and  were  placed  in  a  vault, 
made  for  this  purpose,  in  the  church  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  The  bones 
were  deposited  in  a  wooden  cofifin  enclosed  in  one  of  lead,  being  the 
same  in  which  they  came  from  Castilleja  de  la  Cuesta,  near  Seville. 
This  was  placed  in  another  of  crystal,  with  its  cross-bars  and  plates  of 
silver;  and  the  remains  were  shrouded  in  a  winding-sheet  of  cambric 
embroidered  with  gold,  with  a  fringe  of  black  lace  four  inches  deep. 


INDEX. 


(W) 


INDEX. 


Abderahman,  on  the  palm-tree, 
i.  175,  note. 

Ablutions  at  table,  i.  155,  ii.  122. 

Aborigines  of  America,  origin  of 
the,  iii.  355,  359,  381 ;  of  their 
civilization,  361.  Peculiarities 
in  their  organization,  384.  See 
Indians  and  Mankind. 

Absolution,  Aztec  rite  of,  i.  71. 

Achilles,  shade  of,  cited,  i.  65, 
note. 

Acolhuans.  See  Colhuans  and 
Tezcucans. 

Acolman,  iii.  71.  Dispute  there, 
91. 

Aculan,  Spaniards  at  the  capital 
of,  iii.  277. 

Adelantado,  i.  249,  note,  ii.  215. 

Adrian  of  Utrecht,  regent  of 
Spain,  iii.  73,  227.  Warrant 
by,  228.     Pope,  231. 

Adultery,  charge  respecting,  iii. 
408. 

Agave  Americana,  or  aloe,  or  ma- 
guey, i.  6.  Paper  from  the, 
102,  139.  Various  uses  made 
of  the,  102,  note,  139,  140,  158. 
Dresden  Code.\  made  of  the, 
107,  note.     Account  of  it,  139, 


140.  Nezahualcoyotl  concealed 
under  fibres  of,  167. 

Agriculture,  tax  on,  among  the 
Aztecs,  i.  41,  137.  Remarks 
on,  135.  Of  North  American 
Indians,  136.  Among  the  Mexi- 
cans, 136.  Articles  of  Aztec, 
138.  Encouraged  by  Neza- 
hualcoyotl, 177.  Tlascalan,4o6. 
Cholulan,  ii.  11.  Near  the  lake 
of  Chalco,  58.  Attention  to, 
after  the  Conquest,  iii.  255,  318. 

Aguilar,  Geronimo  de,  a  Christian 
captive,  account  of,  i.  271.  Cor- 
tes' reception  of,  273.  An  in- 
terpreter, 273.  In  the  retreat 
from  Mexico,  ii.  360.  At  Chalco, 
iii.  46. 

Aguilar,  Marcos  de,  succeeds 
Ponce  de  Leon  as  royal  com- 
missioner, iii.  273,  note.  Col- 
lects opinions  in  regard  to 
repartimientos,  ib. 

Ahuahutle,  insects'  eggs,  used  as 
food,  ii.  109,  note,  iii.  156,  note. 

Ahualco,  crossed  by  Spaniards,  ii. 
48. 

Ahuitzotl,  i.  23,  83,  note. 

Ajotzinco,  city  of,  ii.  55. 

Alaman,  Lucas,  cited,  i.  104,  note^ 
230,  note,  294,  note,  ii.  46,  note. 


Vol.  III. 


40 


(469) 


47° 


INDEX. 


65,  note,  66,  note,  76,  note,  118, 
note,  122,  vote,  137,  ?/ti/*,  340, 
note,  iii.  28,  «tJ/^,  53,  note,  67, 
?/o/i?,  189,  «o/<f,  191,  note,  193, 
wc?/f,  225,  note,  235,  «(7/^,  239, 
wt'/r,  240,  note,  246,  wo/^,  257, 
note,  279,  »(7/tf,  317,  w(7/^,  318, 
note,  333,  wo/^,  335,  note,  336, 
W(7/^,  337,  ;/(5/^. 

Alainino?,  Antonio  de,  chief  pilot 
of  the  armada,  i.  260,  319.  De- 
spatclicd  to  Spain,  361.  Anchors 
at  Cuba,  362. 

Alderete,  Julian  de,  royal  treas- 
urer, iii.  44.  At  Tacuba,  69. 
Advice  of,  as  to  attack,  127. 
His  division  for  assaulting  Mex- 
ico, 128,  and  note.  Too  eager 
rnd  in  peril,  130,  132.  Urges 
the  torture  of  Guatemozin,  218, 

,233- 

Alexander  the  Great,  ii.  398,  note. 

Alexander  VI.,  Pope,  bull  of  par- 
tition by,  ii.  36,  note.  Enjoins 
conversion  of  the  heathen,  31, 
note. 

Algiers,    expedition    against,    iii. 

325- 

Alms-giving,  Aztec,  i.  74. 

Aloe.     See  Agave  Americana. 

Alphabet,  Egj'ptian,  i.  94,  note. 
Nearest  approach  to,  96.  Euro- 
pean, introduced  into  Mexico, 
100. 

Alraradc,  Jorge  de,  iii.  128. 

Aharado,  Pedro  de,  enters  the 
river  Alvarado,  i.  225,  290.  His 
return  to  Cuba  with  treasures, 
227,  228,  243.  Joins  Cortes, 
254.  Marches  across  Cuba, 
256.      Reprimanded,   264.      In 


the  battles  near  the  Tabasco^ 
278,  280.  On  a  foraging  party, 
330.  Cuts  down  the  body  of 
Morla,  349.  Despatched  to 
Cempoalla,  364.  Troops  put 
under,  383.  At  Tlascala,  469. 
Doiia  Luisa  given  to,  472.  Visits 
Montezuma  with  Cortes,  ii.  81. 
Aids  in  seizing  Montezuma,  158. 
Montezuma  pleased  witl.,  179. 
Takes  command  at  Mexico,  230. 
Instructions  to,  230.  Forces 
under,  231,  279,  note.  Assault 
on,  263,  270,  272.     Blockaded, 

268,  277.     Joined   by   Cortes, 

269.  Aztecs  massacred  by,  271, 
272,  note,  Z76,  note,  iii.  158. 
Character  of,  ii.  278.  Cortes' 
dissatisfaction  with,  279.  Chival- 
rous, 303.  Storms  the  great 
temple,  313.  Overpowered  at 
the  Mexican  bridges,  327.  Acts 
at  the  evacuation  of  Mexicj, 
347,  360.  Unhorsed,  355,  356. 
At  the  battle  of  Otumba,  385. 
Accompanies  Duero  and  Ber- 
mudez  to  Vera  Cruz,  421.  San- 
doval and,  iii.  19.  Reconnoitres 
Mexico,  25.  Conspiracy  against, 
76.  To  command  the  point 
Tacuba,  85.  Demolishes  the 
aqueduct,  91,  93.  Enmity  of 
Olid  and,  92.  Operations  of, 
no.  Protects  bniaches,  117. 
Sandoval  to  join,  127.  His 
neglect  to  secure  a  retreat,  129. 
Rebuked,  129.  His  fortune 
at  the  assault,  137.  Cortes' 
opinion  of,  141.  Temple  burnt 
by,  166.  Meeting  of  Cortes 
and,    169.     In    tlie   murderous 


INDEX. 


471 


assault,  178,  181.  To  occupy 
the  market-place,  185.  De- 
tached to  Oaxaca,  222.  Con- 
quers Guatemala,  260. 

Alvarado's  Leap,  ii.  356,  357,  358. 

Amadis  de  Gaula,  ii.  59,  note. 

Amaquemecan,  Spaniards   at,  ii. 

55- 

Ambassadors,  persons  of,  held  sa- 
cred, i.  45. 

Ammunition,  iii.  151.  See  Gun- 
powder. 

Amnesty,  granted  by  Xezahualco- 
yotl,  i.  170. 

Anaglyphs,  i.  98,  note. 

Anahuac,  i.  9.  E.xtent  of,  11, 
note.  Meaning  of  the  word,  12, 
note.  Forms  of  government  in, 
26.  The  golden  age  of,  61. 
Number  of  human  sacrifices  in, 
79,  note,  82.  See  Aztecs  and 
Alcxico. 

Andrada,  Don  Juan,  ii.  339,  note. 

Animals,  collection  of,  ii.  114.  Of 
the  New  World  and  the  Old, 
different,  iii.  355.  Origin  of,  in 
the  New  World,  356.  No  use- 
ful domesticated,  among  the 
Aztecs,  399.  See  Draught- 
cattle. 

Animals,  artificial,  i.  143,  note, 
179.  314.  356,  note,  ii.  37,  131. 

Antigua  or  Vera  Cruz  Vieja,  i. 
345,  note,  iii.  243. 

Antiquities,  i.  185,  iii.  394.  Of 
Cozumel,  i.  266,  note. 

Aqueducts,  conducting  to  Tezcot- 
zinco,  i.  183.  At  Iztapalapan, 
ii.  62.  From  Chapoltepec,  83, 
104,  note,  hi;  destroyed,  iii. 
91.  93- 


Arabic  manuscripts  destroyed,  i. 
104. 

Architecture,  refinement  and,  i. 
173.  Of  the  Tezcucans,  178, 
185.  In  Yucatan,  223,  225.  Of 
Cozumel,  266.  At  Cempoalla, 
336,  338.  Of  Tlascala,  464. 
Marine,  at  Ajotzinco,  ii.  55.  At 
Cuitlahuac,  59.  Of  Iztapalapan, 
61.  On  the  Tezcucan  lake,  67. 
At  Mexico,  73.  Encourage- 
ment of,  by  Montezuma,  in. 
After  the  Cojiquest,  iii.  240. 
Coincidences  with  Aztec,  386. 
391.     Of  Palenque,  391. 

Archives  at  Tezcuco,  i.  174,  179. 

Argensola,  on  the  house  of  Cortes, 
i.  230,  note.  On  the  detention 
of  Cortes  in  Spain,  233,  note. 

Arithmetic  among  the  Aztecs,  i. 
112. 

Ark,    coincidences   with    the,    iii. 

364- 
Armada,  intrusted  to  Cortes,  i. 
244.  The  fitting  out  of  the,  245, 
246.  Expense  of  it,  247,  253, 
327.  Sails,  252.  Equipment 
of  it,  252,  254,  255.  Joined 
by  volunteers,  254.  Sails  from 
Havana,  259.  Its  strength,  259. 
Chief  pilot  of  the,  260.  En- 
counters a  storm,  264.  At  Co- 
zumel, 264,  271.  Sails,  264 
271,  273.  At  the  Rio  de  Ta- 
basco, 274.  Wounded  sir.t  back 
to  the,  280.  Sails  for  Mexico, 
289.  At  San  Juan  de  Ulua, 
Villa  Rica,  and  Vera  Cruz,  291, 
295i  319.  341.  One  vessel  joins 
the,  354.  One  vessel  of  the 
despatched  to  Spain,  361,  363 


472 


INDEX. 


Juan  Diaz  attempts  to  escape 
with  one  of  the,  363.  Sunk, 
366,  368,  369,  note.  See  Drig- 
antiiies. 

Armies,  account  of  Aztec,  i.  47. 

Armor,  tribute  of,  i.  41,  42,  note. 

Arms  of  Montezuma,  ii.  82.  See 
Arrows. 

Arrows,  defence  against,  i.  256, 
282.  Burnt,  ii.  166.  Discharge 
of,  at  the  assault  in  Mexico, 
292. 

Art,  few  works  of  Aztec,  found, 
iii.  389. 

Artillery.     See  Cannon. 

Artisans,  Montezuma's,  ii.  124. 

Astrology,  i.  121,  note,  124.  Ori- 
gin of.  123. 

Astronomy,  Mexican,  i.  125,  126. 
Studied,  194,  202. 

Atlantis  of  Plato,  iii.  356. 

Audience,  giving  of,  by  Monte- 
zuma, ii.  123. 

Auditors  of  accounts,  Aztec,  i.  33, 
note. 

Auxiliaries.     See  Indian  allies. 

Aviary,  Aztec,  ii.  62,  113,  114,  iii. 
114,  240. 

Avila,  Alonso  de,  joins  Cortes,  i. 
254.  Fights,  27s,  277,  280. 
Aids  to  seize  Montezuma,  ii. 
158 ;  Narvaez,  244.  Before 
Cortes,  in  behalf  of  the  sol- 
diers, 261.  Tries  to  calm  Cor- 
tdo,  280.  In  the  retreat  from 
Mexico,  347,  360.  At  the  bat- 
tle of  Utumba.  3S5.  Despatched 
\o  St.  Domingo,  428,  note;  to 
Spain,  iii.  226.  Captured  by  the 
French,  226. 

A  ^ayacatl,  Aztep  sovereign,  Tlas- 


calans  oppose,  i.  408.  His 
treasure,  ii.  150,  193-195.  See 
Treasure. 

Axayacatl's  palace,  ii.  76,  77,  291, 
iii.  106.  Spaniards  quartered 
in,  ii.  76,  77.  Chapel  in,  150. 
Montezuma's  confinement  in, 
163.  Return  of  Cortes  to,  269. 
Spaniards  besieged  there,  277. 
Assaultedby  Aztecs,  292.  Fired, 
295.  Commanded  by  the  tem- 
ple of  the  war-god,  311.  De- 
stroyed, iii.  113. 

Ayllon,  the  licentiate,  sent  to  stay 
Velasquez's  expedition,  ii.  217. 
Joins  the  fleet,  218.  Seized  and 
sent  back,  221.  His  report,  221. 
Released,  iii.  74. 

Ayotlan,  siege  and  capture  of,  i. 

150- 

Azcapozalco,  a  slave-market,  i. 
149,  169,  iii.  28,  note. 

Aztecs,  or  Mexicans,  civilization 
of  the,  i.  I,  50,  204,  ii.  134,  iii. 
355.  Extent  of  their  country, 
i.  2,  iii.  200.  Quarter  from 
which  they  came,  i.  17,  note. 
Time  of  their  arrival  at  Ana- 
huac,  i.  18,  20,  note,  403,  iii, 
200.  Their  migratory  habits,  i. 
18,  iii.  372.  Settlement  of,  at 
Mexico,  i.  19.  Domestic  feuds 
and  secession  among  them,  20. 
Extent  of  their  territory  just 
before  the  arrival  of  the  Span- 
iards, 23.  Form  of  govern- 
ment among  the,  26.  Election 
and  installation  of  sovereigns, 
26.  Legislative  and  judicial 
system  among  them,  31.  Great 
aim    of   their    institutions,  45* 


INDEX. 


473 


On  calling  them  barbarians,  50, 
note.  Compared  witli  Saxons 
of  the  time  of  Alfred,  51.  Com- 
parison of  modern  Mexicans 
and,  51.  Their  mythology,  55. 
Cycles,  64,  115,  note,  117,  iii. 
362,  376.  Ideas  of  future  life, 
i.  6.15.  Their  claims  to  civiliza- 
tion, 87,  iii.  201.  Compared 
with  Europeans  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  i.  87.  Their  law  of 
honor,  87,  vote.  Their  manu- 
scripts, 102.  The  Teoamoxtli, 
or  divine  book  of  the,  no, 
note       Their    literary    culture, 

112.  Measurement    of    time, 

113.  Their  cycle  called  an 
"old  age,"  116,  note.  Astrol- 
ogy, 124.  Astronomy,  125. 
Their  festival  at  the  termina- 
tion of  the  great  cycle,  128. 
Tlieir  agriculture,  136.  Ac- 
quaintance of,  wi'h  plants,  141  ; 
with  minerals,  141  ;  with  the 
mechanical  arts,  142, 146.  Their 
domestic  manners,  152.  Differ 
from  North  American  Indians, 

159.  "'•  384,  note.  Character 
of  the,  original  and  unique,  i. 

160.  Nezahualcoyotl  unites  his 
forces  with  the,  169.  Beat  and 
sacrifice  Maxtla,  169.  Transfer 
of  power  to,  from  the  Tezcu- 
«,ans,  203.  The  first  communi- 
cation V  iih  them,  225,  226,  227. 
Orders  to  Cortes  respecting  the 
treatment  of  tliem,  248.  Their 
condition,  and  disgust  with 
Montezuma,  at  the  time  of 
Cortes'  arrival,  306.  Defeated 
by  Tlascalans,  409.     Aid  in  a 

40 


Cholulan  conspiracy,  ii.  16,  19. 
Number  of,  in  the  Mexican  mar- 
ket, 135.  Enraged  at  the  profa- 
nation of  tlieir  temples,  206. 
Aid  in  building  vessels  at  Vera 
Cruz,  207,  223.  Insurrection 
by  the,  277.  Their  assaults  on 
the  Spanish  quarters,  292,  304. 
Sally  against  them,  299,  Ad- 
dressed by  Montezuma,  307, 
Insult  Montezuma,  307,  308. 
Their  spirit  at  the  storming  of 
the  great  temple,  313,  314. 
Cortes'  address  to,  319.  Their 
reply,  319,  320.  Tlieir  combat- 
ant spirit,  325-328.  Assault 
the  retreating  Spaniards,  352. 
Measures  for  rallying,  403. 
Tlascalan  alliance  with,  re- 
jected, 406.  Guatemozin  em- 
peror of  the,  434.  Proceeded 
against  as  rebels,  436.  Want 
of  cohesion  among  them,  iii.  16. 
Deride  Cortes,  33.  Fights  with, 
on  the  Sierra,  48.  At  Xochi- 
milco,  62,  63.  Defend  the 
aqueduct  of  Chapollepec,  93. 
At  Iztapalapan,  95.  Defeat  of 
their  flotilla,  96,  97.  Fight  on 
the  causeways,  102.  Their  ex- 
asperation, 114.  Their  hatred 
of  white  men,  125,  164.  Tlieir 
bravery  at  the  general  assault, 
132.  Attack  Alvarado  and  San- 
doval, 138.  Their  spnit  and 
sufferings,  154,  160,  165,  174, 
184.  Soitie  of.  159.  Do  not 
bury  tlieir  dead,  163,  176.  As- 
sault on,  at  the  market-|)lace, 
181.  Effect  of  Guatemozin's 
capture  on,  189.     Evacuate  tlv» 


474 


INDEX. 


city,  iQj.  Remarks  on  the  fall 
of  their  empire,  ^oi.  Essay  on 
the  origin  of  the  civilization  of 
the,  355.  Traditions  respecting 
their  origin,  381.  See  Guate- 
moziii  and  Alontezuma. 


Dabcl,  coincidences  of  the  tower 
of,  and  the  temple  of  Cholula, 

iii.  365- 
Bachelors  subject  to  penalties,  iii. 

244. 
Badajoz,  British   atrocities  at,  ii. 

33- 
Badajoz,  Gutierre  de,  storms  the 

great  teocalli,  iii.  i65. 
Bahama  Islands,  i.  218.     Expedi- 
tion to,  for  slaves,  222. 
Balboa,    Nunez   de,    1.    217,  238. 

Transports  brigantines,  iii.  24, 

vote. 
Banana,   i.   138.     The   forbidden 

fruit,  138,  note. 
Banner    of    Cortes,   i.    256,   447, 

note.     Lost  and  recovered,  iii. 

136.     See  Standard. 
Banners,  River  of,  i.  225,  290. 
Baptism,  Aztec  and  pagan,  i.  67, 

iii.  369,  371. 
Barante,  on  a   disclosure   in   the 

reign   of   Louis   the    Eleventh, 

iii.  79. 
Barba,   Don   Pedro,  governor  of 

Havana,  ordered  to  seize  Cor- 
tes, 1.  258. 
Barba,  Pedro,  killed,  iii.  120. 
Barbers,  Aztec,  i.  465,  ii.  132. 
Ba^-ca,  Madame  Calderon  de  la, 


on  Mexican  love  of  flowers,  i, 
335i  note.  On  Tacuba,  iii.  92, 
note.    On  Cuernavaca,  317,  note. 

Barks  at  Ajotzinco,  ii.  55.  See 
Canoes. 

Barracks  built  at  Mexico,  iii.  122. 

Barrio  de  San  J-'go,  iii.  171. 

Barter,  Grijalva's,  at  the  River  of 
Banners,  i.  226,  290.  Object  of 
Cortes'  expedition,  247.  At  Co- 
zumel,  265.  With  the  Tabas- 
cans,  286.     See  Traffic. 

Basque  language,  iii.  381,  7iote. 

Bas-reliefs  destroyed,  i.  145,  ii.  117, 

Batanzos,  Fray  Domingo  de,  dis- 
cusses the  repartimientos  and 
probable  fate  of  the  Indians,  iii. 
293,  note. 

Baths  of  Montezuma,].  184,  ii.  119. 

Battles,  Aztecs  avoided  slaying 
their  enemies  in,  i.  84.  Of  Ta- 
basco, 276,  279.  Of  Ceutla,  c82. 
Between  Aztecs  and  Tlascalans, 
409,  410 ;  Spaniards  and  Tlas- 
calans, 414,  415,  418,  420,  430, 
434,442;  Escalanteand  Quauh- 
popoca,  ii.  156 ;  Cortes  and  Nar- 
vaez,  250.  At  the  Aztec  insur- 
rection, 293,  300.  At  the  great 
temple,  314.  On  leaving  Mex- 
ico, 325,  327.  Of  the  Melan- 
choly Night,  352.  Of  Otumba, 
379.  Of  Quauhquechollan,4i4. 
Of  Iztapalapan,  iii.  8,  9,  95. 
Near  Chalco,  12.  At  Xaliocan, 
26.  At  Tlacopan,  30.  Ofjaca- 
picJUla,  39.  On  the  rocks  of  ihe 
Sierra,  47.  48.  At  Cuernavaca, 
55.  At  Xochimilco,  58,  62.  At 
the  aqueduct  of  Chapoltepec, 
93.     Naval,    with    the    Indian 


INDEX. 


475 


flotilla,   96.     On   the    Mexican 

causeways,    102.      With    Alde- 

rete's  division,  132.     With  the 

Panuchese,  229. 
Beetles,  Cortes  aided  by,  ii.  252. 
Beggary,  not  tolerated,  i.  192. 
Bejar,  Duke  de,  befriends  Cortes, 

iii.  230,  308.      His  reception  of 

him,  304. 
Belus,  on  the  tower  of,   iii.  387, 

vote. 
Benavente,  Count  of,  i.  214,  note. 
Bermudez,  Agustin,  ii.  253,  424. 
Bernaldez  on  devils,  i.  58,  note. 
Bilious  fever.     See  Vbmito. 
Bird,  Dr.,  on  manias,  ii.  324,  note. 
Birds,  artificial,  i.  143,  note,  179, 

314,  356.  note,  ii.  37,  131.     See 

Aviary. 
Births,  consultation  at,  i.  125. 
Bishop's  Pass,  i.  391. 
Bison,  domesticated,  iii.  400,  note. 
Blanc,  Mont,  height  of,  ii.  43,  note. 
Blasphemy,  prohibited,  ii.  440. 
Blumenbach,  on  American  skulls, 

iii.  386,  note. 
Bodies  of  the  Tlascalans,  painted, 

i.  430,  431.     See  Dead. 
Bodleian  Library,  roll  and  Codex 

in  the,  i.  42,  note,  105,  note. 
Body-guard    of    Montezuma,    ii. 

119.      Of  Cortes,  iii.  80.      See 

Qtii'iones. 
Booty,   law  on   appropriating,   ii. 

441.    Little  foimd  in  Mexico,  iii. 

197,  198,  218.      See  Gold  and 

Treasure. 
Borunda,  the  Mexican  Champol- 

lion,  i.  109,  vote. 
Botanical  garden,  ii.  62,  7tote  116. 

See  Floating. 


Botello  iirges  night  retreat,  ii.  344. 

Boturini,  Benaduci,  Chevalier,  his 
writings  and  collection  of  manu- 
scripts, i.  12,  note,  23,  note,  24, 
30,  note,  102,  note,  105,  note,  109, 
note,  160,  note,  161,  162,  175, 
note,  ii.  77,  note,  378,  note,  iii. 
366,  7iote. 

Bradford's  American  Antiquities, 

iii-  353- 

Branding  of  slaves,  ii.  410,  iii.  20, 

Brass  substituted  for  iron,  i.  141, 
note. 

Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Abbe, 
cited,  i.  10,  note,  59,  note,  no, 
jiote.  His  theory  in  regard  to 
Mexican  mythology,  iii.  356, 
note. 

Brazil  secured  to  Portugal,  ii.  30, 
note. 

Breaches  in  the  causeways,  made 
and  filled,  iii.  102-105,  1^2, 116, 
129-131,  155,  168.  Neglected 
by  Alderete,  130-132.  Meas- 
ures for  filling,  153. 

Bread  and  wine,  consecrated,  iii. 
371,  note. 

Bridges,  at  Mexico,  ii.  69,  75,  104, 
106,  153,  iii.  93.  Removed,  ii. 
269,  282.  Demolished,  320,  325, 
327.  Restored,  327.  Leaped 
by  Cortes,  328.  Portable,  347, 
349.  351-  Arched,  nt  Tlascala, 
i.  461.  At  Cuernavaca,  iii.  54. 
In  the  expedition  to  Honduras, 
267,  269,  282.  See  B realties 
and  Canals. 

Brigantines,  built  on  Lake  1  ez- 
cuco,  ii.  175.  Burnt,  263,  418. 
Built  and  transported  to  Lake 
Tezcuco,  419,  430,  448,  iii.  5, 19, 


476 


INDEX. 


21,  42,  45,  81,  84.  Attempts  to 
destroy,  42.  Launched,  72,  82. 
Canal  for  transporting,  81.  Re- 
mains of,  preserved,  82,  note, 
241.  Co-operate  with  the  army, 
95,  96,  98,  100,  102,  128,  139, 
187.  Decoyed  and  destroyed, 
no.  Sail  from  Honduras  to 
Trui  illo,  284.     See  Fleet. 

Brintor,  Dr.  Daniel  G.,  explana- 
tions of  Me.\ic-in  mythology  by, 
i.  12,  note,  60,  note,  62,  note,  267, 
note. 

British  atrocities,  ii.  33. 

Budh,  incarnation  of,  i.  60,  note. 

Buffalo  ranges,  iii.  399. 

Buffoons,  Aztec,  i.  15S,  «cJ/^.  See 
yesters. 

Bullock,  W.,  on  Tezcuco,  i.  180, 
note,  ii.  183,  note.  On  a  basin 
at  Tezcotzinco,  i.  184,  note.  On 
antiquities  at  Tezcotzinco,  186, 
note.  On  Puebla  de  los  An- 
geles, ii.  ID,  note.  On  the  pyra- 
mids of  Teotihuacan,  375,  note, 
377,  note.  On  a  banner  in  the 
Hospital  of  Jesus,  iii.  136,  note. 

Bulls  for  the  Conquerors,  iii.  44, 
299,  note. 

Burials,  i.  67,  note.     See  Dead. 

Bustamante,  editor  of  Sahagun's 
Universal  History,  i.  91,  98, 109, 
note,  133,  iii.  171,  note,  205,  note, 
214. 


Cabot.  Sebastian,  i.  218. 
Cacania,  king  of  Tezcuco,  rival  foi 

the  crown,  i.  305,  ii.  182,  456. 

Favors  a  friendly  reception  of 


Cortes,  i.  312,  ii.  181.  Cotinsela 
Montezuma,  54,  181.  Mission 
of,  to  Cortes,  55,  57.  Accom- 
panies Montezuma,  70.  His 
plan  for  liberating  Montezuma, 
183.  Negotiations  with,  184, 
185.  Seizure  of,  and  of  his  con- 
federates, 186,  187,  449,  iii.  153. 
Brought  away  from  Me.\ico,  ii. 
347.  449-     Fate  of,  449. 

Cacao,  i.  138,  178,  note.  A  circu- 
lating medium,  148,  ii.  135. 

Coesar,  Julius,  order  by,  i.  2S4,note. 

Calderon,  Senor  de,  ii.  339,  note. 
See  Darca. 

Calendar,  Aztec,  i.  115,  xio,  and 
7iotc,  117.  Of  the  lunai  reckon- 
ing, 120,  122.  Coincidences 
with  the  Asiatic,  iii.  377. 

Calendar-stone,  i.  126,  I4S,  146, 
note,  ii.  112. 

Cctlmecac  school,  i.  73. 

Calpulli,  or  tribes,  distribution  in- 
to, i.  41,  note. 

Camargo,  Diego  Munos,  i.  468, 
note.  Account  of,  and  of  his 
writings,  ii.  286.  Cited,  332, 
note,  357,  note,  iii.  431. 

Campeachy,  Bay  of,  i.  273. 

Canals,  for  irrigation,  i.  137.  281, 
ii.  II,  58.  Instead  of  streets,  55. 
In  the  gardens  at  Iztapalapan, 
62.  In  Mexico,  102,  106.  Filled 
up,  102,  335,  353.  For  trans- 
porting brigantines,  iii.  81.  See 
Breaches  and  Bridges. 

Cannib.ilism,  i.  81,  87.  157,  271. 
During  the  siege,  iii.  121.  156. 
Of  the  allies,  124.  Spanish  cap- 
tives the  victims  of,  143.  Co- 
incidences as  to,  374. 


INDEX. 


477 


Cannon,  landed  from  the  ships,  i. 
280.  Command  of,  given  to 
Mesa,  2S0.  Effect  of  at  the 
battle  of  Ceutla,  282.  Mounted 
on  the  Vera  Cruz  hillocks,  296. 
Effect  of  on  Aztec  visitors,  300. 
Sent  to  tlie  fleet,  331.  At  Cem- 
poalla,  338.  Effect  of,  on  the 
Tlascalans,  422,  435,  436.  At 
Chohila,  ii.  23.  Effect  of  at 
Mexico.  81,  293.  294,  299.  On 
board  N  irvaez's  fleet,  218.  At 
Cempoaila,  246.  250.  Turned 
against  Narvaez,  251.  Effect 
of,  at  the  retreat,  356.  All  lost 
in  the  retreat,  365.  For  at- 
tacking Mexico,  436.  In  the 
fleet  on  Lake  Tezcuco,  iii.  84. 
Effects  of,  at  the  siege  of  Mex- 
ico, 105,  137,  139.  Cast  in 
Mexico,  241. 

Cano,  Don  Thoan,  ii.  274,  note. 
Married  Montezuma's  daugh- 
ter, 274,  note,  309,  note,  339, 
note,  iii.  274,  note.  Cited,  ii. 
309,  note.  364,  365,  note,  392, 
note,  iii.  438. 

Canoes,  ii.  55,  67,  107,  iii.  93,  96, 

lOO. 

Captives.       See     Christians    and 

Prisoners. 
Carihbee  Islands,  i.  218. 
Carli,  Coimt,  cited,  i.  30,  }tote,  127, 

note,   147,   notes,   iii.   356,  note, 

371,  note.. 27 A'  note,  401,  note. 
Carpels,  cotton,  at  Vera  Cruz,  i. 

296. 
Carreri,  Gemelli,  chart  of,  iii.  3S2, 

vole. 
Casa  de  Contratacion,  i.  215,  ii. 

211. 


Casa,  Giovanni  della,  li.  107,  note. 

Casas  Grandes,  ruins  of,  iii.  3S3, 
note. 

Castes  in  ?vIexico,  i.  148. 

Catalina.     See  Xiiarez. 

Catalogue  of  Mexican  historians 
i.  100,  note. 

Catapult,  built,  iii.  172. 

Cathedrals,  i.  144,  ii.  loi,  137,  iii. 
239.  240. 

Catherwood's  illustrations,  iii.  353. 

Catholics,  Protestants  and.  i.  288, 
354.  Views  of,  as  to  infidels, 
ii.  28-30. 

Catoche,  Cape,  i.  223,  273. 

Cattle,  i.  242,  note,  iii.  318. 

Causeways,  dividing  Chalco  from 
Xochicalco,  ii.  58,  66.  The 
three  at  Mexico,  104.  Present 
state  of  the,  iii.  243.  See  Cojo- 
hiiacan,  Jziapalapan,  Tepejacac, 
and  Tlcicopan. 

Cavaliers,  i.  254,  267. 

Cavallero,  superintendent  of  ma- 
rine, ii.  262. 

Cavalry,  i.  280,  283,  284.  Indian 
ideas  respecting,  2^4.  In  Xar- 
vaez's  armada,  ii.  218,  251. 
Effect  of,  at  Mexico,  299,  355, 
359,  370.  Los  of,  365.  At 
the  battle  of  Otumba,  383.  For 
attacking  Mexico,  436.  At 
Tlacopan,  iii.  30.  .Anilniscade 
with,  35,  68.  At  the  si>»ge  ?.r.u 
surrender  of  Mexico,  109,  137. 
See  Horses. 

Cavo,  on  Cortes'  bigotrj',  iii.  346, 
note. 

Cempoaila,  i.  323,  332,  336.  Re- 
ception of  Cortes  at,  337.  Ca- 
cique of,  at  Chiahuitztla,  341 


47B 


INDEX. 


Cortes'  second  visit  to,  344,  350. 
Cacique  of,  aided  by  Cortes, 
349.  Arrests  there,  352.  Pro- 
ceedings there,  383.  Narvaez 
a  ,  ii.  227,  245.  S!ck  and 
wounded  left  at,  264. 

Cenipoallan  allies,  i.  385,  386,  note. 
Perish  from  cold,  391.  Distrust 
Cholulans,  399.  Four,  sent  to  the 
Tlascalans,  400, 416,  417.  Fight 
Tlascalans,  421.  Enter  Cholula, 
ii.  12.  Detect  a  conspiracy,  14. 
Withdraw,  39.  At  Mexico  with 
Cortes,  66,  note,  zjg,  note. 

Centaurs,  Spaniards  thought  to 
be,  i.  284. 

Central  America,  its  ancient  civil- 
ization distinct  from  that  of 
Mexico,  i.  14,  note.  See  Chiapa, 
Mit/a,  and  Paleiique. 

Ceremonies,  religious,  i.  77. 

Ceutla,  battle  of,  i.  282,  285. 

Chalcas,  i.  181,  note,  iii.  46. 

Chalchuites,  resembling  emeralds, 

i-  319- 

Cha'ico,  iii.  11.  Sandoval's  expe- 
ditions to,  37,  45.  Cortes'  ex- 
pedition in  favor  of,  45.  Indian 
levies  join  Spaniards  at,  84,  95. 

Chalco,  lake  of,  i.  145,  ii.  55,  58, 
142. 

Challenges,  iii.  161. 

Champollion,  i.  98,  and  note,  108, 
KSte. 

Chapoltepec,  carved  stones  at, 
destroyed,  i.  126,  note.  Resi- 
dence of  Mexican  monarchs,  ii. 
49,  117.  Aqueduct  from,  83, 
104,  note,  iii.  91,  92.  Account 
of,  ii.  117.     Views  from,  117. 

Charles  V.,  Spain  under,  i.  213. 


Erroneous  statements  regard- 
ing, 215,  note.  Discovery  by 
the  beg  nning  o*"  h  s  rei-:;;n,  217. 
Title  of,  326,  note.  Cortes'  First 
Letter  to,  357,  ii.  427.  Dis- 
cussion before,  on  the  civiliza- 
tion of  Indians,  i.  373.  iMonte- 
zuma's  gifts  to,  ii.  193,  194, 196, 
197.  His  first  visit  to  Spain 
after  his  accession,  211.  His 
treatment  of  envoys  from  Cortes, 
212,  214.  Second  Letter  to,  by 
Cortes,  424.  Absent,  iii.  73, 
227.  Grant  by,  to  Cortes,  for 
capturing  Guatemozin  ,190,  note. 
Third  Letter  to,  from  Cortes,  and 
one  from  the  army,  224, 226.  In 
Spain,  231.  Board  selected  by, 
respecting  Cortes,  231.  Powers 
given  by,  to  Cortes,  234.  Fifth 
Letter  to,  266,  note,  456.  Ap- 
points a.Juez  de  residencia,  290. 
Writes  to  Cortes,  292 ;  orders 
him  to  return  to  Spain,  297. 
Gives  audience  to  him,  305. 
Confides  in  Cortes,  305.  Visits 
him,  305.  Honors  and  rewards 
Cortes,  306.  Goes  to  Italy,  311. 
Absence  of,  325.  Applications 
to,  by  Cortes,  and  the  result, 
327.  Last  Letter  to,  by  Cortes, 
327,  328,  460. 

Chase,  Montezuma's  fondness  for 
the,  ii.  180,  181. 

Chastity,  injunctions  as  to,  iii.  408. 

Chess,  i.  315,  note. 

Chiahuitztla,  visit  to,  i.  340. 

Chiapa,  resemblances  to  architec- 
ture in,  iii.  389,  391. 

Chiapa,  Bishop  of,  i.  376.  See 
Las  Casas. 


INDEX. 


479 


Chicliemecatl,  a  Tlascalan  chief, 

i  i.  22,  84,  147. 
Chicliimecs,  i.  15,  16,  20,  note,  iii. 

383- 

Children,  !  ap  izing  and  naming 
of,  i.  67,  iii.  369.  Education 
and  discipline  of,  i.  72,  153. 
Sacrificed,  i.  15.  Cortes'  treat- 
ment o'",  25.  Slew  of,  for 
Montezuma,  120,  note. 

C'hiinalpopoca,  sacrificed,  i.  87, 
note. 

China,  i.  44,  note,  60,  note,  148, 
note.     See  Chinese. 

Chinantla,  lances  from,  ii.  230,  236. 

Chinantlan  allies  aid  Cortes,  ii. 
22q,  259. 

Chinese,  i.  135.  Their  language 
and  the  Othomi,  iii.  380,  381. 
Iron  among  the,  401,  note.  See 
China. 

Chiva'ry,  spirit  of,  in  the  troops, 
i:i.  60,  161. 

Cnocolate,  i.  41,  note,  138,  157, 
158,  ii.  121. 

Cholula,  traditions  connected  with 
Quetzalcoatl  at,  i.  61,  308,  ii.  5, 
190,  193,  454.  Account  of,  3, 
9,  13.  Pilgrims  to,  7.  Entered 
by  the  Spaniards,  12.  Junction 
of  Cortes  and  Velasquez  de 
Leon  at,  229,  233.  Olid's  coun- 
termarch on,  413.  Coincidences 
of  the  tower  of  Babel  and  the 
temple  of,  iii.  365. 

Cholulan  allies,  ii.  413,  iii.  146. 

Cholulans,  i.  399.  Distrust  of 
399,  .J74,  476.  Summons  to 
the,  474,  475.  Embassy  from 
the,  475,  476.  Their  reception 
of  the  Spaniards,  ii.  12.     Con- 


spiracy of  the,  14.  To  aid  Cortes, 
18,  21.  Massacred,  22.  Efforts 
to  convert,  36. 

Christianity,  ideas,  rites,  and  usa- 
ges not  unlike  to,  among  the 
Mexicans,  i.  58,  67,  71,  ii.  150, 
iii.  373.  Measures  for  con- 
version to,  i.  219,  267-270,  287, 
353.  390.  396.  397.  468,  ii.  36, 
iii.  277,  280.  Similarity  ol 
Quetzalcoatl's  teachings  to,  ii. 
5,  note.  On  conquest  for  con- 
version to,  29,  170.  Duty  to 
convert  to,  30,  170.  Attempts 
to  convert  Montezuma  'o,  79, 
84,  179,  201,  331  ;  Maxi.xca, 
423;  his  son,  and  Xicotencatl, 
429.  After  the  Conquest,  iii. 
240,  253.  Rapid  spread  of,  254. 
See  Cortes. 

Christians,    in    captivity,    i.    247, 

265,  271.  See  Christianity. 
Chronology,  i.  113,  117,  ii.  91. 
Churches,    ii.    369,    377,    iii.    168, 

240. 

Cihuaca,  cacique,  killed,  ii.  385. 

Cihuacoatl,  title  of  Mexican  mag- 
istrate, i.  31,  note.  See  Cioa- 
ccall. 

Cimatlan,  phonetic  sign  for,  i.  99. 

Cioacoatl,  Eve  and,  iii.  366. 

Circulating    medium,    i.    148,   ii. 

135- 

Cities,  division  of,  i.  71.  See 
Tou-ns. 

Civilization,  Mexican  claim  to,  I. 
87.  Of  the  Tezcucans  over  the 
rest  of  Anahuac,  204.  In  Y.i- 
catan,  223,  225.     In  Cozumcl, 

266.  At  Tabasco,  281.  Of 
Tlascala,  306,  408.     As  shown 


t8o 


INDEX. 


in     Indian    manuscripts,    361, 
note.      Of    Indians,    discussed, 
373.     At  Iztapalnpan,  ii.  61-63. 
In  Mexico,  89.     Essay  on  the 
origin  of  Mexican,  iii.  355,  361 ; 
similarity   and    dissimilarity  of, 
in  the  two  continents,  362 ;  two 
general  conclusions   respecting 
it,  402.     See  Refinement. 
Claudian,  cited,  ii.  43,  note. 
Clavigero,  i.  2,  note,  11,  note.    On 
Boturini's  authorities,  12,  note. 
Dates  from,  20,  note.     Notices 
of,  and  of  his  Storia  antica  del 
Messico,  25,  53.     On  the  high- 
priest,  70,  note.     On  the  num- 
ber   of   human    sacrifices,    82, 
note.      Catalogue   of    Me.xican 
historians   by,    100,    note.      On 
Aztec  fairs,  114,  note.     On  the 
population    of    Tlascala,    419, 
note.       On    Me.xican    dialects, 
iii.  379,  note. 
Clemencin,  on  coins,  i.  316,  note. 
Clement  VII.,  pope,  iii.  299,  note. 
Cloths,  Me.xican,  i.  146,  ii.  4.    See 
Cotton,  Feather-work,  and  Man- 
tles. 
Coanaco,  made  cacique  of  Tez- 
cuco,  ii.  449.    Joins  the  Aztecs, 
449.     Puts  Spaniards  to  death, 
449.    Destroys  his  brother,  450. 
Escapes    from    Tezcuco,    453. 
Captured,  iii.  189. 
Coatepec,  town  of,  ii.  448. 
Coatzacualco,  ii.  188,  229,  262,  iii. 

265. 
Cocliineal,  i.  146,  387,  ii.  132,  note. 
Cocotlan,  i.  393,  394. 
Code,    military,    ii.    439,    iii.  451. 
See  Laws. 


Codex  Telleriano-Remensis,  i.  83, 

note,  108,  note. 
Cofre  de  Perote,  a  volcano,  i.  391. 

Cogolludo  on  ruins  in  America, 
iii.  396,  note. 

Cojohuacan,  iii.  66,  83,  93,  193, 
222.  Cortes'  residence  at,  296. 
Provisions  respecting,  in  Cortes' 
will,  330. 

Cojohuacan  causeway,  iii.  67,  92, 
98. 

Colhuacan,  hospital  at,  i.  305. 

Colhuans,  i.  18,  note. 

Coliman  founded,  iii.  243. 

Colonial  administration  of  Spain, 
under  Charles  V.,  i.  215. 

Colonization,  progress  of,  by  the 
beginning  of  the  reign  of  Charles 
v.,  i.  218.  Not  attempted  by 
Grijalva,  226,  227.  248.  Velas- 
quez obtains  authority  for,  249, 
note.  Plan  of,  at  Vera  Cruz, 
326.     At  Coatzacualco,  ii.  188. 

Color  of  Mexican  hieroglyphics, 
i.  97. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  i.  58,  note, 
220,  iii.  300. 

Columbus,  Diego,  i.  220. 

Columbus,  Ferdinand,  i.  229,  note. 

Commission.  See  Hicronymite 
com?nission. 

Communion,  Aztec  and  pagan, 
iii.  369,  371. 

"  Companions,"  the,  i.  121,  note. 

Compostella,  Castilian  cortes  at, 
ii.  212. 

Concubines  of  Tezcucan  pnnces, 
i.  186. 

Confession,  Aztec,  i.  71.  Among 
Tartars,  iii.  374,  note. 

Conquerors,   distribution   of    In- 


INDEX. 


481 


dians  among  the  Spanish,  i. 
218. 

Conquests,  not  ahvays  partitioned, 
i.  43,  note.  On  the  right  of,  ii. 
28,  29,  170. 

Conspiracy,  i.  364,  ii.  i4,.iii.  75. 

Constant,  Benjamin,  i.  123,  7iote. 

Continency  of  Aguilar,  i.  272. 

Convent,  of  St.  Francis,  i.  389, 
note,  iii.  289.  Cortes  and  Co- 
lumbus at  La  Rabida  in  Spain, 
300. 

Conversion,  Las  Casas  on  forced, 
i.  270,  note,  iii.  423,  424.  Ob- 
ject of  the  Spaniards,  ii.  439. 
See  Christianity. 

Cook,  James,  Captain,  iii.  359, 
note. 

Copal,  tribute  of,  i.  42,  note. 

Copan,  city  of,  iii.  282. 

Copper,  weapons  headed  with,  i. 
433.     Tools  of,  iii.  390. 

Cora  language,  iii.  383,  note. 

Cordillera  mountains,  i.  6,  138. 

Cordova,  Gonsalvo  de,  iii.  337. 

Cordova,  Hernandez  de,  i.  i222. 

Corn.     See  Indian  corn. 

Coronation  of  Montezuma,  i.  303. 

Corral,  ensign,  iii.  48,  136. 

Cortes,  Hernando,  i.  83.  Velas- 
quez selects  him  for  an  expedi- 
tion, 229,  243,  244.  Birth  and 
genealogy  of,  230,  iii.  300.  His 
early  years,  i.  231.  In  Hispan- 
iola,  235.  In  Cuba,  236.  Mar- 
riage of,  with  Catalina  Xuarez, 
237,  240,  242.  His  difficulties 
with  Velasquez,  237,  241.  Put 
in  irons,  238,  240.  Escapes 
twice,  240,  241.  The  Armada 
intrusted  to  him  as  Captain- 
VoL.  III.^V  41 


general,  244,  249.  253.  Applies 
all  his  money  to  fitting  out  the 
fleet,  245,  246,  253,  327.  In- 
structions to,  by  Velasquez,  247, 
iii.  419.  His  clandestine  em- 
barkation, i.  252.  His  meas- 
ures for  equipment,  252,  254, 
255.  Described,  257.  Strength 
of  his  armament,  259,  260.  His 
address  to  his  soldiers,  261. 
At  Cozumel,  264.  Endeavors 
to  liberate  captive  Christians, 
265.  His  zeal  to  convert  the 
natives,  268,  287,  320,  338,  350, 

390.  396.  ii-  36,  143.  145.  429. 
440,  iii.  70,  250,  330.  At  Ta- 
basco, i.  274,  278.  His  first 
interview  with  Mexicans,  295. 
His  presents  and  demand  to 
see  Montezuma,  298.  Embassy 
returns  to,  with  presents  from 
Montezuma,  314.  (See  Monte- 
zuma.) His  second  message  to 
Montezuma,  318.  The  reply, 
319,320.  First  made  acquainted 
with  the  condition  of  Mexico, 
323,  340.  His  resignation  and 
reappointment,  328,329,  ii.  239. 
His  policy  with  the  Totonacs 
and  Montezuma,  i.  342,  343. 
Another  Aztec  embassy  to,  347. 
Aids  the  cacique  of  Ceinpoalla, 
349.  Hangs  up  Morla,  349. 
Reconciles  Totonacs,  350.  His 
despatches  to  Spain,  355,  357, 
358,  note,  361.  Condemns  con- 
spirators, 364.  Destroys  his 
ships,  366,  368,  369,  note.  (See 
Armada.)  Hisembassy toTlas- 
cala,  400.  His  vigilance,  400, 
416,   441,   467,   ii.    20,  41,  56, 


482 


INDEX. 


w(7/^,  78,  208,  iii.  14.  His  march 
to  TIascala,  i.  401,  446,  461. 
Ill  of  a  fever,  446,  460.  Stand- 
anJs  Iiorne  by,  447,  note.  Male- 
contents  expostulate  with,  449. 
Mutilates  Tlascalan  spies,  453, 
454.  Montezuma  discourages 
his  visit  to  Mexico,  458.  Called 
Malinche,  472,  ii.  318.  Invited 
to  Mexico,  i.  473.  Massacre 
by,  at  Cholula,  ii.  22,  28,  33. 
Prohibition  of  wanton  injuries 
by,  25,  32.  Encourages  the 
disaffection  of  the  Aztecs,  52. 
His  entrance  into  Mexico,  65- 
75.  Visited  by  Montezuma, 
68-73.  H's  quarters,  76,  ^-j. 
His  visit  to  Montezuma,  81,82. 
Descendants  of,  now  in  Mexico, 
82.  (See  Monteleone.)  Visits 
the  market,  128  ;  the  great  tem- 
ple, 137,  140;  its  sanctuaries, 
143.  Chapel  granted  to,  150. 
Discovers  hidden  treasures,  150. 
His  seizure  of  Montezuma,  155 ; 
fetters  him,  167;  unfetters  him, 
168.  Seizes  Cacama,  186.  Will- 
ing to  relinquish  his  share  of 
Montezuma's  gift,  199.  On 
profaning  Mexican  temples,  206. 
Learns  Narvaez's  arrival,  223. 
His  treatment  of  envoy  prison- 
ers, 224.  His  letter  to  N'arv-aez, 
2n5  ;  marches  against  him,  229, 
i-'^i.  His  parting  with  Monte- 
zuma, 232.  His  strength,  237. 
Met  by  Guevara  and  Duero, 
as  envoys,  238,  241.  Summons 
Narvaez,  241 ;  assaults  and  de- 
feats him,  243,  249,  250;  his 
treatment  of  him,  254;   of  the 


captives  and  his  own  troops, 
260.  His  return  to  Mexico, 
264.  His  forces,  265.  279.  In 
ill-humor.  280.  Releases  Cuit- 
lahua,  281.  Rehorses  Duero, 
302.  Wounded,  303,  372,  329, 
372,  384,  394.  iii.  58.  1J4. 
Leads  in  storming  the  great 
temple,  ii.  312.  Addresses  the 
Aztecs  through  Marina,  318. 
Builds  a  manta,  324.  Deceived 
and  releases  priests,  326,  327. 
Exposures  and  hardihood  of, 
328.  Montezuma's  last  con- 
versation with,  333.  His  re- 
spect for  Montezuma's  memory, 
341.  His  retreat  from  Mexico, 
347.  348.  At  Popotla,  359. 
Loss  of  his  Diary,  365.  Kills 
Cihuaca  at  the  battle  of  Otumba, 
386.  At  TIascala,  393.  Re- 
monstrance with,  by  the  troo])S, 
397.  His  expedition  against 
the  Tepeacans,  409;  against 
Quauhquechollan,  413.  At  It- 
zocan,  416.  Increase  of  his  au- 
thority, 417.  His  plans  for  re- 
covering Mexico,  417,  418,  430, 
436,444,111.84,85.  His  Second 
Letter  to  the  Emperor,  ii.  424. 
His  despatches  to  St.  Domingo, 
428.  Triumphal  return  of,  to 
TIascala,  428.  His  forces,  436. 
Enters Tezcuco, 451.  His  mis- 
sion to  Guatemozin,  iii.  5.  Re- 
conciles Indian  allies,  15.  His 
reception  of  brigantines  from 
TIascala,  22.  Reconnoitres  the 
cap'tal,  25.  34,  45.  Se  zed  and 
rescued,  58.  At  Xochimilco. 
61.     At  Cojohuacan,  66.     Or- 


INDEX. 


483 


ders  of,  respecting  his  bones, 
67,  note,  330.  Dejected,  69, 
70.  Proceedings  in  Spain  in  re- 
gard to,  73.  Conspiracy  against, 
in  the  camp,  75.  His  body- 
gu  ird,  80.  His  forces,  33. 
Makes  three  divisions,  85,  86, 
note.  With  his  fleet  at  Izta- 
palapan,  95.  Takes  post  at 
Xoloc,  99.  His  movements  on 
the  causeway,  102.  Levels 
buildings,  105,  112,  153,  162. 
His  proffers  to  Guatemozin, 
125,  178,  179,  180,  185.  As- 
saults the  city,  129.  Recon- 
noitres Alderete's  route,  130. 
Seized  and  rescued,  134.  Anx- 
iety respecting,  138,  139.  Gives 
the  command  to  Sando\'al,  141. 
His  entries  into  the  tianguez. 
169,  171.  Murderous  assault 
by,  182.  His  last  assault,  186. 
His  reception  of  Guatemozin, 
191 ;  permits  him  to  be  tor- 
tured, 218.  Sends  detachments 
to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  221.  Re- 
building of  Mexico  by,  223,  233, 
239.  His  Third  Letter,  and 
one  from  the  army,  224,  226. 
Sends  costly  presents  to  Spain, 
225,  note.  Complaints  against, 
in  Spain,  227.  Board  appointed 
it'specting,  231.  The  charges 
against,  and  the  replies,  232, 
291,  313.  Commission  and 
powers  given  to,  234.  Founds 
settlements,  243.  Joined  by 
his  wife,  245.  The  ordinances 
made  by,  245,  note.  His  scru- 
ples about  slavery,  247,  250, 
330.     Suppresses  the  royal  in- 


structions annulling  repartimi- 
entos,  2\&,  note.  His  desire  of 
religious  teachers,  2£i.  His 
regulations  respecting  agricul- 
ture, 256.  Voyages  and  ex- 
peditions of,  257.  His  instruc- 
tions for  expeditions,  260.  Loolcs 
into  the  resources  of  the  couH" 
try,  260,  £64,  285.  His  expe- 
dition 10  Honduras,  264,  290, 
7iote,  396,  note.  His  Fifth  Let- 
ter, 266,  note,  297,  454.  At 
Truxiho,  284.  Further  plans 
of  conquest  by,  284.  Embarks 
and  returns,  287.  Sick  and  de- 
spondent, 288.  Driven  to  Cuba, 
283.  At  San  Juan  de  Ulua  anl 
Medellin,  283.  Triumphal  re- 
turn of,  to  Mexico,  zig.  Su- 
perseded by  ■Ajuez  de  residencia, 
290.  Further  faction  against, 
in  Spain,  291,  296.  Urged  to 
assert  his  authority,  294.  Or- 
dered to  leave  Mexico,  295. 
Ordered  to  Spain,  297.  Arrival 
of,  in  Spain,  300.  Meets  Pi- 
zarro,  300.  At  Guadaloupe, 
303.  His  reception,  304.  His 
interview  with  the  emperor,  305. 
Marquis  of  Oaxaca,  306.  Gift 
of  land  to,  306.  Not  reinstated 
in  government,  308.  Captain- 
General  of  New  Spain,  309. 
Second  marriage  of,  309.  Em- 
barks for  New  Spain,  312.  An 
investigation  of  his  conduct  by 
the  Royal  Audience,  313.  Ac- 
cused of  nu;rdi'r  ng  his  first 
wife,  313.  To  keep  ten  leagues 
from  Mexico,  316.  Wtico.iie 
to,  at  Tezcuco,  316.    Retires  to 


484 


iNDEX. 


Cuemdvaca,  317.  Expeditions 
of,  for  discovery,  319,  323.  His 
final  return  to  Castile,  325.  His 
attendance  on  the  Council  of 
the  Indies,  325.  Joins  an  ex- 
pedition against  Algiers,  325. 
Wrecked,  326.  His  applica- 
tions to  the  emperor,  327.  His 
last  letter  to  him,  327, 460.  Pre- 
pares" to  return  to  Mexico,  329. 
Sick,  329.  His  will,  329,  330. 
Dies,  333.0bsequiesof,  333-335. 
465.  His  children  and  descend- 
ants, 336.  His  character,  338. 
Ascendency  over  his  soldiers, 
3.|i.  Compared  to  Hannibal, 
341.  As  a  conqueror,  343.  Not 
cruel,  344.  In  private  life,  345. 
His  bigotry,  346.  His  dress 
and  appearance,  348.  His  edu- 
cation, 348.     See  Spaniards. 

Cortes,  Don  Luis,  iii.  337. 

Cortes,  Don  Martin,  ii.  211.  Ex- 
ertions of,  for  his  son,  iii.  230. 
Death  of,  299. 

Cortes,  Don  Martin,  son  of  Ma- 
rina, i.  293,  iii.  280,  337. 

Cortes,  Don  Martin,  son  of  Cor- 
tes by  his  second  marriage,  iii. 
325.  Wrecked,  326.  Provision 
for,  329.  Present  at  his  father's 
death,  332.     Persecuted,  336. 

Cosmogony,  Humboldt  on,  i.  63, 
note. 

Cottons,  given  to  Cortes,  i.  299, 

315.  348. 
Cotton  dresses,  i.  41,  ii.  37,  80. 
Cotton  mail,  orescaupil,  or  jackets 

quilted  with  cotton,  i.  47,  256, 

282,  433,  434. 
('ouncil,  of  finance,  i.  171.    Of  jus- 


tice, 171.  Of  state,  17T.  Of 
war,  171.     Of  music,  172. 

Council  of  the  Indies,  i.  215.  Or- 
dinances by  the,  iii.  74,  228. 
Reception  of  Cortes  by  the,  325. 

Couriers,  i.  43,  44,  note,  129,  ii.  47. 

Courts,  Aztec,  i.  32,  34,  35,  36. 
Merchants  allowed  to  have,  151. 
At  the  Mexican  market,  ii.  136. 

Coxcox  suivived  the  Deluge,  iii. 

364- 

Cozumel,  i.  225,  264,  270. 

Cozumel  Cross,  iii.  368,  note. 

Crimes,  punishments  for,  i.  37. 

Cross,  the,  a  common  symbol  of 
worship,  i.  267,  note.  See 
Crosses. 

Crosses  of  stone,  in  Yucatan,  i.  225. 
In  Cozumel,  266.  At  Tabasco, 
289.  At  Cempoalla,  353.  At 
Naulinco,  390.  Frequency  of, 
390,  and  note,  iii.  368.  On 
raising,  at  Tladauqnitepec,  or 
Cocotlan,  i.  396.  At  Tlascala, 
470,  471.  Upon  Quetzalcoatl's 
temple  at  Cholula,  ii.  36.  At 
Mexico,  143,  146,  203,  314. 
Pulled  down,  316,- iii.  107.  Cruz 
del  Marques,  56.  At  Palenque, 
368.  Cozumel,  368,  note.  An- 
tiquity and  generality  of,  among 
pagan;,  371. 

Crowning  of  Aztec  sovereigns,  1. 
27. 

Cruz  del  Marques,  mountain,  in. 
56. 

Cuba,  i.  220.  Expeditions  from, 
to  Yucatan,  222-224.  Cortes 
in,  236,  242.  Propositions  in 
the  army  to  return  to,  318,  323, 
325,    459.      Cortes'    emissaries 


INDEX. 


485 


land  at,  362.  Las  Casas'  labors 
in,  371.  Cortes"  apprehensions 
from,  ii.  39.  Sailing  of  Nar- 
vaez's  fleet  from,  219.  Desire 
of  troops  to  return  to,  397,  iii. 
76.  Return  of  some  to,  ii.  421. 
Cortes  driven  to,  iii.  288.  See 
St.  jfiigo  de  Cuba,  and  Velas- 
qutz. 

Cuemavaca,  or  Quauhnahuac, 
capture  of,  iii.  51-55.  Asks  aid, 
151.  Cortes'  residence  at,  317. 
Remarks  on,  317. 

Cuicuitzca,  made  cacique  of  Tez- 
cuco,  ii.  186,  187,  note,  449. 
Absent,  267.    Put  to  death,  450. 

Cuitlahua,  lord  of  Iztapalapan,  ii. 
54.  Interview  of,  with  Cortes, 
61,  iii.  6.  Accompanies  Monte- 
zuma, ii.  70.  Released,  281, 
403.  Supplies  Montezuma's 
place,  281,  305,  note.  Arouses 
the  Aztecs  for  the  battle  of 
Otumba,  380,  403.  Notice  of, 
402.  Dies  of  smallpox,  420, 
431.  Succeeded  by  Guatemo- 
zin,  434. 

Cuitlahuac,  Spaniards  at,  ii.  59. 

Culinary  science,  Aztec,  ii.  120, 
121. 

Currency,  Mexican,  i.  148,  ii.  135. 

Cycles,  Aztec,  i.  64,  115,  note, 
117.  Persian,  115,  note.  Etrus- 
can, 116, 7iote.  Wheels  of,  119, 
note.  Of  the  lunar  reckoning 
by  the  priests,  120,  note.  An- 
alogies respecting,  in  the  Old 
and  the  New  World,  iii.  362, 
.  376. 

Cypress,  Cortes',  i.  398.  Size  of, 
ii.  liS. 

41 


D. 

Dancing,  Mexican,  i.  158,  and 
71  ate. 

Dante,  i.  56,  66,  7iote,  80,  note,  ii. 
29,  note. 

Darien,  Isthmus  of,  crossed,  i 
217.  Colony  there,  218,  271. 
Oviedo  there,  ii.  283. 

Dates,  on  Mexican,  i.  117. 

Daughters,  counsels  to,  i.  153,  iii. 
405- 

Days,  Aztec  arrangement  of,  i. 
114,  115.  Hieroglyphics  for, 
114.  Division  of  civil,  126,  note. 
Coincidences  as  to  the  signs  of, 
iii.  376. 

Dead,  burnt,  i.  66,  204,  note. 
Buried,  67,  note.  Carried  off 
in  battle,  422,  423.  Spanish, 
buried,  437.  Unburied  during 
the  siege,  iii.  163,  176,  193. 
Buried,  196.  Coincidences  as 
to  the  obsequies  of  the,  374,  375. 
See  Funeral  cereino7iies. 

Death,  a  penalty,  i.  31.  Judges 
punished  with,  34.  For  crimes, 
34.  Inflicted  on  soldiers,  49. 
Two  sons  put  to,  by  a  Tezcucan 
prince,  49. 

Defaulters,  liable  to  slavery,  i.  43. 

Deities,  Mexican,  i.  57,  58,  84. 
Days  and  festivals  appropriated 
to,  58,  76.  On  unity  and  plu- 
rality of,  58,  note.  Huitzilo- 
pochtli,  the  Mexican  Mars,  59. 
Quetzalcoatl,  the  god  of  the  air, 
60.  Penates,  63,  128.  Tezcat- 
lipoca,  78,  ii.  144.  Presiding 
over  agriculture,  i.  136.  Images 
of,  143,  144,  See  Hidtzilo- 
* 


486 


INDEX. 


pochtll,  idols,  Quetzalcoatl,  and 

Tczcatlipoca. 
Dchifield's  Antiquities,  map  in,  iii. 

382,  note. 
Deluge,  coincidences  as  to  the,  in 

the  Old  and  the  New  World,  iii. 

363- 

Deiion,  on  an  Egyptian  temple,  i. 
94,  note. 

Devil,  Mexican,  i.  59,  note,  84, 
note.  Cortes  possessed  with  the, 
330,  note.  His  delusion  of  the 
Aztecs,  iii.  372,  note,  373. 

Diary  of  Cortes,  lost,  ii.  365. 

Diaz,  Bernal,  errors  of,  i.  473,  note. 
His  way  of  life,  ii.  209,  note. 
His  share  of  spoil,  260,  note. 
Letter  not  signed  by,  426,  note. 
Account  of,  and  of  his  writings, 
459-463.  Ravine  crossed  by, 
iii.  54,  note.  Leaves  his  farm 
to  accompany  Cortes  to  Hon- 
duras, 265,  note.  On  the  Chris- 
tianity of  Guatemozin  and  the 
prince  of  Tacuba,  273,  note.  On 
Cortes  at  Honduras,  288.  His 
character  of  Cortes,  347-350. 

Diaz,  Juan,  the  licentiate,  eftbrts 
of,  to  convert  natives,  i.  269,  ii. 
179.  His  conspiracy,  i.  363. 
Performs  mass  in  the  great  tem- 
ple, ii.  151,  203. 

Dikes  opened  upon  the  Spaniards 
at  Iztapalapan,  iii.  7,  9.  See 
C'luseways  and  Breaches. 

Diodoms,  i.  182,  note. 

Piscovery,  i.  135,  216.  Progress 
of,  by  the  beginning  of  the  reign 
of  Charles  V.,  217.  Catholic 
and  Protestant  views  as  to,  ii. 
29,  31,  note.    Progress  of,  under 


Cortes,  iii.  222,  243,  258,  319, 

323- 

Dishes  of  Montezuma,  ii.  120, 121. 

Divine  book,  or  Teoamo.xtli,  i. 
no,  note. 

Domestic  manners  of  the  Aztecs, 
i.  152. 

Dominican  friars,  i.  219,  371-  373. 

Dove,  on  the  topmast,  i.  234.  Co- 
incidences with  Noah's,  iii.  364, 

365- 

Drain  of  Huehuetoca,  ii.  103. 

Draught-cattle,  want  of,  i.  145,  iii. 
223.  399. 

Draw-bridges,  Mexican,  ii.  69, 104, 
153,  282. 

Dresden  Codex,  i.  107,  and  note, 
108,  note,  iii.  393. 

Dresses,  of  Aztec  warriors,  i.  47. 
Owls  embroidered  on.  58,  note. 
Of  Cholulans,  ii.  12.  Of  Aztec 
chiefs,  68.  Of  Montezuma,  71, 
119,  306.  Of  Mexicans,  \z.^, 
131,298,353.  Of  Indian  allies, 
438. 

Drought  at  Tezcuco,  ii.  94. 

Drum,  the  Tlascalan,  i.  420.  The 
huge  Mexican,  ii.  141,  350.  Of 
the  war-god,  sounded  for  the 
sacrifice  of  Spaniards,  iii.  142. 

Ducat,  value  of  the,  i.  316,  note. 

Duero,  Andres  de,  i.  243,  251.  In 
Narvaez's  armada,  ii.  226.  Kn- 
voy  to  Cortes,  238.  ajo.  To 
share  in  the  profits.  240.  .\.\. 
Cempoalla,  253.  Unhorsed  and 
rehorsed,  302.  Remonstrates, 
398.  Returns  to  Cuba,  421.  In 
Spain,  sustaining  Velasquez, 
421. 

Dupaix,  i.  125,  note,  iii.  354,  3S8, 


INDEX. 


4S; 


note.  On  Mexican  tools,  390, 
note.  On  antediluvian  build- 
ings.  395.  "ote. 

Du  ronceau.  1'.  S.,  iii.  379,  vote. 
On  the  synihetic  structure  of 
the  Indian  dialects,  379,  ttote. 

l3yes,  and  dye-woods,  Mexican,  i. 
146,  218. 

E. 

Eagle,  on  a  standard,  i.  431,  iii. 

85. 

Earthen-waie,  Aztec,  i.  146. 

Earthquake,  i.  y8. 

Ebeling,  collection  of  maps  by, 
iii.  267,  note. 

Eclipses,  Aztec  knowledge  as  to, 
i.  125. 

Education,  Aztec,  i.  72,  153,  ii. 
148.  For  the  profession  of 
hieroglyphical  painting,  i.  loi. 
The  council  of  music  virtually  a 
board  of,  172.  Of  the  Tezcu- 
can  royal  household,  181. 

Egyptians,  temples  of,  i.  94,  note. 
Hieroglyphics  of,  96,  97.  Sothic 
period  of,  121,  note.  Sophocles 
on  the,  137,  note.  Addresses 
to  their  kings  by  priests,  182. 
Their  representations  of  the 
human  frame,  iii.  392. 

Elphinstone,  W.,  on  mythology, 
i.  57,  note. 

Emeralds,  Mexican  use  of,  i.  142. 
One  of  the,  sent  to  Spain,  iii. 
224.  Genuineness  of,  disputed 
by  Alaman,  225,  note.  Given 
by  Cortes  to  his  second  wife, 
iii.  310,  and  note. 

Emperor,  i.  28,  326,  note. 


Encomiendas.       See    Repartimi- 

entos. 
Entertainments,  style  of  Mexican, 

i-  1.54- 
Era,  the  Mexican,  i.  117. 
Ercilla,  cited,  ii.  370,  note,   384, 

note. 
Escalante,  Juan  de,   i.  383,  38  \. 

Forces  intrusted  to,  386.  ii.  156. 

Instructions   to,  from   Choluli, 

39.      Treachery   towards,   156. 

Mortally  wounded,  157. 
Escobar,  a  page,  i.  329,  ii.  311. 
Escudero,  Juan,  i.  239.  Executed, 

364- 
Estates,  held  by  Aztec  nobles,  1. 

29. 
Estrada,  jiiez   de    residencia,    iii. 

293,  295,  296,  29S. 
Estrada,  Maria  de,  a  heroine,  n. 

353- 

Estrella's  manuscript,  cited,  i.  221, 
7ioie,  234,  note,  236,  note,  241, 
note,  242,  note,  251,  n(ji*.  Ac- 
count of  it,  262,  note. 

Etruscans,  cycles  of  the,  i.  117, 
note. 

Eucharist,  rite  analogous  to  the, 
iii.  369. 

Euripides  on  purification,  iii.  371, 
note. 

Eve,  Aztec  coincidences  as  to,  iii. 
366. 

Everett,  Edward,  iii.  399,  note. 


Fairs,  days  for,  i.  114,  148,  ii.  135. 
Traffic  at,  i.  148.  For  the  sale 
of  slaves,  149.  At  Tlascala,  464, 
See  Market. 


488 


INDEX. 


Falsehood,   a   capital   offence,   i. 

172. 
Famine,  in  Mexico,  iii.  121,  126, 

149,    156,    162,    163,    174.      At 

Honduras,  283. 
Fans  given  by  Montezuma,  1.357, 

note. 
Farfan  grapples  with  Narvaez,  ii. 

251- 

Feather-work,  mantles  of,  for  trib- 
ute, i.  41,  and  note.  Worn  by 
warriors,  47.  Manufacture  of, 
147.  Made  by  the  royal  house- 
hold of  Tezcuco,  182.  Given 
to  Cortes,  299,  314,  315,  348, 
356,  note,  458,  ii.  52,  Worn  by 
Tlascalans,  i.  432.  Beauty  and 
warmth  of,  ii.  129. 

Females.     See  Women. 

Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  state  of 
Spain  at  the  close  of  the  reign 
of,  i.  211. 

Festivals,  for  deities,  i.  58,  76.  At 
the  termination  of  the  great 
cycle,  128. 

Festivities,  style  of,  i.  154. 

Feudal  system,  in  Anahuac,  i.  30, 
404. 

Fever.     See  Vomito. 

Fiefs,  origin  of,  in  Anahuac,  i.  30, 
note. 

Figurative  writing,  i.  95.  See  Hie- 
roglyphics. 

Fire-arms,  i.  282,  439.  All  lost  in 
the  retreat  from  Mexico,  ii.  366. 
Supply  of,  423. 

Fires  always  burning,  i.  76,  ii.  9, 
141,  146. 

First-fruits  for  the  priests,  i.  74. 

Fish,  reservoirs  of,  ii.  62.  Tanks 
of.  116, 


Fleet  fitted  out  by  Velasquez 
agamst  Cortes,  i.  363,  ii.  215, 
216.  Narvaez  commander  of 
the,  216.  Its  strength,  218.  At 
San  Juan  de  Ulua,  219.  Dis- 
mantled, 262.  See  Armada, 
Brigantines ,  Flotilla,  and  Ships. 

Fleets  for  discovering  a  strait,  iii. 
221,  257,  258.  Ruined  by  the 
Royal  Audience,  319. 

Flemings  in  Spain,  i.  213,  372. 

Floating  gardens,  or  chinampas, 
ii.  59,  68,  103.     See  Gardens. 

Florida,  i.  218,  iii.  258. 

Flotilla,  Indian,  destroyed,  iii.  97. 

Flowers,  fondness  for,  i.  335,  ii. 
12,  49, 134.  In  the  Iztapalapan 
gardens,  62. 

Fohi,  incarnation  of  the,  i.  60, 
note. 

Fonseca,  Juan  Rodriguez  de, 
Bishop  of  Burgos,  notices  of,  i. 
372,  ii.  213.  His  hostility  to 
Columbus,  to  his  son,  and  to 
Cortes,  213,  427,  iii.  233,  236. 
Exertions  of,  against  Cortes  and 
his  envoys,  ii.  214,  iii.  73,  227, 
233.  Orders  Cortes  to  Spain 
for  trial,  ii.  422.  Procures  the 
passing  of  ordinances,  iii.  74, 
227.  Interdiction  of,  230,  234. 
End  of  his  influence,  235.  His 
death,  235. 

Forbidden  fruit,  the,  5.  138,  note. 

Forests,  destroyed,  1.  7,  398,  nn;l 
tiote,  ii.  49.  Penalties  for  de- 
stroying, i.  137.  Laws  on 
gathering  wood  in,  189,  190. 
See  Fuel. 

Fractions,  arithmetical,  of  Aztecs, 
i.  113- 


INDEX, 


489 


Franciscan  friars,  in  New  Spain, 

iii.  251. 
Francis  I.,  of  France,  envious  of 

the    Emperor    Charles   V.,   iii. 

226. 
Franklin,  Benjamin,  on  the  turkey, 

i.  157,  7iote. 
French  atrocities,  ii.  33. 
Fiuit-trees  not  allowed  in  Monte- 
zuma's gardens,  ii.  116,  note. 
Fuel,  on  gathering,  i.  190. 
Funeral  ceremonies,  Aztec,  i.  66. 

For    Nezahualpilli,    203,    note. 

See  Dead. 
Funeral  piles,  i.   203,  note.      Of 

arms,  ii.  166. 
Future  life,  Aztec  views  of,  i.  65. 


Galindo,  Colonel,  on  civilization 
in  Palenque,  iii.  394. 

Gallatin,  Albert,  on  Mexican 
prayers,  i.  68,  note,  iii.  380,  tiote, 
399,  note. 

Galvez,  castle  of,  ii.  117. 

Gama,  Antonio,  on  hieroglyphics, 
i.  97,  98,  note.  Bustamante's 
continuation  of  his  work,  98, 
note.  On  Mexican  notation, 
113,  note.  On  intercalation,  115, 
note.  On  the  beginning  of  the 
year  of  the  new  cycle,  117,  note. 
On  the  lunar  reckoning  of  the 
priests,  120,  note.  On  the  nine 
companions,  121,  note.  His  as- 
trological almanac,  125,  note. 
Carved  stones  seen  by,  126, 
note.     Account   of,  and  of  his 


writings,  132,  133.  On  a  night 
in  Cholula,  ii.  20,  note. 

Gaming,  ii.  176,  200,  440. 

Gante,  Pedro  de,  convent  by,  iii. 
240. 

Garay,  Francisco  de,  his  squadron, 
i.  384,  ii.  422.  Crews  of,  join 
Cortes,  423. 

Gardens  of  plants,  i.  141.  Of 
Iztapalapan,  ii.  62.  First  Euro- 
pean, 63,  ?iote.  Montezuma's, 
116,  117.  At  Huaxtepec,  iii. 
38.     See  Floating  gardens. 

Garrisons,  in  the  larger  cities,  i. 
42. 

Gauntlet  run  by  Spaniards,  ii.  164, 
note. 

Geology,  conjectures  confirmed 
by,  i.  64,  note. 

Gerolt,  Federico  de,  ii.  47,  note. 

Gestures,  Indian,  i.  292. 

Gibbon,  Edward,  i.  368,  note. 

Girls,  counsels  given  to,  i.  153,  iii. 

405- 
Gladiatorial  sacrifices,  i.  80,  note. 
Glass,  sent  to  Montezuma,  i.  299, 
Gold,  tribute  of,  i.  41,  42,  note, 
142.  From  a  tomb,  67,  note. 
Said  to  be  found  in  temples,  76, 
note.  Traffic  with,  148.  Mines 
of,  worked  in  Cuba,  222,  242. 
Curiously  wrought  specimens 
of,  from  Yucatan,  224.  Plates 
of,  given  to  Grijalva,  225.  Trade 
for  ornaments  and  vessels  of, 
226.  Despatched  to  Spa'n  by 
Velasquez,  228.  Barter  for,  at 
Cozumel,  265.  Spanish  desire 
of,  277,  286,  29s,  299,  ii.  40,  199. 
Given  to  Cortes,  by  Teuhtlile,  i. 
299.     Bits  of,  obtained  by  the 


49° 


INDEX. 


sold'ers,  313.  Presented  by 
Montezuma,  314,  315,  348,  356, 
note,  458,  ii.  37,  52,  80,  88. 
Relinquished  by  the  Conquer- 
ors, i.  355,  ii.  200.  Sent  by 
Cortes  to  Spain,  i.  355.  Four 
loads  of,  offered  as  a  bribe  to 
Cortes,  ii.  52.  Present  of,  at 
Amaquemccan,  55.  Worn  by 
Montezuma,  71.  Place  of  get- 
ting, 188.  Sent  by  Montezuma 
to  the  Castilian  sovereign,  193, 
194,  196.  Comparison  of,  with 
silver,  197,  note.  Converted 
into  chains,  201,  345.  Effect 
of  the  arrival  of,  in  Spain,  212. 
Given  to  Narvaez's  soldiers, 
260.  Fate  of,  on  the  evacua- 
tion of  Mexico,  346,  365,  note. 
372.  Spaniards  killed  while 
transporting,  395,  449.  Given 
for  maize  bread,  396,  note.  Can- 
non of,  sent  to  Spain,  iii.  260, 
note.  Carried  to  Spain  by  Cor- 
tes, 299,  300.  Drawn  from  Te- 
huantepcc  by  Cortes,  318.  See 
Treasure. 

Golden  Fleece,  i.  214,  note. 

Goldsmiths,  skill  of  Mexican,  i. 
143,  7iote,  ii.  "JT.     See  Animals. 

Golfo  Dolce,  iii.  283. 

Gomara,  Francisco  Lopez  de,  i. 
84,  note,  226,  note,  258,  note. 
Authority  for  Cortes'  First  Let- 
ter, 359.  On  firing  at  the  Az- 
tecs, ii.  293,  note.  On  the  bap- 
tism of  Montezuma,  332,  note. 
On  losses  at  the  retreat,  364. 
Account  of,  and  of  his  writings, 
457.  458.  On  protecting  Gua- 
temozin.  iii.  276.     On   Cortes' 


precious  stones,  310,  note.  On 
domesticated  Ijisons,  400,  note. 

Goods,  sale  and  transportation  of 
i.  148,  150. 

Government  in  Anahuac,  i.  26. 
Under  Nezahualcoyotl,  171.  Of 
the  Tlascalans,  404.  Of  Cho- 
lula,  ii.  4. 

Grado,  Alonso  de,  at  Villa  Rica, 
ii.  174. 

Granaries,  i.  43,  138. 

Grijalva,  Juan  de,  expedition  of,  to 
Yucatan,  i.  224,  289.  Returns 
to  Cuba  and  is  censured,  227, 
228.  Cortes  to  join,  247.  Vol- 
unteers from,  join  Cortes,  254. 
Chief  pilot  of,  260.  Effect  of 
his    landing,    on    Montezuma, 

311- 

Grijalva,  River  of,  i.  225,  274. 

Guadaloupe,  in  Spain,  iii.  303. 

Guadaloupe,  Our  Lady  of,  i.  160, 
note. 

Gualipan,  ii.  392,  note. 

Guatemala,  conquered,  iii.  260. 
Settlement  of  Toltecs  in,  397. 

Gu.itemozin,  Montezuma's  neph- 
ew, ii.  308,  note.  Tecuichpo, 
wife  of,  339,  note,  434,  iii.  192, 
274,  note.  Elected  emperor,  ii. 
434.  Rall.es  for  defence  of  his 
capital,  435.  Missions  to,  iii. 
5,  17.  His  animosity  to  the 
Spaniards,  17.  His  application 
to  Tangapan,  18,  note.  Cores' 
desire  of  an  interview  with,  33. 
Attempts  the  recovery  of  Chal- 
co,  41 ;  to  relieve  Xochimilco, 
61.  His  policy,  64,  118.  De- 
coys brigantines,  120.  Proffers 
to,  125,  156,  178.  179,  180,  iBl, 


INDEX. 


491 


note,  185.  Distributes  heads  of 
Spaniards  and  of  horses,  145. 
Effect  of  his  machinations,  151. 
Council  called  by,  157.  Will 
not  surrender,  158,  186.  His 
palace,  161.  Declines  meeting 
Cortes,  180,  181,  186.  Efforts 
of,  to  escape,  186,  188.  Cap- 
tured, 188.  Intercedes  for  his 
wife  and  followers,  1S9.  His 
interview  with  Cortes,  191.  On 
a  monument  to,  205, 7iote.  Tor- 
ture of,  218,  230,  232,  233.  Re- 
garded as  a  rebel,  230.  Sus- 
pected, 271.  Executed,  273. 
Remarks  on,  273. 

Guevara,  Narvaez's  envoy  to  San- 
doval, ii.  222.  Cortes'  recep- 
tion of,  224.  His  return,  225, 
226.  Envoy  to  Cortes,  238, 
241. 

Gulf  of  California,  iii.  222,  319. 
Penetrated  by  Ulloa,  322.  Called 
Sea  of  Cortes,  324. 

Gulf  ot  i\Iexico,  i.  218,  ii.  1S8. 

Gunpowder,  manufactured,  ii.  430, 
iii.  241. 

Guns.  See  Cannon  and  Fire- 
arms. 

Guzman,  captured,  iii.  135.  Sacri- 
ficed, 148. 

Guzman,  Nunez  de,  at  the  head 
of  the  Royal  Audience  of  New 
Spain,  iii.  312,  316.  Cortes' 
expedition  against,  320. 

H. 

Hanging  gardens  of  Nezahual- 
coyotl,  i.  183.  See  Floating 
gardens. 


Hannibal,  ii.  50,  note,  111.341. 

Hardy,  Lieutenant,  on  Casas 
Grandes,  iii.  383,  note. 

Harems,  royal,  i.  179,  ii.  51,  118. 

Harvard  University  Library,  maps 
in,  iii.  267,  note. 

Hatuey,  on  Spaniards  and  heaven, 
i.  221. 

Havana,  i.  222,  note.  The  ar- 
mada  at,  256,  258.  Orders  re- 
specting Cortes  at,  258.  See 
Cuba. 

Head  of  a  Spaniard  sent  to  Mon- 
tezuma, ii.  157. 

Heaven,  the  Aztec,  i.  65,  66,  note. 
Hatuey's  remark  on,  221. 

Heckewelder,  John,  i.  58,  note. 

Heeren,  A.  H.  L.,  i.  56,  note,  94, 
note,  99,  note. 

Helmet,  the  Aztec,  i.  47.  Filled 
with  gold  dust,  299,  315. 

Henry  IV.  of  France,  treasury  of. 
ii.  198,  note. 

Hernandez,  Francisco,  on  maize, 
i.  139,  note.  On  the  species  of 
the  maguey,  140,  7wte.  Pan- 
eg\'rizes  tobacco,  156,  note. 
Takes  models,  179.  His  work 
on  natural  history,  179,  7tote. 
On  the  gardens  of  Huaxtepec, 
iii.  29,  ftote. 
Herodotus,  i.  44,  note,  56. 
Heron,   an   heraldic    emblem,    i. 

431- 
Herrera,  Antonio  de,  i.  221,  note, 
227,  note.  On  Cortes'  escape 
on  a  plank,  240,  note.  On 
Aguilar's  temptations,  272,  note. 
Gives  a  speech  by  Marina,  421, 
note.  On  the  Spaniards  at 
Cholula,  ii.  13,  note.      On  ca- 


492 


INDEX. 


noes  in  Lake  Tezcuco,  68,  note. 
On  launching  brigantines,  82, 
note.  Account  of,  and  of  his 
writings,  91-93.  On  liumming- 
birds,  114,  note.  On  cocliineal, 
132,  note.  On  arrows  at  the 
Aztec  assault,  293,  7tote.  On 
gold  thrown  away,  372,  note. 
On  jtewed  human  flesh,  410, 
note. 

Herrick,  cited,  i.  176,  note. 

Hesiod,  1.  56.  On  brass  and 
iron,  142,  7iote. 

Hidalguia,  privileges  of  the,  iii. 
84,  note. 

Hieroglyphics,  i.  94.  Egyptian 
and  Aztec,  compared,  97,  iii. 
393.  Chiefly  representative, 
among  the  Mexicans,  i.  99. 
Education  respecting,  loi.  Of 
the  Mendoza  Codex,  106,  note. 
Of  the  Dresden  Codex,  106, 107, 
note,  iii.  393.  On  interpreting, 
i.  107,  7iote,  109.  For  months 
and  days,  114.  For  half-cen- 
turies, 117.  For  years,  117-1 19, 
note,  iii.  376.  In  the  lunar  cal- 
endar, i.  121.  Of  the  Aztec 
calendar,  iii.  377,  note.  On 
Oriental  coincidences  with  Az- 
tec, 393.     See  Paintings. 

Hieronymite  commission  to  re- 
dress Indian  grie\ances,  i.  219, 
371.  Their  authority  for  the 
expedition  under  Cortes,  228, 
249.  Redress  asked  of  the, 
362.     Their  discretion,  371. 

High-priests,  Aztec,  i.  70,  and 
note.  One  of  the,  liberated,  ii. 
327.  Prayer  of  the,  at  the  elec- 
tion of  Guatemozin,  432. 


Hill  of  Otoncalpolco,  or  Hill  of 
Montezuma,  ii.  361,  iii.  29.  The 
temple  there,  ii.  361,  362. 
Church  there,  369. 

Hispaniola,  Las  Casas  in,  i.  371, 
374.  Despatches  to,  by  Cortes, 
ii.  428.  Detention  of  Cortes  at, 
iii.  312,  315.  See  Royal  Audi- 
ence. 

Historians,  four,  of  the  house  of 
Nezahualcoyotl,  i,  174,  note. 

Holguin,  captures  Guatemozin, 
iii.  188.  Quarrels  with  San- 
doval, 190. 

Homer,  and  the  theogony  of  the 
Greeks,  i.  56.  Cited,  65,  note, 
155,  note. 

Honduras,  expeditions  to,  iii.  259, 
264,  290,  note,  396,  note. 

Honor,  the  Aztec  law  of,  i.  87, 
note. 

Horn  of  Guatemozin,  sounded, 
iii.  132,  137. 

Horse,  homage  to  the,  at  Peten, 
iii.  280,  281. 

Horses,  in  Cortes'  expedition,  i. 
260.  Dearness  of,  260,  note, 
iii.  140,  7iote.  Landing  of,  at 
Tabasco,  i.  280.  Loss  of,  at 
Tlascala,  415,  420.  Buried,  421. 
All,  wounded,  438.  Give  out, 
446.  Effect  of,  at  Mexico,  ii. 
75.  Aztecs  cling  to,  300.  Eaten, 
371.  New  supply  of,  423.  Loss 
of,  at  the  general  assault,  iii. 
140.     See  Cavalry. 

Hospitals,  i.  49,  305. 

Hours,  astrological  symbols  for, 
iii.  378,  note. 

Household  gods,  i  63.  BroktJi, 
128. 


INDEX. 


493 


Huacachula,  ii.  412,  note.  See 
Quauhquechol'lan. 

Huaxtepec,  iii.  37,  50. 

Huehuetoca,  drain  of,  ii.  103. 

Huejotlipan,  ii.  392. 

Huematzin  composed  the  Teoa- 
moxtli  or  divine  boolc,  i.  no, 
note. 

Huexotzinco,  meaning  of,  i.  99. 

Huitzilopoclitli,  tlie  Mexican 
Mars,  account  of,  and  of  his 
image,  i.  59,  ii.  143,  144.  Sym- 
bolical character,  i.  59,  note. 
Incensing  of,  ii.  270.  Image  of, 
thrown  down,  317.  New  image 
of,  iii.  107.  View  of  Spaniards 
sacrificed  to,  143.  Prediction 
respecting,  145,  147,  150. 

Huitzilopochtli'd  temple,  human 
sacrifices  at  the  dedication  of  it, 
i.  83.  Ashes  of  Nezahualpilli  in 
the,  204,  note.  Spaniards  there, 
ii.  76.  Cathedral  on  its  site,  76, 
loi,  137,  iii.  239.  Visited  by 
Cortes,  ii.  137.  Described,  137- 
141,  311.  View  from  it,  141. 
Christian  chapel  in,  203,  270, 
314.  Mexicans  quartered  in, 
311.  Stormed,  311,313.  Funeral 
pry  re  of,  317. 

Human  monsters  at  Mexico,  ii. 
116. 

Human  sacrifices,  at  the  instal- 
lation of  monarchs,  i.  27,  83, 304. 
Of  prisoners,  38,  45,  84.  To 
Huitzilopochth,  59,  iii.  143.  At 
the  funerals  of  the  rich,  i.  66. 
At  confession  and  absolution, 
72,  note.    Origin  of,  in  Anahuac, 

77,  For  the  god  Tezcallipoca, 

78.  Of  women,    80.     Gladia-  I 
Vol.  III.  4 


torial,  80,  vote.  Extent  of,  82, 
351,  note.  At  the  dedication 
of  the  temple  of  Huitzilopochtli, 
83.  Measures  for  procuring 
victims  for,  84,  85,  note.  In- 
fluence of,  on  the  Aztecs,  85, 
89,  note,  iii.  202.  Compared 
with  the  Inquisition,  i.  87. 
Voluntary,  87.  Practised  to 
some  extent  by  the  Tcltecs,  88, 
note.  At  the  kindling  of  the 
new  fire,  129.  Of  Maxtla,  169. 
By  Nezahualcoyotl,  192.  Neza- 
hualcoyotl's  ideas  respecting, 
192,  200.  At  the  obsequies  of 
Nezahualpilli,  204,  note.  At  the 
Isla  de  Ids  Sacrificios,  227.  Not 
offered  at  Cozumel,  268.  Of 
Christians  wrecked  at  Yucatan, 
271.  At  the  coronation  of 
Montezuma,  304;  during  his 
administration,  307.  Remains 
of,  near  Vera  Cruz,  333.  Victims 
for,  demanded  of  the  Totonacs, 
342.  Among  Tlascalans,  408. 
Of  captives  in  the  Aztec  and 
Tlascalan  wars,  409.  Cempo- 
allan  envoys  seized  for,  417. 
Victims  for,  released,  471.  Fruits 
and  flowers  instead  of,  ii.  5. 
Number  of,  at  Cholula,  8.  Of 
children,  15.  Condemned  in 
Montezuma's  presence,  85. 
Stench  of,  in  the  great  temple, 
145.  Promise  from  Montezuma 
respecting,  180.  Of  Spaniards, 
316,  353. "43s.  449.  "'•  64.  143. 
148,  167.  Among  the  Mongols. 
374.  See  Cannibalism  and 
Prisoners. 
Humboldt,  maps   of,  i.   xxxii,  8 


494 


INDEX. 


note.  On  the  extent  of  the 
Aztec  empire,  3,  note.  On  the 
extent  of  Anahuac,  11,  tiote.  On 
the  Aztec  cosmogony  and  that 
of  Eastern  Asia,  64,  note.  On 
the  Aztec  annals,  100,  note.  On 
the  Dresden  Codex,  107,  tiote. 
On  the  publication  of  Aztec  re- 
mains, 130,  note.  His  obli- 
gations to  Gama,  133.  On 
Indian  corn,  136,  note.  On  the 
tnjisa,  138.  note.  On  the  Ameri- 
can agave,  139,  note.  On  silk 
among  the  Aztecs,  147,  note. 
On  the  peopling  of  a  continent, 
208,  note,  iii.  362,  note.  On  dis- 
eases in  Mexico,  i.  297,  note. 
On  the  volcano  Orizaba,  332, 
note.  On  the  Cofre  de  Perote, 
391,  note.  On  the  mound  to 
Quetzalcoatl,  ii.  6,  note,  7,  note. 
On  the  word  volcan,  43,  «c/^.  On 
Montano's  ascent,  47,  note. 
Identifies  localities,  82,  note. 
On  the  drain  of  Huehuetoca, 
103,  note.  On  the  comparative 
quantities  of  silver  and  gold, 
197,  note.  On  the  pyramids  of 
Teotihuacan,  376,  note.  On  the 
avenue  to  Iztapalapan,  iii.  67, 
note.  On  scientific  analogies, 
377,  note.  His  definition  of  oce- 
lotl,  377,  note.  On  Mexican  lan- 
guages, 379,  note.  On  Mexican 
beards  and  moustaches,  384, 
noie.  On  the  color  of  the  abo- 
rigines, 385,  note. 

Humming-birds,  ii.  113,  and  note, 
iii.  364. 

Husbands,  on  duties  to,  iii.  407. 

Hymns.     See  Songs. 


Iceland,  early  colonization  of,  iii, 
359- 

Idols,  treatment  of,  at  Cozumel,  i. 
269 ;  at  Cempoalla,  353.  Of 
the  war-god,  thrown  down,  ii. 
317.  Destroyed  at  Peten,  iii. 
280.     See  Cathedrals 

Immortality.     See  Future  life. 

Impressments  for  manning  the 
fleet,  iii.  84. 

Incense,  compliments  of,  i.  341, 
455.  In  Montezuma's  palace, 
ii.  83. 

Incensing  of  Huitzilopochtli,  ii. 
270. 

India,  epic  poets  of,  i.  56,  note. 

India  House,  i.  215,  ii.  211. 

Indian  allies,  i.  417.  Value  of  the, 
421.  On  the  march  against 
Mexico,  ii.  437, 443.  Reconciled 
by  Cortes,  iii.  15.  Join  Span- 
iards at  Mexico,  122.  Desert. 
146,  147.  Return,  150.  In  the 
expedition  to  Honduras,  264. 
See  Cempoallan,  Chinantlan, 
Cliolulan,  Tepeacan,  Tezcucans, 
Tlascalan,  and  Totonacs. 

Indian  corn,  i.  136,  138,  281.  See 
Alaize. 

Indians,  Aztecs  and,  differ,  in  do- 
mestic manners,  i.  159.  Re- 
partimientos  in  regard  to,  218, 
371.  Commission  respecting, 
219,  iii.  293,  note.  Held  in 
slavery  that  they  may  be  Chris- 
tianized, 219.  Las  Casas  in- 
sists upon  the  e.itire  freedom 
of  the,  219.  Treatment  of,  at 
Cozumel,  265.    Fight  the  Span- 


i 


INDEX. 


495 


iards,  at  Tabasco,  275 ;  at 
Ceutla,  2S2.  Interview  with,  at 
San  Juan  de  Ulua,  291.  Aid 
the  Spaniards,  296.  On  the 
civilization  of,  373.  Talceu  by 
Spaniards,  427.  Find  Spanish 
new-comers  to  be  enemies  of 
the  old,  ii.  220,  227.  Protected 
by  the  Spanish  government, 
ill.  295,  note.  See  Aborigines, 
Christianity,  Indian  alties,  and 
Repartimientos. 

Indies.    See  Council  of  the  Indies. 

Indulgences,  papal,  for  the  troops, 
iii.  44,  299,  note. 

Infidelity,  on  persecution  "for,  ii. 
28,  note. 

Inquisition,  Aztec  sacrifices  com- 
pared to  the,  i.  87.  Brought  to 
Mexico,  89. 

Intemperance,  i.  37,  159. 

Intercalation,  among  the  Aztecs, 
i.  114,  115,  note,  117,  note.  Per- 
sian, 115,  note,  iii.  378. 

Interpreters.  See'  Aguilar,  Ma- 
rina, and  Melchorejo. 

Iron,  not  known  to  the  Aztecs,  i. 
142,  iii.  390,  399.  Substitutes 
for,  i.  142.  On  the  table-land 
in  Mexico,  iii.  399,  400.  The 
early  use  of,  401,  note. 

Irrigation,  i.  T37.     See  Canals. 

Irving,  Washington,  i.  272,  note, 
iii.  236,  note. 

Isabella,  suppressed  7-epartiniien- 
tos,  i.  218. 

Isla  de  los  Sacrificios,  i.  227,  289. 

Israelites,  i.  132,  ii.  86,  note,  150, 
iii.  372. 

Itzalana,  iii.  389. 

Itzocan,  conquer'-d,  ii.  416. 


Itztli,  tools  made  of,  i.  143.  Weap- 
ons pointed  with,  430,  433. 
Blades  of,  433. 

Ixtlilxochitl,  son  of  N'ezahualpilli, 
rival  for  the  Tezcucan  crown, 
i.  306,  474,  ii.  182.  Embassy 
from,  to  Cortes,  i.  474. 

Ixtlilxochitl,  cacique  of  Tezcuco, 
account  of,  ii.  454.  Instructed 
and  watched,  iii.  4.  Procures 
allies,  43,  III.  Efficiency  of, 
III,  114.  Kills  the  Aztec 
leader,  115.  Does  not  desert, 
146. 

Ixtlilxochitl,  the  historian,  on  the 
extent  of  Anahuac,  i.  12,  note. 
His  opinion  of  the  Toltec  rec- 
ords, 13,  «c>/^.  On  feudal  chiefs, 
29,  note.  On  halls  of  justice 
and  judgments  in  Tezcuco,  36. 
On  the  cycles,  64,  note.  On 
sacrifices  at  the  dedication  of 
the  temple  of  Huitzilopochtli. 
83,  note.  On  measures  for  pro- 
curing victims,  85,  note.  On 
Mexican  hieroglyphical  writers, 
loi,  note.  On  the  divine  book, 
no,  note.  Story  by,  151,  note. 
Notices  of,  and  of  his  writings, 
163,  206,  note.  Source  of  the 
materials  of  his  works,  174,  note, 
207,  note.  Translation  by,  of  a 
poem  of  Nezahualcoyotl,  173, 
iii.  409.  Cited,  i.  176,  note.  On 
the  population  of  Tezcuco,  177, 
note.  On  Nezahualcoyotl's  resi- 
de ce,  183,  iii.  415.  On  Indian 
an'quities,  i.  186,  note.  On 
Nezahualcoyotl's  advice  to  his 
sOn,  198,  note.  His  character 
of    Nezahualcoyotl,    199.     On 


496 


INDEX. 


the  Lady  of  Tula,  201,  note. 
On  Nezahualpilli's  punishment 
of  his  wife,  202,  note,  iii.  417. 
Account  of,  and  of  his  writings, 
i.  206,  note.  On  Montezuma's 
conversion,  ii.  201,  nota.  On 
the  massacre  by  Alvarado,  275, 
note.  On  a  statue  of  the  Sun, 
378,  note.  Authority  for  Teco- 
col,  453,  note,  454,  note.  Ety- 
mology of  the  name  of,  454, 
note.  On  headquarters  at  Tez- 
cuco,  iii.  3,  note.  On  Tanga- 
pan's  sister  and  her  vision,  18, 
note.  Termination  of  his  works, 
105,  note.  On  the  rescue  of 
Cortes  by  a  Tlascalan  chief,  134, 
note.    On  the  Tolt€c  migration, 

397. 

IztaccihuatI,  ii.  9,  42,  47,  7iote,  48, 
444. 

Iztaes,  destruction  of  idols  by,  iii. 
280,  note. 

Iztapalapan,  ii.  61.  Gardens  of, 
62,  iii.  6.  Sack  of,  8.  Sando- 
val's expedition  against,  86,  95. 
See  Cuitlahua. 

Iztapalapan  causeway,  first  crossed 
by  Spaniards,  ii.  66.    Described, 

67,  104.     Advance  on  the,  iii. 

68.  At  the  junction  of  the  Co- 
johuacan,  98.  Cannon  placed 
upon  the,  99.  Fighting  there, 
108,  112.   Alderete  on  the,  130. 

Istapan,  iii.  268. 


Jacapichtla,    expedition    against, 

iii.  39- 
Jackets.     See  Cotton. 


Jalap,  i.  388,  note. 

Jauhtepec,  iii.  51. 

Java,  market-days  and  weeks  m. 
i.  114,  note. 

Jauelin,  the  Tlascalan,  i.  433. 

Jesters,  i.  250,  ii.  123. 

Jewels,  i.  204,  note,  226,  iii.  224, 
299. 

Jews.     See  Israelites. 

Jomard,  on  the  new  fire,  i,  128, 
note. 

Judges,  Aztec,  i.  31.  In  Tezcuco, 
33.  Collusions  of,  punishable 
with  death,  34.  Details  respect- 
ing, 34,  35.  Montezuma  tries 
the  integrity  of,  305.  Twelve, 
at  the  Mexican  market,  ii.  136. 

Jugglers,  i.  158,  note,  ii.  123,  124, 
iii.  299. 

Julian,  fleet  burned  by,  i.  368, 
note. 

Julian  year,  i.  117,  vote. 

Juste,  Juan,  inscriptions  by,  ii. 
396,  fiote,  iii.  20. 

K. 

Kings,  Egyptian,  i.  26,  note.  Use 
of  the  word  among  the  Aztecs, 
27.     See  Sovereigns. 

Kingsborough,  Lord,  publishes 
Sahagun's  Universal  History,  i. 
91.  Manuscripts  in  his  work, 
105,  106,  note.  Identifies  the 
Teoamoxtli  and  the  Pentateuch, 
no,  note.  On  the  scientific  in- 
struments of  the  Mexicans,  125. 
note.  Account  of  his  publica- 
tion of  the  remains  of  the  Aztec 
civilization,  131.  On  the  Aztec 
knowledge  of  the  Scriptures,  iii 


I 


INDEX. 


497 


367,  note.     His  Aztec  and  Is- 

raelitish  parallelisms,  372,  note. 

On    the    words     Mexico    and 

Messiah,  372,  note. 
Knight-errantry  of  Cortes,  iii.  338. 
Knighthood,  i.  46,  406,  ii.  429,  iii. 

431- 
Knotted  strings,  i.  102,  note. 

L. 

Lances,  instructions  by  Cortes  re- 
specting, i.  284,  417,  429,  ii.  381. 
For  the  Spaniards,  230,  236, 
437,  iii.  160. 

Lands,  revenues  from,  i.  40.  Held 
in  common,  41,  note.  For  the 
maintenance  of  priests,  74. 
Cholulan  cultivation  of,  ii.  11. 
See  Agriculture. 

Languages,  in  Anahuac,  i.  11 1, 
174.  Tlascalan,  407.  On  co- 
incidences as  to,  in  the  Old 
and  the  New  World,  iii.  378. 
Remarks  on  the  Indian,  378  ; 
on  the  Othomi,  380;  on  the 
Cora,  383,  note. 

Lares,  Amador  de,  i.  243,  251. 

Las  Casas,  Bartolome  de,  on  hu- 
man sacrifices  in  Anahuac,  i. 
82,  7iote.  Procures  a  commis- 
sion to  redress  Indian  griev- 
ances, 219,  371.  Protects  the 
natives  of  Cuba,  221.  On  the 
censure  of  Grijalva,  228,  note. 
On  th^  father  of  Cortes,  231, 
note.  On  Cortes  and  Velas- 
quez, 241,  note,  253,  258.  On 
property  acquired  by  Cortes, 
242.  On  the  etymology  of 
adelantado,  249,  note.  His 
4: 


charity  and  friendship  for  the 
Indians,  268,  371.  On  forced 
conversions,  270,  note,  iii.  423, 
424.  On  the  proclamation  at 
Tabasco,  i.  275,  note.  On  Ta- 
basco, 277.  On  the  loss  at  the 
battle  of  Ceutla,  285,  note.  On 
Indian  gestures,  292,  7iote.  On 
traditions  and  Montezuma,  309, 
note.  Account  of,  and  of  his 
writings,  371-380,  ii.  286.  His 
connection  with  negro  slavery, 
i.  372.  Bishop  of  Chiapa,  376. 
His  death  and  character,  377. 
Biographies  of,  380.  On  the 
population  of  Cholula,  ii.  3, 
7iote.  On  the  massacre  at  Cho- 
lula, 27,  note.  Herrera  borrows 
from,  92.  His  portrait  of  Ve- 
lasquez, iii.  237.  On  ruins  in 
Yucatan,  396,  iiote.  Extract 
from,  423. 

Las  Tres  Cruzes,  village  of,  iii. 
268. 

Latrobe,  his  descriptions,  i.  5, 
note.  On  the  calendar-stone, 
146,  note.  Describes  two  baths, 
184,  note.  On  Indian  antiqui- 
ties, 186,  note.  On  Tacuba,  ii. 
361,  note.  On  the  interposition 
of  the  Virgin,  369,  note.  De- 
scribes a  cavity  in  a  pyramid, 
376,  7iote. 

Law  of  honor,  the  Aztec,  i.  87, 
note. 

Lawrence,  on  animals  in  ths  New 
World,  iii.  355,  7iofe. 

Laws,  Aztec,  i.  37.  Military'  codes 
of,  49,  ii.  439,  iii.  451.  Neza- 
hualcoyotl's  code  of,  i.  170. 

I>cad,  from  Tasco,  i.  141. 


498 


INDEX. 


League.     See  Mexico. 

Legerdemain,  i.  158,  note,  159, 
note,  ii.  123. 

Legislative  power,  i.  31. 

Le  Noir,  JkL,  i.  107,  note,  iii.  394, 
note. 

Leon,  Juan  Velasquez  de,  joins 
Cortes,  i.  254.  At  Tabasco, 
280.  In  irons,  329.  At  Tlas- 
cala,469.  Aids  in  seizing  Monte- 
zuma, ii.  158,  i6r.  Guards  him, 

164.  Montezuma's  pleasure  in 
his  company,  179.  To  plant  a 
colony  at  Coatzacualco,  188. 
Charged  with  purloining  plate, 
199.  Narvaez's  letter  to,  229. 
Joins  Cortes  at  Cholula,  229, 
233.  Fidelity  of,  243,  255,  note, 
256.  To  secure  Fanuco,  262. 
Joins  Cortes  at  Tlascala,  264. 
Tries  to  calm  his  anger,  280. 
Chivalrous,  302.  At  the  evacu- 
ation of  Mexico,  347.  Killed, 
366.    Fate  of  gold  collected  by, 

395- 

Leon,  Luis  Ponce  dt,Juez  de  resi- 
de ncia,  iii.  292. 

Lerma,  defends  Cortes,  iii.  134. 

Lieber,  Francis,  on  punishment, 
i.  171,  note. 

Lime,  i.  42,  note,  223,  266,  336. 

Litters,  i.  341,  ii.  57,  70,  73,  162, 

165,  231,  385. 

Ijvy,  cited,  i.  208,  note,  iii.  342, 
note. 

I  .lorente's  Life  of  Las  Casas,  i.  380. 

Lopez,  Geronimo,  condemns  the 
education  given  by  the  mission- 
aries, iii.  253,  note. 

Lopez,  Martin,  ship-builder,  ii. 
175.  360,  418,  430,  iii  21. 


Lord's  Supper,  rite  like  the,  iiL 

369.  371- 
Lorenzana,  on    a    tribute-roll,  i. 

42,    note.      On    the   seizure   of 

Montezuma,  ii.  171,  «o/^.  Cited, 

316,  note,  iii.  128,  note. 
Louis  XL,  disclosure  in  his  reign, 

iii.  79. 
Lucan,   cited,   i.    284,   note,   309, 

note. 
Lucian,  on  the  Deluge,  iii.  363, 

note. 
Lucretius,  cited  on  iron,  iii.  401, 

note. 
Luisa,  Doira,  given  to  Alvarado 

i.  472. 
Lujo,  Francisco  de,  i.  278,  ii.  15S. 

Encourages    Cortes,    243.      At 

the  evacuation  of  Mexico,  347. 
Lunar  calendars,  i.  120,  iii.  377, 

note. 
Lyell,  Charles,  on  the  spread  of 

mankind,  iii.  359,  note. 


M. 

Macaca,  armada  at,  i.  253,  254. 
Machiavelli,  i.  24,  note,  89,  note, 

311,  note. 
Magarino,   at   a  bridge,   ii.   317, 

351- 
Magellan,  discoveries  by,  iii.  258. 
Magistrates,  Aztec,  i.  32.     Neza- 

hualpilli   the    terror  of  unjust, 

202,  note. 
Maguey.     See  ^  \gave  Americana. 
Mahometan  be  ief  as  to  martyrs, 

i.  65,  note. 
Maize,    the    word,   i.    139,    note. 

Yearly  royal  expenditure  of,  io 


INDEX. 


499 


Tezcuco,  178,  note.  See  Indian 
cotn. 

Mnjesty,  the  title,  i.  326,  note. 

Malinche,  i.  472.     See  Marina. 

Malinche,  Cortes  called,  i.  472,  ii. 
313. 

Malinche,  the  mountain,  i.  465. 

Manifesto  to  the  Indians,  i.  275, 
note. 

Mankind,  origin  of,  in  America, 
iii.  355,  358.  Two  great  families 
of,  in  America,  360.  See  Abo- 
rigines. 

Mantas,  use  and  description  of, 
ii.  324. 

Mantles  of  feather-work.  See 
Feather-work. 

Manuscripts,  scarcity  of,  among 
the  Tohecs,  12,  note.  Materials 
of  the  Mexican,  102.  Their 
shape,  103.  Destruction  of,  104, 
105.  Collected  at  Mexico  and 
perished,  105,  162.  Mendoza 
Codex,  105.  Dresden  Codex, 
107.  With  interpretations,  loS, 
note.  No  clue  to  the,  109.  Re- 
port of  a  key  to  them,  109,  note. 
The  Teoamoxtli,  or  divine  book, 
no,  and  note.  Notice  of  the 
Aztec,  in  Europe,  131.  Estre- 
llit"s,  263.  Collection  of,  by 
Vega,  iii.  409.  See  Hieroglyphics 
and  Paintings. 

Maps,  i.  xxxii.  For  the  revenue, 
43.  Kbtling  collection  of,  iii. 
267,  note.  In  Delafield's  An- 
tiquities, 3S2,  note. 

Marina,  or  M.ilinche,  a  female 
blave  and  interpreter,  account 
of,  i.  292,  iii.  278.  Cortes  and, 
i.    293.      Don    Martin    Cortes, 


son  of,  293,  iii.  280.  Moratin 
cited  on,  i.  293,  note.  Inter- 
prets, 338,  342,  352.  Cheers  a 
Cempoallan  chief,  421.  Value 
of  her  services,  443.  Discovers 
Tlascalan  spies,  453.  Cortes 
called  Malinche  from,  472,  ii. 
318.  Discovers  a  conspiracy  at 
Cholula,  15.  Interpreter  be- 
tween Cortes  and  Montezuma, 
79,  85.  Urges  Montezuma  to 
go  to  the  Spanish  camp,  ibi. 
Finds  out  Cuitlahua,  305,  note. 
Interprets  Cortes'  address  to  the 
Aztecs,  318.  In  the  retreat  from 
Mexico,  360.  At  Chalco,  iii. 
46.  At  the  interview  between 
Cortes  and  Guatemozin,  191. 
Meets  her  mother,  278.  Mar- 
riage of,  279. 

Marineo,  Lucio,  on  gaming,  ii. 
441,  note. 

Marketj  Mexican,  ii.  140.  Closed, 
277. 

Market-days.     See  Fairs. 

Market-place,  Ii.  130.  See  Tlatt- 
lolca. 

Marquis  of  Oaxaca,  iii.  306. 

Marriage,  among  the  Aztecs,  i. 
38, 154.  Among  the  Tezcucans, 
186.  Of  Nezahualcoyotl,  188. 
Of  Spaniards  with  Tlascalans, 
468,  471. 

Martin,  Benito,  chaplain,  ii.  210. 

Martin  of  Valencia,  iii.  252. 

Martyr,  Peter,  on  maps  and  man- 
uscripts, i.  103,  note,  131,  145, 
?iote,  361,  note.  On  cacao  as  a 
circulating  mediimi,  148.  On  a 
huge  beam,  185,  note.  On 
Flemings   in  Spain,  213,   note. 


500 


INDEX. 


On  Tabasco,  277,  note.  On  a 
fabric,  315,  note.  On  the  gold 
and  silver  wheels,  316,  7ioie. 
Account  of,  ii.  96.  On  the 
dwellings  in  Mexico,  106,  riote. 
On  the  calendar-stone,  112,  note. 
On  Mexican  trinkets,  131,  note, 
194,  note.  On  the  pusillanimity 
of  Montezuma,  169,  note.  On 
the  insurrection  against  Alva- 
rado,  276,  7iote.  On  firing 
Mexico,  318,  note.  On  canni- 
balism, iii.  124,  7icte.  On  an 
emerald,  225,  note. 

Martyrs,  Mexican  idea  respecting, 
i.  45.  Mahometan  belief,  65, 
note. 

Masks,  in  the  Aztec  plays,  i.  112. 

Massacre,  at  Cholula,  ii.  22.  By 
Alvarado,  271.  At  Iztapalapan, 
iii.  8. 

Matadero,  fortress  in  the,  iii.  241. 

Matanzas,  i.  222,  note. 

Maundeville,  Sir  John,  i.  143, 
note. 

Maximilian,  poverty  of,  ii.  198, 
note. 

Maxixca,  cacique  of  Tlascala,  i. 
440,  ii.  265.  Welcomes  Cor- 
tes from  Mexico,  392.  Cortes 
quartered  in  his  palace,  393. 
Present  to,  395.  Averse  to  an 
alliance  with  Aztecs,  405.  Dies 
of  smallpox,  419.  Olmedo 
with,  423.  Spaniards  in  mourn- 
ing for,  429.  Son  of,  confirmed 
in  the  succession,  429.  Son  of, 
goes  to  Spain,  iii.  299. 

Maxtla,  Tepanec  empire  be- 
queathed to,  i.  165.  His  treat- 
ment   and    jealousy   of    Neza- 


hualcoyotl,  165,  166.  Oppres- 
sions by,  168,  169.  Conquered 
and  sacrificed,  169. 

McCulloh,  i.  62,  7iote,  102,  note, 
122,  7iote.  Notice  of  his  work, 
iii.  375,  note. 

Meals,  i.  155.  Montezuma's,  ii. 
120. 

Mechanical  arts,  Aztec,  i.  142, 
143,  145,  146. 

Medellin,  iii.  243,  288. 

Medicinal  plants  in  Mexico,  ii. 
116. 

Melancholy  night,  ii.  352-367,  iii. 

85- 

Melchorejo,  interpreter,  i.  265, 
278. 

Menagerie,  at  Mexico,  ii.  114. 

Mendicity,  not  tolerated,  i.  192. 

Mendoza  Codex,  i.  42,  note.  His- 
tory of  the,  105.  With  an  inter- 
pretation, 108,  7iote.  Examined 
by  the  Marquis  Spineto,  131. 
The  arrangement  of,  131. 

Mendoza,  Don  Antonio,  viceroy 
of  New  Spain,  iii.  321.  Inter- 
feres with  Cortes,  324. 

Merchandise,  sale  and  transporta- 
tion of,  i.  148,  150. 

Merchants,  Aztec,  1.  149. 

Merida,  Cozumel  Cross  at,  iii. 
368,  note. 

Mesa,  commander  of  artillery,  i. 
280. 

Messiah,  the  words  Mexico  and. 
iii.  372. 

Metals,  in  Ithaca  and  Mexico,  i 
155,  note.  Early  exportations 
of,  from  the  Spanish  colonies, 
218.  See  Cold,  A  fines,  and 
Siller. 


1 


INDEX. 


501 


Mexia  charges  Leon  with  pur- 
loining plate,  ii.  199. 

Mexican  Gulf,  i.  218.  Explored, 
ii.  188. 

Mexicans.     See  Aztecs. 

Mexico,  interest  and  importance 
of,  i.  I.  Ancient  and  modern 
extent  of,  2.  Climate  and  pro- 
ducts of,  3.  Primitive  races  of, 
9, 10,  in.  383.  Legislative  power 
in,  i.  31.  Predictions  and  prodi- 
gies connected  with  the  down- 
fall of,  6r,  203,  308,  309,  310, 
455,  458,  ii.  35,  and  note,  190, 
193,  454.  On  the  colonization 
of,  by  the  Israelites,  i.  132. 
Apathy  of,  respecting  antiqui- 
ties, 185,  note.  Hostility  to 
Montezuma  in,  306.  Languages 
of,  iii.  379. 

Mexico,  Tezciico,  and  Tlacopan, 
league  of,  i.  21,  i6g.  Extend 
their  territory,  22,  23. 

Mexico,  city,  situation  of,  i.  8,  9. 
Called  Tenochtitlan,  19.  Set- 
tlement of  the  Aztecs  at,  19,  20, 
note.  Derivation  of  the  name, 
19.  Map  of,  referred  to,  23. 
Images  spread  throughout,  144. 
Terror  there,  at  the  landing 
of  Cortes,  311.  The  cacique 
of  Cocotlan's  account  of,  394. 
Spanish  route  to,  ii.  47.  First 
view  of,  by  the  Spaniards,  49. 
Seen  from  Iztapalapan,  63.  En- 
t'^ance  of  the  Spaniards  into, 
65-75-  Environs  of,  67.  Streets 
in,  74,  106.  Population  of,  74, 
108.  Comparison  of  ancient 
and  modern,  loi,  109,  note. 
Description  of,  105,  130.    View 


of,  from  the  great  temple,  142. 
Alvaradci  takes  command  of, 
230,  231.     Insurrection  in,  262, 

268,  270,  277.    Cortes  re-enters, 

269.  Massacre  there,  by  Al- 
varado,  271.  Assault  on  the 
Spanish  quarters  at,  292.  Sally 
of  the  Spaniards,  299.  Fired, 
300,  318.  Storming  of  the  great 
temple  at,  311,  313.  Evacua- 
tion of,  by  the  Spaniards,  326, 
343,  347.  Cuitlahua's  acts 
there  after  the  evacuation,  403. 
Guateraozin's  measures  for  de- 
fending, 435.  Second  expedi- 
tion to.  443.  Reconnoitred,  iii. 
25,  45,  71.  Siege  of,  84,  85,  94. 
Assaults  on  the  causeways  of, 
102.  Famine  in,  121,  126,  149, 
156,  162,  163,  174.  General 
assault  on,  128.  Measures  for 
securing  retreat  there,  129, 
153.  Destruction  of  buildings 
at,  153,  155,  159,  162.  Want  of 
water  in,  163.  Seven-eighths  of, 
in  ruins,  170.  Pestilence  in, 
176.  Murderous  assault  there, 
182.  Last  assault  on,  186,  187. 
Tempest  there,  194.  Evacua- 
tion of,  permitted,  195.  Purifi- 
cation of,  196.  Loss  during 
the  siege  of,  196.  Remarks  on 
the  conquest  of,  200,  203.  Re- 
building of,  223,  233,  239.  Pop- 
ulation for,  242.  At  the  present 
day,  243.  Disturbances  in,  286. 
Cortes'  triumphal  return  to, 
289.  Cortes  ordered  to  leave, 
295  ;  to  keep  ten  leagues  from, 
316.  Deserted  to  visit  Cort6s 
at  Tezcu(;o,  316. 


502 


INDEX. 


Michoacan,  iii.  i8,  «(7/?.  Embassy 
from,  220.  Visited,  221.  Co- 
liman  in,  founded,  243.  Tradi- 
tion there,  connected  with  the 
Deluge,  304. 

Midwives,  baptism  by,  iii.  370, 
note. 

Mier,  Dr.,  i.  62,  note,  ii.  $,  note. 

Military  institutions,  Aztec,  i.  45. 

Milk,  on  the  use  of,  iii.  399,  400. 

Milman,  on  Budh,  i.  60,  note. 

Milton's  Paradise  Lost,  i.  56. 

Mines,  and  minerals,  i.  141. 
Wrought,  iii.  255,  318. 

Minstrels,  entertained,  i.  158,  iiote. 

Mirrors,  Aztec,  ii.  132. 

Missionaries  to  New  Spain  in  the 
time  of  Cortes,  ii.  251.  Leave 
Mexico,  287.  Provision  for,  in 
Cortes'  will,  330.  Charity  for 
their  religious  analogies,  368. 
Schools  and  colleges  established 
by,  iii.  253.  See  Domi'iican, 
Las  Casas,  Olviedo,  and  To- 
ribio. 

Mitia,  ruins  of,  ii.  189,  note,  iii. 

389- 

Mi.Ktecapan,  ii.  417. 

Monastic  institutions  among  pa- 
gans, iii.  374,  note. 

Money,  substitutes  for,  i.  148,  and 
note.     See  Currency. 

Montano,  Francisco,  ascends  Po- 
pocatepetl, ii.  46. 

Montejo,  Francisco  de,  i.  280. 
Explores  the  coast,  319,  321, 
322, 341.  Alcalde  of  Villa  Rica, 
327.  In  the  expedition  to  Hon- 
duras, iii.  265. 

Montejo  and  Puertocarrero,  mis- 
sion of,  to  Spain,  i.  361.    Touch 


at  Cuba,  362,  ii.  210.  On  the 
destruction  of  the  tieet,  i.  369, 
note.  Prosecuted  before  the 
Royal  India  House,  ii.  211. 
Treatment  of,  by  Charles  V., 
212,  214.  Influence  of  Fonseca 
against,  214. 

Monteleone,  dukes  of,  descend- 
ants of  Cortes,  i.  xxxiii,  ii.  82, 
iii.  240,  337. 

Monterey,  founds  Vera  Cruz,  i. 
296,  note,  iii.  244,  note. 

Montesinos,  old  ballad  of,  i.  290. 

Montezuma  I.,  i.  22.  Bas-relief 
of,  destroyed,  144,  145,  ii. 
117. 

Montezuma  II.,  i.  26,  85.  Bas- 
relief  of,  destroyed,  144,  145, 
ii.  117.  The  orthography  of, 
i.  295,  note.  Message  to,  by 
Cortes,  299.  Accounts  of,  302, 
394,  473,  ii.  336.  Meaning  of 
the  word,  i.  302,  note,  ii.  193. 
His  coronation,  i.  304.  Be- 
nevolent and  religious  acts  of, 
305.  Hatred  of,  305,  339,  ii. 
40,  51,  127.  Principal  cause  of 
his  calamities,  i.  308.  Resur- 
rection and  warning  of  his  sister, 
310,  note.  Dismayed  at  the  land- 
ing of  Spaniards,  311.  Sends 
presents  and  forbids  Cortes' 
approach,  312,  317,  320,  356, 
note.  Exactions  of  the  Totonacs 
by  his  tax-gatherers.  342.  In- 
ventory of  his  gifts,  356,  note. 
His  efforts  to  subdue  the  Tlas- 
calans,  410.  New  embassy  from, 
458.  Invites  the  Spaniards  to 
Mexico, 473.  Tieacherous  em- 
bassy from,  to  the  Spaniards  at 


INDEX. 


503 


Cholula,  ii.  14,  16,  18,  19,  22. 
Spaniards  tlie  historians  cf,  38. 
Tries  to  bribe  the  Spaniards  to 
return,  53.  Welcomes  Coites, 
through  Cacama,  57.  Respect 
for,  near  the  capital,  60.  His 
visit  to  Cortes,  68,  69,  70,  72. 
Aztec  homage  to,  70,  73,    83, 

124,  127,  306.  His  personal 
ajipean-nce,  71.  His  reception 
of  Cortes  at  Axayacatl's  palace. 
76.  Effect  of  his  conduct  on 
the  Spaniards,  80,  88,  178,  192. 
Conversation  of,  with  Cortes, 
79.  Attempts  to  convert,  79, 
84,  179,  201,  331.  Visit  to,  by 
Cortes,  81.  His  palace,  82, 
112,  iii.  239.  Submission  of,  to 
Charles  V.,  ii.  87,  90.  His 
domestic     establishment,    118- 

125,  iii.  433.  His  wives,  ii.  118, 
339,  iii.  433.  His  meals,  ii.  120, 
iii.  433.  His  reception  of  Cortes 
at  the  great  temple,  ii.  140, 141. 
Aids  in  preparing  a  chapel,  150. 
His  treasures  discovered,  150. 
History  of  his  seizure,  155,  158. 
Accompanies  Cortes  to  head- 
quarters, 162.  Respect  shown 
to,  163.  176.  His  reception  of 
Quauhpopoca,  i56.  Fettered, 
167.  Unfettered,  168.  Declines 
going  to  his  palace,  169.  His 
ii'e  in  the  Spanish  quarters,  175. 
W'v  munificence,  176.  His  visit 
to  the  great  temple,  179.  Sails 
in  a  brigantine,  180.  Phm  for 
libt rating, by  Cacama,  183.  In- 
tercedes for  Cacama,  185. 
Swears  allegiance,  190.  His 
gifts  for  the  emperor,  193,  194, 


106,  197.  Parting  of  (fortes 
and,  231,  232.  Sends  a  mes- 
senger to  Cortes.  268.  Checks 
the  Aztecs  in  an  insurrection, 
277.  Welcomes  Cortes,  and  is 
coldly  received,  280.  Cuidaliua 
chosen  successor  of,  281,  380, 
402.  Witnesses  the  Aztec  fight- 
ing, 305.  Prevailed  on  to  ad- 
dress the  Aztecs,  306.  Insulted, 
307,  308.  Wounded,  308,  309, 
and  )iote.  Last  days  and  death 
of,  309,  330,  333.  Commends 
his  children  to  Cortes,  333.  His 
conversation  with  Cortes,  333. 
Fate  of  his  children,  333,  not' 
339.  note,  340,  347,  366,  434, 
iii.  192,  and  note,  274,  note,  446. 
Compassion  for  him,  ii.  334, 
338,  341.  His  character,  335. 
Descendant  of,  viceroy  of  Mex- 
ico, 340,  7iote.  Respect  to  his 
memory,  341.  His  successor, 
380,  402.  Son  of,  goes  to  Spain, 
iii.  299.  See  Cortes  and  Te- 
ctiichpo. 

Montezuma's  Hill.     See  /////. 

Months,  Aztec  division  of  i.  114. 

Monument  at  the  limits  of  Tlas- 
cal  I,  i.  401,  410,  414,  ii.  390. 

Moon,  worshipped,  i.  194,  note. 
Monument  to  the,  ii.  375. 

Moran,  a  horseman,  assaulted,  i. 
420. 

Moratin,  cited  on  Marina,  i.  293, 
note. 

Moria,  condemned  to  be  hung,  i. 

349- 
Morla,  Francisco  de,  ii.  347,  355, 

366. 
Morpeth,  Lord,  cited,  i.  334,  note. 


504 


INDEX. 


Morton,  S.  G.,  on  the  burial  of 
the  dead,  iii.  375,  note.  Facial 
angle  of  his  skulls,  385,  note. 
Remarks  on  his  Crania  Ameri- 
cana, 386,  note. 

Mosaic,  imitated,  i.  147. 

Mothers.     See  Daughters. 

Motilla,  Sandoval's  steed,  iii.  139, 
note. 

Motolinia,  ii.  93. 

Mound  to  Quetzalcoatl,  ii.  5,  6,  7, 
9,  24. 

Mountain  of  Flints,  iii.  281. 

Muiioz,  zeal  of,  respecting  the 
manuscript  of  Sahagun's  His- 
tory, i.  91.  Manuscript  of  Her- 
nandez discovered  by,  180, 
7iote.  Transcribed  an  account 
of  Grijalva's  expedition,  229, 
note. 

Murray,  C.  A.,  i.  44,  7iote. 

Musa,  the  plant,  i.  13S. 

Music,  council  of,  i.  172.  Its  in- 
fluence, 173.  Instruments  of, 
194. 

Musketr^^  i.  282.     See  Fire-arms. 

Mythology,  i.  55.  Mexican,  57. 
Effect  of  the  Aztecs,  204. 


N. 


Naco,  expeditions  to,  iii.  263,  283. 
Najera,  his  Dissertatio  de  Lingua 

Othomitorum,  iii.  381,  7iote. 
Naming  children,  ceremony  of,  i. 

67,  iii.  369. 
Napoleon,   on  pyramids,   ii.  382, 

note. 
Narvaez,  Panfilo  de,  i.  221,  369, 

note.     Notice  of,  ii.  216.    Com- 


mander of  Velasquez's  fleet 
against  Cortes,  216.  Will  not 
listen  to  Ayllon,  217.  Arrives 
at  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  219.  His 
summons  to  Sandoval,  220,  222. 
Seizes  Ayllon  and  sends  him 
back,  221.  Envoys  of,  carried 
by  porters  to  Mexico,  222-224. 
Cortes'  mission  to  him,  225. 
Olmedo's  intercourse  with,  225, 
226,  227.  At  Cempoalla,  226, 
246,  251.  Proposes  to  liber- 
ate Montezuma,  227.  Cortes 
marches  against,  231,  234.  His 
summons  to  Cortes  to  surrender, 
234.  His  envoys  to  Cortes, 
238,  240,  241.  Reply  to,  241. 
Prep  irations  for  assaulting,  242, 
244,  250,  257.  Marches  to  the 
River  of  Canoes,  245.  His 
sentinels, 246, 248.  Attackedand 
defeated,  249,  257.  Wounded, 
250.  Treatment  of,  by  Cortes, 
254.  His  gossip  with  Oviedo, 
257,  note.  Murmurs  among  his 
troops,  259.  Property  taken 
from, 260, ;«)/(?.  Mutiniesamong 
the  levies  from,  321,  397,  400, 
iii.  75.  To  send  Cortes  for  trial 
to  Spain,  ii.  422.  Proceedings 
in  Spain  in  regud  to,  iii.  73, 
74,  228,  note.  Ordered  before 
Cortes,  231.  Brings  charges 
against  Cortes,  231.  See  Span- 
iai'ds. 

Nations,  on  the  identification  of, 
iii.  374. 

Nativities,  astrologers  consulted 
at,  i.  125. 

Naulinco,  entertainment  at,  i.  389. 

Negro  slaves,  introduction  of,  into 


INDEX. 


505 


the  Western  World,  i.  372. 
Transportation  of,  by  Cortes, 
iii.  320.     See  Slaves. 

Nero,  Cortes  and,  ii.  28,  note. 

New  fire,  the,  i.  128,  note,  129. 

New  Spain,  Yucatan  called,  i.  223. 
Early  settlements  in,  i  i.  243. 
Condition  of  the  natives  there, 
250.  Population  of,  in  1810, 
250,  note.  Arrival  of  Fran- 
ciscan friars  in,  251.  Royal 
audience  of,  296,  312.  New 
royal  audience  of,  315.  Vice- 
roy of,  321.  Number  of  lan- 
guages in,  379. 

New  Spain  of  the  Ocean  Sea,  ii. 

425- 

New  Zealanders  and  Otaheitans, 
iii.  359,  note. 

Nezahualcoyotl,  prince  of  the  Tez- 
cucans,  efficiency  of,  i.  17,  21, 
164.  Poetry  by,  22,  note,  175, 
176,  note,  195,  iii.  409.  Mexican 
code  under,  i.  40,  note,  170. 
Meaning  of  the  name,  99,  183, 
note,  200,  note.  Personal  history 
and  adventures  of,  164.  Con- 
quers Maxtla,  169.  Four  his- 
torians of  the  royal  house  of, 
174,  note.  An  illustrious  bard, 
174.  Pile  of  buildings  erected 
by,  178,  180. 

Nezahualpilli,  monarch  of  Tezcu- 
co,  i.  34.  Account  of,  197.  His 
treatment  of  his  guilty  wife, 
202,  note,  iii.  417.  Has  fore- 
bodings of  calamity  to  his 
country,  i.  203,  309,  ii.  454. 
His  death,  i.  203,  306.  His 
obsequies,  203,  note.  Address 
made  by  at  the  coronation  of 


Montezuma  as  king,  303,  il. 
338.  Contest  respecting  the 
succession  to,  i.  306,  ii.  182. 
456.  Spaniards  quartered  in 
his  palace,  451.  Pardons  a  son, 
456. 

Niebuhr,  on  calendars,  i.  116,  note, 
121,  note. 

Night  attacks,  i.  416,  441,  442,  ii. 
249,  352,  iii.  99. 

Nine  "companions,"  the,  i.  lii, 
7iote. 

Noah,  Quetzalcoatl  identified  with, 
i.  62,  note. 

Nobles,  Aztec,  i.  26.  Entertain 
minstrels,  buffoons,  and  jug- 
glers, 158,  note.  Treatment  of, 
by  Nezahualcoyotl,  170.  Their 
manners,  178,  ii.  73,  105.  Tlas- 
calan,  i.  404,  405,  note.  Chiv- 
alrous act  of  Aztec,  411.  Aztec, 
meet  Cortes,  ii.  68.  Bear  Mon- 
tezuma in  a  palanquin,  70,  73, 
Must  reside  in  Mexico,  105. 
Attend  on  Montezuma,  119. 
Massacre  of,  272.  Six,  deputed 
to  Tlascala,  404.  Delivered  up, 
and  sent  to  Guatemozin,  iii.  $. 
Sent  to  Guatemozin,  156,  179, 
180.  Four  hundred,  hung,  230, 
Accompany  Cortes  to  Spain, 
299. 

Noche  triste,  ii.  351-367,  iii.  85. 

Nootka,  dialects  there,  iii.  384. 

Northmen  visit  America,  iii.  359, 
note. 

Notation,  i.  112,  118. 

Numeration,  among  the  Aztecs,  L 
112. 

Nunez,  Cort&'  page,  challenged, 
iii.  161. 


Vol.  III.— w 


43 


So6 


INDEX. 


Oaxaca,  plantation  for  the  crown 
at,  ii.  i88.  Embassy  from,  417. 
Mineral  wealth  of,  iii.  222. 
Marquis  of  the  Valley  of,  306. 

Observatory,  Nezahualpilli's,  i. 
20:!. 

Ob;;iilian,  Mexican  tools  made  of, 
i.  143. 

Ocelotl,  Humboldt  on  the,  iii. 
377,  note. 

Ojeda,  at  the  evacuation  of  Mex- 
ico, ii.  365,  7rote. 

Olea,  Cristoval  de,  saves  Cortes, 
iii.  134. 

Oleron,  on  the  laws  of,  ii.  30,  note. 

Olid,  Cristoval  de,  sent  in  search 
of  Grijalva,  i.  228.  Joins  Cortes, 
254.  Noticed,  280,  ii.  206,  245, 
280,  303,  305,  347,  355,  360, 
385.  Detached  to  Quauhque- 
chollan,  412,  415,  note.  His 
countermarch  on  Cholula,  413- 
Sandoval  and,  iii.  19.  Recon- 
noitres Mexico,  25.  At  Cuer- 
navaca,  55.  Conspiracy  against, 
76.  Takes  post  at  Cojohuacan, 
85,  94.  Demolishes  the  aque- 
duct, 91,  93.  Enmity  between 
Alvarado  and,  91.  His  ex- 
pedition to  Honduras,  259. 
Defection  of,  263.  Beheaded, 
iL63. 

Olmedo,  Bartolome  de.  Father, 
notice  of,  i.  269.  His  efforts  to 
convert  the  natives,  269,  287, 
320,  390.  Interposition  of,  396, 
467,  469,  ii.  143.  Character  of, 
i.  396,  470.  Performs  mass,  ii. 
151,  203.    Attempts  to  convert 


Montezuma,  179,  201,  331. 
Mission  of,  to  Nar\-aez,  225,  226, 
257.  Meets  Cortes,  234.  Goes 
against  Narvaez,  247.  Before 
Cortes,  in  behalf  of  the  soldiers, 
261.  Urges  Montezuma  to  ad- 
dress the  Aztecs,  306.  Visits 
the  expiring  Maxixca,  420.  Ser- 
mon by,  after  the  surrender  of 
Mexico,  iii.  199.  Last  years  of, 
241. 

Oral  tradition,  connection  of,  with 
Aztec  picture-writing,  i.  101, 
III.  Embodied  in  songs  and 
hymns,  iii. 

Ordaz,  Diego  de,  i.  254.  To  ran- 
som Christian  captives,  265, 
270.  Commander  of  infantry 
in  the  battle  of  Ceutla,  280,  281. 
Charges  the  enemy,  284.  In 
irons,  329,  330.  Attempts  the 
ascent  of  Popocatepetl,  ii.  44. 
Escutcheon  of,  46.  Visits  Mon- 
tezuma with  Cortes,  82.  To 
settle  Coatzacualco,  262.  Joins 
Cortes  at  Tlascala,  264.  Chiv- 
alrous, 303.  Storms  the  great 
temple,  313.  At  the  evacuation 
of  Mexico,  347,  352,  360. 

Ordinances  for  the  government  of 
New  Spain  during  Cortes'  vice- 
royalty,  iii.  245,  note. 

Orizaba,  the  volcano,  i.  332,  389, 
ii.  9. 

Orozco  y  Berra,  on  the  various 
races  in  Mexico,  i.  10,  note. 
On  ancient  remans  in  Central 
America,  15,  note.  Cited,  16, 
note,  18,  note,  108,  note. 
.  Orteaga,  editor  of  Veytia's  His- 
tory, i.  25. 


INDEX. 


507 


Ortegviilla,  page  of  Montezuma, 
ii.  178,  206. 

Otaheitans  and  New  Zealanders, 
iii.  359,  note. 

Otomies,  i.  409.  Aid  the  Tlas- 
calans,  410.  A  migratory  race, 
iii.  no,  note,  in,  note.  Claim 
protection,  no,  151.  Notice 
of,  no,  note.  Their  language, 
380. 

Otompan,  or  Otumba,  ii.  373, 379, 
iii.  II. 

Ovando,  Don  Juan  de,  orders 
manuscripts  to  be  restored  to 
Sahagun,  i.  91. 

Ovando,  Don  Nicolas  de,  Gov- 
ernor of  Hispaniola,  i.  232,  234, 
ii.  219,  note. 

Oviedo  de  Valdez,  Gonzalo  Fer- 
nandez, i.  138,  note,  371.  On 
the  peso  de  oro,  316,  note.  On 
the  gold  and  silver  wheels,  316, 
note.  On  the  device  of  Tlas- 
cala,  431,  note.  On  the  skill  of 
Aztec  goldsmiths,  ii.  77,  note. 
On  Montezuma,  119,  note,  162, 
note,  192,  note,  iii.  433.  On 
Montezuma  and  Narvaez,  ii. 
227,  note.  On  the  ascendency 
of  Cortes,  256,  note.  Narvaez's 
gossip  with,  257,  note.  On  the 
massacre  by  Alvarado,  274,  note. 
Account  of,  and  of  his  writings, 
282-286.  Compares  Cortes  to 
Horatius  Codes,  328,  note.  On 
a  leap  by  Cortes,  329,  note.  On 
horse-flesh,  371,  note.  Pan- 
egyrizes Cortes,  iii.  16,  note,  83, 
note. 

Owl,  Mexican  devil  and,  i.  58, 
note. 


P. 

Pacific  Ocean,  descried  by  Nunez 
de  Balboa,  i.  217.  Discovered 
and  taken  possession  of,  iii.  221. 
Spanish  ideas  of  the,  258. 

Padilla,  i.  183,  note,  185,  note. 

Paintings,  hieroglyphical,  made  in 
court,  i.  35.  Chair  for  the  study 
and  interpretation  of,  35,  109. 
Aztec  laws  registered  in,  37, 100. 
Cycles  of  the  Vatican,  64,  note. 
Of  Sahagun,  91,  92.  Features 
of  Mexican,  96.  Coloring  in, 
97.  Aztec  and  Egyptian,  com- 
pared, 97.  Chiefly  represent- 
ative, in  Anahuac,  99.  The 
records  made  in,  100.  Con- 
nection of  oral  tradition  with, 
100,  in.  Humboldt  on,  100, 
note.  Education  respecting, 
loi.  Destruction  of,  104,  ii. 
452.  Their  importance,  log. 
Sent  to  Spain,  361.  Of  Nar- 
vaez and  his  fleet,  ii.  223.  Of 
the  storming  of  the  great  temple, 
317,  note.     See  Hieroglyphics. 

Palace  of  Nezahualcoyotl,  i.  178, 
180,  181,  iii.  415.  Of  Axayacatl, 
ii.  76,  77,  150.  Of  Montezuma, 
82,  112,  iii.  239,  240.  Of  Max- 
ixca,  ii.  394.  Of  Guatemozin, 
fired,  iii.  161.  Of  Cortes,  at 
Mexico,   240;    at   Cuemavaca, 

317- 
Palenque,    i.    2S7,    iii.    268,    389, 

Cross  at,  368.     Architecture  o^ 

391.     Sculpture  there,  392. 
Palfrey,  John  G.,  Lectures  by,  iii. 

363,  note. 
Palos,  Cortes  at,  iii.  300. 


5o8 


INDEX. 


Panuchese,  defeated,  iii.  229. 
Panuco,  i.  321,  ii.  262,  422. 
Papantzin,  resurrection  of,  i.  310, 

note. 
Paper,  i.  41,  and  note,  102. 
Papyrus,  account  of,  i.  102,  7iote 
Pearls,  worn  by  Montezuma,  ii. 

71- 

Penance  among  Tartars,  iii.  374, 
note. 

Peninsular  War,  ii.  33. 

Pentateuch  and  Teoamoxtli,  i. 
no,  note. 

Perrine,  Dr.,  on  the  maguey,  i. 
140,  note. 

Persia,  i.  44,  note,  115,  note. 

Peru,  records  in,  i.  102,  note. 

Peso  de  oro,  i.  315,  note,  316, 
tiote,  ii.  197,  note. 

Pesquisa  Secreta,  or  Secret  In- 
quiry, iii.  313. 

Pestilence,  at  Me.xico,  iii.  177. 

Peten,  lake  and  isles  of,  iii.  277, 
280, 

Philosophy,  mythology  and,  i.  56. 

Phonetic  writing  and  signs,  i.  94, 
note,  95,  98,  99,  loS,  note. 

Picture-writing,  i.  94,  300,  314. 
See  Hieroglyphics. 

Pikes.     See  Lances. 

Pilgrims  to  Cholula,  ii.  7. 

Pins,  from  the  agave,  i.  140. 

Pisa,  tower  of,  iii.  398. 

Pizarro,  Francisco,  iii.  2^,  300. 

Pizarro  y  Orellana,  i.  230,  vote, 
234,  note,  283,  note. 

Plants,  medicinal,  among  the  Az- 
tecs, ii.  116. 

Plato's  Atlantis,  iii.  356. 

Plaza  Mayor,  in  Me.xico,  i.  144, 
and  note,  iii.  239. 


Pliny,  on  the  papyrus,  i.  102,  note. 

Poetry,  connection  of  mythology 
and,  i.  55,  56.  Tezcucan,  204. 
See  Nczahualcoyotl. 

Polo,  Marco,  i.  148,  note.  On 
cannibalism,  iii.  374,  note. 

Polygamy,  among  the  Mexicans, 
i.  154,  181,  note. 

Popes,  power  of,  ii.  29,  30. 

Popocatepetl,  ii.  9,  143.  Sulphur 
from,  46,  430.  The  Hill  that 
smokes,  42.  Account  of,  43. 
Attempt  to  ascend,  44.  As- 
cended by  Montano,  46. 

Popotla,  Cortes  rests  at,  ii.  359. 

Porters,  or  tamanes,  i.  341.  Drag 
cannon  to  Tlascala,  385,  460. 
Carry  Narvaez's  envoys  to  Mex- 
ico, ii.  222-224.  Carry  wounded 
Spaniards,  369;  rigging  from 
Vera  Cruz,  430;  the  brigantines 
from  Tlnscala,  iii.  21. 

Portraits  of  Cortes,  i.  xxxii.  Az- 
tec, iii.  392,  393,  note. 

Potonchan,  i.  273. 

Pottery,  i.  146,  note,  464,  ii.  4. 

Poyauhtlan,  battle  of,  i.  403,  409. 

Prayers,  Mexican,  like  Christian, 
i.  67,  68,  note,  69,  note.  Of  Az- 
tec priests,  71.  By  Aztec  con- 
fessors, 72,  note.  Sahagun  col- 
lected forms  of,  92. 

Predictions  or  forebodings  respect- 
ing the  fate  of  the  Aztec  em- 
pire, i.  61,  203,  308,  309,  310, 
455.  458.  ii.  5.  35.  note,  190,  193, 
454- 

Priestesses,  i.  72. 

Priests,  connection  of,  with  Aztec 
royalty,  i.  26,  27,  note.  Aztec, 
69.      Their   influence.   70,    85, 


INDEX. 


509 


Services  by,  70.  Duties  of,  in 
regard  to  education,  72,  loi. 
Maintenance  of,  74.  Aztec  and 
Eg}-ptian,  74,  note.  Extorting 
victims  for  sacrifices,  84.  On 
secret  symbolic  characters  by 
the,  98.  Their  lunar  reckon- 
ing, 120,  note,  122,  123.  Their 
celebration  of  the  kindling  of 
the  new  fire,  129.  Under  Mon- 
tezuma, 307.  Defend  their 
gods,  352.  Consulted  by  Tlas- 
calans,  440.  Disclose  the  con- 
spiracy at  Cholula,  ii.  17.  In 
the  great  temple.  145,  148.  In- 
fluence Aztec  warriors,  314. 
Captured,  316.  Released,  327. 
Hurled  from  the  great  teocalli, 
iii.  107.  Sacrifice  Spaniards, 
143.  Cheer  Guatemozin,  145. 
The  eight  days'  prediction  by, 
145,  146,  150.  Dissuade  Guate- 
mozin from  surrendering,  157. 
Immoralities  in,  punished,  251. 
Among  Tartars,  374.  note. 
Mexican  word  for,  3S0.  '\ote. 
See  High-priests. 

Prisoners,  usually  sacrificed,  i.  38. 
Zeal  to  make,  48,  84,  423,  iii. 
64.  Treatment  of,  at  Cozumel, 
i.  265.  Tabascan,  taken  by 
Cortes  and  sent  to  their  coun- 
trymen, 286.  Aztec  plan  in  re- 
gard to  Spanish,  ii.  16.  At  the 
Cholulan  massacre,  26.  Re- 
leased by  Tlascalans,  26.  Span- 
iards made,  and  sacrificed,  iii. 
64,  69,  13s,  135,  140,  143,  167. 
See  Human  sacrifices. 

Prizes,  distribution  of,  i.  172. 

Proclamation  at  Tabasco,  i.  275. 


Prodigies.     See  Predictions. 

Property  of  infidels  and  pirates, 
ii.  29,  7iotc. 

Protestants,  Catholics  and,  i.  288, 
354.  Their  rights  to  discoveries, 
ii.  31,  note. 

Provisions,  in  the  Mexican  mar- 
ket, ii.  133.  Distress  for,  on  the 
retreat,  371.  Camp  supplied 
with,  iii.  123.     See  Famine. 

Puebla  de  los  Angeles,  ii.  to, 
note. 

Puertocarrero,  Alonso  Hernandez 
de,  i.  254,  280,  290.  ,  Deposition 
of,  325,  iii.  425.  Alcalde  of 
Villa  Rica,  i.  327.  See  Montejo 
and  Puertocarrero. 

Pulque,  i.  38,  139,  159. 

Punishments,  i.  37.  Absolution 
substituted  for,  71.  Object  of, 
171.     For  falsehood,  172. 

Purchas,  Samuel,  manuscript  en- 
graved in  his  Pilgrimage,  i.  116, 
note. 

Pyramids,  at  Cholula,  ii.  6,  9,  24, 
374.  Napoleon's  remark  on, 
382,  note. 

Q. 

Qua,  changed  into  Gua,  ii.  434, 
note. 

Quails,  sacrificed,  i.  tj,  note. 

Quauhnahuac.     See  Cuernavica. 

Quauhpopoca,  an  Aztec  chief,  de- 
ceives Escalante,  ii.  156.  Sen( 
for  by  Montezuma,  159,  165, 
Burnt,  166,  168,  171. 

Quauhquechollan,  or  Huacachula 
ii.  412-414. 

Quauhtitlan,  ii.  370,  iii.  28,  note. 


43* 


S'o 


INDEX. 


Quetzalcoatl,  the  god  of  the  air, 
account  of,  i.  60,  289,  ii.  5. 
Temple  to,  at  Cholula,  i.  61,  ii. 
7.  Fate  of,  i.  61.  Tradition 
respecting,  favorable  to  the  fu- 
ture success  of  the  Spaniards, 
61, 308,  ii.  190, 193, 454.  Mean- 
ing of  the  word,  i.  62,  note. 
Identified  with  the  apostle 
Thomas,  62,  fiote,  ii.  5,  note, 
iii.  367 ;  with  Noah,  i.  62, 
note.  Mythological  character, 
62,  note.  Helmet  worn  by,  299. 
Mound  to,  ii.  5.  Does  not  aid 
the  Cholulans  at  the  massacre, 
24.  Firing  of  the  temple  of, 
24 ;  cross  put  upon  its  ruins, 
36.  Temple  of,  at  Mexico,  146. 
Analogies  with  Scripture  sug- 
gested by,  iii.  367. 

Quiiiones,  Antonio  de,  captain 
of  Cortes'  body-guard,  iii.  80. 
Aids  in  saving  Cortes'  life,  135. 
Killed  at  the  Azores,  226. 

Quintana's  Life  of  Las  Casas,  i. 
380. 

Quintero,  Alonso,  i.  233. 

Quippus,  recording  events  by  the, 
i.  102,  note. 


Racine,  cited,  i.  176,  note,  ii.  435, 
note. 

Raffles,  Sir  Stamford,  i.  114,  note. 

Ramirez,  Jose  F.,  his  views  of 
human  sacrifices  and  cannibal- 
ism, i.  86,  note ;  of  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  fleet  by  Cortes,  370, 
note.    Cited,   i,   88,   note,   141, 


note,  207,  note,  301,  note,  ii.  76, 
note,  82,  note,  136,  note,  165, 
note,  272,  note,  351,  note. 

Rangre,  Rodrigo,  commander  at 
Villa  Rica,  ii.  264.  Mission  to, 
396.  Takes  troops  sent  by  Ve- 
lasquez, 422.  Purchases  a  ship 
with  military  stores,  423. 

Ranking's  Historical  Researches, 
i.  194,  note,  iii.  374,  note. 

Raynal,  Abbe,  i.  142,  note. 

Razors,  Mexican,  ii.  132. 

Rebels,  proceedings  against  Te- 
peacans  as,  ii.  409 ;  against 
Aztecs,  436. 

Receiver-general,  i.  43. 

Refinement,  in  domestic  manners, 
among  the  Aztecs,  i.  152,  204. 
Shown  in  the  council  of  music, 
173.  At  Cempoalla,  337.  See 
Civilization. 

Religion,  similar  ideas  as  to,  in 
remote  regions,  i.  58,  note.  On 
outraging,  ii.  204.  See  Chris- 
tianity and  Mythology. 

Religious  services  always  public, 
i.  76. 

Repartimientos,  the  system  of,  i. 
218,  371.  To  Cortes,  in  His- 
paniola,  235  ;  in  Cuba,  242.  In 
New  Spain,  ii.  410,  iii.  247,  344. 
Disapproved  by  the  crown,  247. 
Regulations  respecting,  250. 
Consultations  and  opinions  re- 
specting, 293,  note. 

Representative  writing,  i.  95,  99. 
Resurrection  of  Tangapan's  sister, 

iii.  18,  note. 
Reubios,    Palacios,   proclamation 

by,  i.  276,  note. 
Revenues,  sources  of,  i.  40.  Houses 


INDEX. 


5" 


for  collecting,  ii.  io6.  See 
Tribute. 

Ribera,  on  Indian  maps,  i.  103, 
note. 

Rich,  Obadiah,  ii.  96. 

Rigging  saved  and  used,  i.  366, 
ii.  175,  262,  419,  iii.  24. 

Rio  Gila,  remains  there,  iii.  383. 

Rio  de  Tabasco,  i.  225,  274,  iii. 
267. 

Ritter,  i.  58,  note. 

River  of  Banners,  i.  225,  290. 

River  of  Canoes,  ii.  242,  245,  247. 

Robertson,  William,  i.  39,  note, 
116,  note,  315,  note.  Incon- 
sistency of,  respecting  a  colony, 
327,  note.  Cites  a  harangue 
from  Solis,  328,  note.  Spelling 
of  proper  names  by,  341,  note. 
On  the  First  Letter  of  Cortes, 
357,  note.  Error  of,  as  to  Mon- 
tezuma's gift,  ii.  197,  note.  On 
Cortes"  expedition  to  Honduras, 
iii.  290,  note. 

Rock  of  the  Marquis,  iii.  95. 

Roman  Catholic  communion,  i. 
288,  354. 

Romans,  on  their  successes,  i.  24, 
note. 

Royal  Audience  of  New  Spain, 
iii.  296.  Their  investigation  of 
Cortes'  conduct,  and  treatment 
of  him,  313,  316.  Superseded, 
315,  316.  Disagreement  of 
Cortes  and  the,  316.  Super- 
seded by  a  viceroy,  321. 

Royal  Audience  of  St.  Domingo, 
ii.  217,  221,  428,  iii.  74. 

Royal  Council  of  Spain,  i.  275. 

Ruins,  antiquity  of  American,  iii. 
394- 


S. 

Saavedra,  ii.  68,  note,  72,  note,  iii. 
134,  note. 

Sacrifices.     See  Human  sacrif.ces. 

Sacrificial  stone,  i.  76,  79,  ii.  314, 
iii.  143. 

Sahagun,  Bernardino  de,  i.  67, 
note,  70,  note.  Account  of,  and 
of  his  Universal  History,  89-92. 
Noticed,  122,  125,  note,  1.1.8, 
note,  151,  note,  152,  note.  On 
Aztec  counsels  to  a  daughter, 
153,  note,  iii.  405 ;  to  a  son,  i. 
155,  note.  Cited,  319,  note,  ii. 
7,  note,  35,  note,  268,  7iote,  270, 
note,  293,  note.  Says  Monte- 
zuma and  others  were  strangled, 
310.  Noticed,  314,  note,  359 
note,  383,  note,  393,  note,  420, 
note,  450,  note.  On  a  sacrifice 
of  Spanish  captives,  iii.  143,  note. 
On  the  devastation  at  Me.xico, 
155,  note.  Cited,  163,  note,  169, 
note,  172,  note,  178,  note.  Notice 
of,  214.  On  the  demolition  of 
the  temples,  254,  note. 

St.  Antonio,  Cape,  i.  255,  259, 
260. 

St.  Augustine,  iii.  358,  note. 

St.  Domingo.     See  Hispaniola. 

St.  Francis,  convent  of,  i.  389, 
note,  iii.  289. 

St.  Hypolito,  iii.  185. 

St.  Jago  de  Cuba,  i.  222,  224,  242, 

St.  James,  appearance  of,  in  battle, 
i.  283,  note,  ii.  329,  388,  note. 

St.  Lucar,  i.  363,  ii.  210. 

St.  Peter,  patron  saint  of  Cortes, 
i.  262,  283,  7iote. 

St.  Thomas,  identification  of  Quet- 


5" 


INDEX. 


zalcoatl  and,  i.  6i,  note,  ii.  5, 
note,  iii.  367. 

Salamnnca,  i.  231,  371. 

Salamanca,  Juan  de,  ii.  386. 

Salazar,  Juan  de,  killed,  ii.  354. 

Sales  of  merchandise,  i.  148,  149. 

Salt,  i.  42,  note,  178,  note,  ii.  67. 
Tl.iscalans  without,  i.  411.  Span- 
iards without,  438.  Manufacture 
of,  ii.  67,  note. 

Salvatierra,  ii.  227,  251,  254. 

San  Christobal,  iii.  26. 

Sandoval,  Gonzalo  de,  i.  215,  note, 
ii.  212,  note,  214,  note. 

Sandoval,  Gonzalo  de,  i.  254,  383, 
ii.  82.  Aids  in  seizing  Monte- 
zuma, 158.  Commands  at  Villa 
Rica,  175,  220.  Noticed,  220, 
221,  228,  236,  244,  250,  302. 
Storms  the  great  temple,  313. 
At  the  evacuation  of  Mexico, 
347.  350.  352,  355.  360.  In 
battles,  383,  385,  417.  Com- 
mander at  Tezcuco,  iii.  6,  25, 
46.  E.xpedition  of,  to  Chalco, 
12,  37.  Transports  brigantines, 
19,  21.  Notice  of,  19.  At 
Zoltepec,  20.  Wounded,  40, 
139.  Misunderstanding  of  Cor- 
tes and,  41,  42.  Conspiracy 
against,  76.  Expedition  of, 
against  Iztapalapan,  86,  95.  At 
the  Tepejacac  causeway,  loi. 
In  the  assault,  no,  126,  137, 
159.  His  visit  to  Cortes,  139. 
His  steed,  139.  Returns,  142. 
To  aid  in  the  murderous  assault, 
178.  To  secure  Guatemozin, 
185,  188.  To  escort  prisoners 
to  Cojohuacan,  193.  Detach- 
ment  of,    to    reduce  colonies, 


222,  229.  Hangs  four  hundred 
chiefs,  230.  In  the  expedition 
to  Honduras,  269.  Domestic 
of,  punished,  295.  Accompanies 
Cortes  to  Spain,  299.  Death 
of,  301. 

San  Estevan,  iii.  229,  243. 

San  Gil  de  Buena  Vista,  iii.  283. 

San  Juan  de  Ulua,  i.  227,  291. 
Narvaez's  fleet  at,  ii.  219.  Vera 
Cruz  built  there,  219. 

Santa  Cruz,  iii.  320,  321. 

Santa  Maria  de  la  Victoria,  i.  285. 

Saucedo,  a  cavalier,  i.  354. 

Saussure,  M.  de,  ii.  43,  note. 

Scalping,  i.  48,  note. 

Schiller,  i.  124,  note. 

Science,  instruments  of,  i.  125, 
note.  Tribunal  for  works  on, 
172.  Coincidences  as  to,  in  the 
Old  and  New  World,  iii.  376. 

Sculpture,  i.  145,  iii.  392. 

Secret  Inquiry,  The,  iii.  313. 

Sedeiio,  joins  the  armada,  i.  255, 

Segura  de  la  Frontera,  ii.  424. 

Serpents,  wall  of,  ii.  138,  272,  iii. 
106. 

Serradifalco,  Duke  di,  iii.  392, 
note. 

Sheep,  importation  of,  iii.  318. 

Shields,  i.  357,  note,  42^.  433- 

Ships,  Aztec  painting  of,  i.  301. 
See  Armada  and  Vessels. 

Sidonia,  Medina,  iii.  303,  332. 

Sierra,  Madre,  i.  389.  Del  Agua, 
392.  De  Malinche,  ii.  9,  318, 
note,  430.  De  los  Pedernalcs, 
iii.  281. 

Siesta,  i.  156,  7iote,  ii.  79,  123. 

Siguenza,  Dr.,  on  Quetzalcoatl  and 
the  apostle  Thomas,  i.  62,  note. 


INDEX. 


513 


Silk,  i.  147,  note. 

Silver,  i.  42,  141.  Vases  of,  143. 
From  Montezuma,  314,  315,  ii. 

196.  Comparative   gold   and, 

197,  note.  Carried  to  Spain  by 
Cortes,  iii.  300.  From  Zacate- 
cas,  318. 

Sin,  Aztec  origin  of,  iii.  366,  369. 

Sismondi,  on  blasphemy,  ii.  440, 
note. 

Skins,  use  of  human,  ii.  450,  note. 

Skulls,  i.  83,  393,  ii.  147.  Coinci- 
dences with  Mexican,  iii.  385. 
Morton's  work  on,  386,  note. 
Scarceness  of  Aztec,  386,  note. 

Slavery,  Aztec,  i.  37,  43,  iii.  331. 

Slaves,  sacrificed,  i.  66,  72,  note. 
Traffic  in,  149, 150, 169.  Eaten, 
157.  Expedition  to  the  Bahama 
Islands  for,  222,  224,  note.  Fe- 
male, given  to  Cortes,  286,  292, 
350.  Bring  gifts  from  Monte- 
zuma, 314.  Sent  to  Spain,  361. 
Owned  by  Las  Casas,  371. 
Wait  on  Spaniards  at  Mexico, 
ii.  79.  For  sale  in  the  Mexican 
market,  133.  Branded,  410,  iii. 
22.  Given  to  Spaniards  by  the 
Mexicans,  ii.  411,  note.  Hung, 
442.  Scruples  of  Cortes  as  to, 
iii.  247,  330.  Exemption  of, 
249.  See  Negro  slaves  and  Re- 
partimientos. 

Smallpox,  ii.  262,  note,  419. 

Smoking,  i.  155,  156,  note. 

Snuff,  taken,  i.  156. 

Soldiers,  i.  45,  46.'  Nezahual- 
coyotl's  kindness  to  disabled, 
192. 

SoHs,  Don  Antonio  de,  i.  253, 
note,  328,  note.    On  Cortes,  330, 


note,  343,  note.  On  Montezu- 
ma's oath  of  allegiance,  ii.  191, 
note.  On  Cuitlahua,  431.  Ac- 
count of,  and  of  his  writings, 
iii.  208-214. 

Songs  and  hymns,  1.  iii. 

Sons,  counsels  to,  i.  154,  note 
155,  note. 

Sophocles,  cited,  i.  137,  note. 

Sotelo,  catapult  by,  iii.  173. 

Sothic  period,  i.  121,  note. 

Southey,  i.  47,  7iote,  129,  note, 
430,  note,  ii.  64,  note,  iii.  98,  note. 

Sovereigns,  Aztec,  i.  26,  45.  In- 
fluence of  priests  on,  85.  Pres- 
ents to,  by  merchants,  150. 
Reproved,  182.  Power  of,  for 
ameliorating  the  condition  of 
man,  205.    The  title,  326,  7tote. 

Spain,  at  the  close  of  the  reign  of 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  i.  211. 
Subsequently,  212,  216.  Gold 
despatched  to,  by  Velasqviez, 
228.  Titles  applied  to  the  royal 
family  of,  326,  note.  Despatches 
to,  by  Cortes,  355,  363,  ii.  427, 
Fruitful  in  historical  composi- 
tion, 284.  Chivalry  in,  iii.  61. 
Faction  in,  against  Cortes,  73, 
227,  230,  291,  296.  See  Charles 
V. 

Spaniards,  traditions  and  prodi- 
gies connected  with  the,  i.  61, 
203,  308,  309,  310,  455,  458,  ii. 
35,  and  note,  190,  193,  454. 
Cause  of  their  not  being  slain 
in  battle,  i.  84,  423,  iii.  59. 
Favored  by  sanguinary  rites,  i. 
89,  note.  Their  desire  of  gold, 
277,  287,  295,  299,  ii.  40,  461. 
Aided   and   befriended  by    In- 


514 


INDEX. 


dians,  i.  296,  313.  Effects  of 
Montezuma's  gifts  on  the,  316, 
318.  Proposition  to  return  to 
Cuba,  318,  323,  325.  Sickly, 
and  distressed  for  supplies,  319, 
321,322.  Troubles  in  the  camp, 
322.  Reinforced,  354.  Send 
gold  to  Spain,  355.  Effect  on, 
of  the  destruction  of  the  ships, 
366.  Fight  Tlascalans,  414, 415, 
418,  420,  430,  435,  442.  Loss 
of,  423,  437.  The  killed  are 
buried,  437.  Declared  to  be 
children  of  the  Sun,  440.  Enter 
Tlascala,  461.  March  to  Cho- 
lula,  ii.  10.  On  judging  of  their 
actions,  34.  Called  "  The  white 
gods,"  35.  Their  route  to  Mex- 
ico, 47.  Effect  of  Montezuma's 
conduct  on  them,  80,  88,  178, 
192.  Assaulted  in  Mexico,  263, 
277.  Besieged,  268,  277.  As- 
sault on  their  quarters,  292. 
Storm  the  temple,  311,  313. 
Mutiny  among,  321.  At  the 
hill  of  Otoncalpolco,  361.  All 
wounded  at  the  battle  of  Otum- 
ba,  384.  Cut  off,  395,  iii.  19. 
Discontents  of  the,  ii.  397. 
Remonstrance,  397,  400,  421. 
Jealousy  between  the  allies  and, 
401.  Reinforced,  423.  Great 
purpose  of  the,  439.  Murdered, 
449.  Quartered  in  Nezahual- 
pilli's  palace,  451.  Guatemo- 
zin's  description  of,  to  Tanga- 
pan,  iii.  18,  note.  Capture 
Cuemavaca,  52-55.  Captured 
and  sacrificed,  64,  69,  143,  167. 
(See  Human  sacrifices.')  At 
Cojohuacan,    66.      Reinforced, 


72.  At  the  temple  of  the  war- 
god,  107.  Second  assault  by 
the.  III.  Their  distresses,  117, 
126.  Joined  by  allies,  122. 
Their  places  of  settlement,  255, 
General  illusion  of  the,  259 
Their  dreadful  march  to  Hon- 
duras, 266.  Deserted  by  guides 
269.     See  Cortes. 

Spaniards  under  Narvaez,  ii.  218 
Indians  find  them  enemies  ol 
Cortes,  220,  227.  Join  Cortes, 
265.  Overladen  with  gold,  346, 
354>  365.     See  Narvaez, 

Spanish  nobles  and  Charles  V.,  i. 
214,  note. 

Spies,  i.  150,  453. 

Spineto,  Marquis,  i.  131. 

Standard,  Aztec  national,  i.  47,  ii. 
298.  Of  Tlascala,  i.  431,  iii. 
85.    See  Banner. 

Stars,  worshipped,  i.  194,  note. 

Statues  of  the  Montejumas,  de- 
stroyed, i.  144,  14s,  ii.  117. 

Stephens,  John  L.,  i.  108,  note, 
ii.  43,  note,  iii.  353,  354,  368, 
7iote. 

Stone  houses,  i.  223,  266,  336,  il. 

43.  55.  61. 
Stone,  sacrificial,  i.  76,  79,  ii.  314, 

iii.  143. 
Stones,   hurling   of,  ii.  300,  328, 

370,   iii.    47;    from    the    great 

temple,  ii.  313  ;  at  Jacapichtla, 

iii.  39,  40. 
Strait,  efforts  for  discovering  the, 

iii.  258. 
Streets.     See  Canals. 
Suetonius,  cited,  i.  202,  note. 
Sugar-cane,  i.  218,  222,  iii.  256 

318. 


INDEX. 


515 


Sully,  Duke  of,  ii.  198,  note. 

Sulphur,  ii.  46,  430. 

Sun,  temples  to  the,  i.  194,  note. 

Plate     representing    the,    315. 

Spaniards,  children  of  the,  440. 

Alvarado  called  child  of  the,  ii. 

357.     Monument   to   the,  375. 

Statue  of  the,  377. 
Superstition,   Aztec,    during    the 

siege,  iii.  177. 
Sword-blades,  ii.  403. 
Swords,  substitutes  for,  i.  433. 
Symbolical  writing,  i.  95. 


Tabascans,  i.  274,  278,  282,  286. 
Conversion  of,  287. 

Tabasco,  Rio  de,  i.  225,  274,  iii. 
266. 

Tabasco,  town  of,  i.  275,  277. 

Table,  ceremonies  at,  i.  155. 

Table-land,  i.  6,  8,  388. 

Tables,  hieroglyphical,  i.  118,  note. 

Tactics,  Aztec  military,  i.  48. 

Tacuba.     See  Tlacopan. 

Tamanes.     See  Porters. 

Tamerlane's  skulls,  ii.  148,  note. 

Tangapan,  lord  of  Michoacdn,  iii. 
18,  note. 

Tdpia,  Andres  de,  i.  284,  note,  ii. 
ij6,  note,  125,  note,  147,  note,  163, 
note,  iii.  55,  128,  137,  139,  152. 

Tapia,  Christoval  de,  commission- 
er to  Vera  Cruz,  iii.  74,  228. 
Bought  off,  229.  In  Castile,  231. 
Brings  charges  against  Cort6s, 
231. 

farentum,  vessels  at,  iii.  24,  note. 

Tarragona,  atrocities  at,  ii.  33. 


Tasco,  mines  of,  i.  141,  iii.  241. 

Tatius,  Achilles,  iii.  378,  note. 

Taxes.  See  Revenues  and  Tribute. 

Tax-gatherers,  i.  42,  342.  Collect 
tribute  for  the  Spanish  sovereign, 
ii.  193. 

Tecocol,  cacique  of  Tezcuco,  ii 
453.  454.  note. 

Tectetan,  meaning  of,  i.  223. 

Tecuichpo,  daughter  of  Montezu- 
ma and  wife  of  Guatemozin,  ii. 
339,  note,  434,  iii.  193,  274,  note. 
Her  several  husbands,  ii.  339, 
note,  iii.  274,  note.  Cortes'  re- 
ception of,  193.    Grant  to,  446. 

Teeth,  Aztec  custom  as  to,  i.  155, 
7iote. 

Tehuantepec,  iii.  318,  320. 

Telleriano-Remensis  Codex,  i.  83, 
note,  108,  note. 

Tellier,  Archbishop,  i.  108,  note. 

Temixtitan,  a  corruption  of  Te- 
nochtitlan,  i.  19. 

Tempest  after  the  surrender,  iii. 
194. 

Temples,  or  teocallis,  to  Huitzilo- 
pochtli,  the  Mexican  Mars,  i 
59.  Account  of,  70,  75,  76,  w(7/^. 
On  the  teachings  of  Egyptian, 
94,  note.  Built  by  Nezahual- 
coyotl,  to  the  Unknown  God, 
193,  194.  Toltec,  dedicated  to 
the  Sun,  194.  At  Cozumel,  264, 
266.  Rifled  by  Alvarado,  264. 
Turret  of  one  in  Mexico  bumed 
309,  310.  At  Tlatlauqnitepec, 
393.  On  the  hill  of  Tzompach, 
423,  460.  To  Quetzalcoatl,  ii. 
7,  25, 146.  Various,  at  Cholula, 
7.8,9,374,111.365.  Modern,  on 
the  site  of  Quetzalcoatl's,  ii.  37. 


5i6 


INDEX. 


In  Mexico.  139, 146, 314.  Occu- 
pied at  Cempoalla,  246,  251. 
At  Popotla,  359.  On  the  hill 
of  Otoncalpolco,  361.  On  a 
pyramid  of  Teotihuacan,  377. 
At  Xochimilco,  iii.  61,  62.  At 
Tacuba,  69.  Burnt  by  Alva- 
rado,  166.  All  destroyed,  254, 
and  note,  387.  Resemblances 
to,  in  the  East,  387,  391.  At 
Xochicalco,  387,  391,  note.  See 
HuitzilopochtU,  Idols,  and  Qtiet- 
zalcoatl. 

Fenajoccan,  town  of,  iii.  28,  note. 

Tenochtitlan,  i.  19.  Called  Mex- 
ico, 19.  The  word,  19,  note,  ii. 
75,  note.  Prosperity  and  en- 
largement of,  i.  22,  23.  See 
Mexico. 

Teoamoxtli,  or  divine  book,  i.  no, 
note. 

Teotihuacan,  pyramids  of,  ii.  374. 

Tepanecs,  i.  17,  21,  164,  169. 

Tepeaca,  colony  at,  ii.  424. 

Tepeacan  allies,  ii.  437,  iii.  146. 

Tepeacans,  ii.  395,  408,  409. 

Tepechpan,  lord  of,  exposed  to 
death,  i.  187,  i83. 

Tepejacac  causeway,  ii.  104,  iii. 
100. 

Tetzmellocan,  village  of,  ii.  444. 

Teuhtlile,  a  provincial  governor 
under  Montezuma,  i.  295.  Or- 
ders supplies  and  favors,  301, 

313- 
Teuies,  ii.  370. 
Tezcatlipoca,  the   god,  sacrifices 

to,  i.  78,  ii.  144. 
Tezcotzinco,   palaces    and    ruins 

there,  i.  183,  185,  202,  iii.  388, 

4IS- 


Tezcucins,  or  Acolhuans,  arrival 
of  the,  in  Anahuac,  i.  15,  19, 
note,  164.  Their  character,  16, 
88.  Assaulted  and  beaten,  17, 
21,164.  Their  institutions,  26, 
33.  In  advance  of  the  Mexi- 
cans, 89,  204.  The  divine  bo  k 
of  the,  no,  note.  Their  dialect, 
III,  174,  204.  Their  fidelity 
to  young  Nezahualcoyotl,  168. 
Transfer  of  their  power  to  the 
Aztecs,  203,  365.  Their  civili- 
zation, 204,  205.  Cause  of  their 
superiority,  204.  Oppose  Cortes, 
ii.  380.  In  Cortes'  second  recon- 
noitring expedition,  iii.  46.  Effi- 
ciency of,  at  the  siege  of  Mexi- 
co, in.  Desertion  of,  146.  See 
Nezahualcoyotl  and  Nezahual- 
pilli. 

Tezcuco,  its  situation,  i.  8,  9,  15, 
164,  iii.  3,  4.  Meaning  of  the 
word,  i.  15,  note,  ii.  451,  note. 
Requirements  of  the  chiefs  of. 
i.  30.  Halls  of  justice,  and  pro- 
nouncing of  sentences  in,  36. 
Golden  age  of,  163.  Historians, 
orators,  and  poets  of,  173.  Con- 
tents of  its  archives,  174.  Ac- 
count of,  177.  Pile  of  royal 
buildings  at,  178.  Royal  harem 
in,  179.  Architecture  of,  185. 
Territory  of,  clipped  by  Monte- 
zuma, 203,  ii.  182,  336.  Descrip- 
tion of  at  the  time  of  the  Con- 
quest, 183,  note.  Reception  of 
Cortes  at,  on  his  return  to  Mex- 
ico, 267.  State  of  affairs  there, 
450.  Tecocol  put  over,  453. 
Brigantines  brought  to,  iii.  2a, 
42.     Mustering  of  forces  at,  84. 


INDEX. 


517 


Respect  to  Cortes  there,  on  his 
return  from  Spain,  316.  See 
Cacama,  Nezahualcoyotl,  and 
NezahualpilU. 

lezcuco  lake,  its  height,  ii.  49, 
note,  102.  Conjectural  limits 
of,  60,  note.  Dike  across,  66. 
Towns  on  the,  67,  and  note. 
Canoes  there,  67,  75,  iii.  26. 
Ancient  state  of,  ii.  102,  iii.  243. 
Tides  in,  ii.  102,  note.  Two 
brigantines  built  there,  175. 
Agitation  of,  313.  Opened  up- 
on the  Spaniards,  iii.  9.  Forded, 
27.  Reconnoitred,  29.  Brig- 
antines launched  on,  82.  In- 
dian flotilla  defeated  there,  97. 

Thatch,  i.  102,  note,  139. 

Theatrical  exhibitions,  i.  112. 

Theogony  of  the  Greeks,  i.  56. 

Thomas,  the  Apostle,  identified 
with  Quetzalcoatl,  i.  62,  note,  ii. 
5,  77ote,  iii.  367. 

Thomson,  cited,  i.  261,  note. 

Thread,  Mexican,  i.  140,  ii.  129. 

Tierra  caliente,  i.  3,  297,  ii.  241. 

Tlerra  fria,  i.  6. 

Tierra  templada,  i.  5. 

Time,  computation  of,  i.  13,  113. 

Tin,  i.  141,  iii.  241.  A  circulating 
medium,  i.  148,  ii.  135. 

Titcala,  ensign  of  the  house  of,  i. 
419. 

Tlacopan,  or  Tacuba,  i.  21,  177, 
note,  ii.  360.  Headquarters  at, 
iii.  31.  Cortes  at,  69,  70,  71. 
Command  at,  assigned  to  Alva- 
rado,  85.  Evacuated  by  the  in- 
habitants, 92.  Present  state  of, 
92,  7iote. 

Tlacopan,  or  Tacuba,  causeway. 
Vol.  III.  44 


ii.  104.     Retreat  by  the  way  of 

it.  343.  344.  349.  "'•■  29-  Car- 
nage there,  ii.  352,  iii.  32. 

Tlaloc,  a  Toltec  and  Aztec  deity, 
i.  88,  note. 

Tlascala,  victims  from,  for  sacri- 
fices, i.  84.  Inimical  to  Monte- 
zuma and  the  Mexicans,  307, 
409,  412.  Cortes'  embassy  to, 
400, 401, 412 ;  his  march  towards, 
401,  414.  Fortification  at  the 
limits  of,  401,  410,  ii.  390.  First 
settlement  of,  i.  404.  Meaning 
of  the  word,  407,  ii.  373,  note. 
Extent  of,  i.  410,  note.  Its  popu- 
lation, 419,  note,  464,  465,  note. 
Spaniards  enter,  461.  De- 
scribed, 463.  Spaniards  go 
from,  476,  477,  ii.  10.  Cortes' 
return  to,  from  Cempoalla,  264, 
265;  from  Mexico,  343,  363, 
392.  Fate  of  gold  and  invalids 
left  there,  395.  Refuse  an  alli- 
ance with  Aztecs,  404,  406, 
Brigantines  built  there  and 
transported,  418,  419,  430,  439, 
448,  iii.  5,  19,  21.  Triumphal 
return  to,  ii.  428.  Departure 
from,  against  Mexico,  w^. 

Tlascalan  allies,  ii.  10,  15,  23,  25. 
Release  captives,  26.  Enter 
Mexico,  66,  235.  Aztec  hatred 
of,  75,  152.  Join  Cortes,  against 
Narvaez,  235;  on  his  return, 
265.  Connection  of,  with  the 
massacre  by  Alvarado,  275, 
note,  278.  Under  Alvarado, 
279,  note.  Quarters  of,  292, 
295.  In  the  retreat,  347,  350. 
Guide  Cortes,  370.  Their  fidel- 
ity, 373.    In  the  battle  of  Otum- 


5i8 


INDEX. 


ba,  387.  Return  to  Tlascala, 
393.  Co-operate,  409,  412,  414, 
415'  437.  '■'•  25,  30.  Imitate 
Spaniards,  ii.  438.  Burn  records, 
452.  At  the  sack  of  Iztapala- 
pan,  iii.  7,  8.  Convey  brigan- 
tines,  22.  Their  hostility  to  Az- 
tecs, 33.  Booty  demanded  by, 
36.  Noticed,  46,  54,  83,  84. 
Efficiency  of,  at  Mexico,  114, 
129.  Desertion  of,  146.  Their 
return,  150.     See  Maxixca. 

TlascaJans,  their  early  history,  i. 
403.  Their  institutions,  404. 
Refuse  tribute,  and  fight,  408, 
409.  Their  battles  with  Mon- 
tezuma, 410.  Battles  with  the, 
414,  415,  418,  420,  430,  434,  442. 
Their  treatment  of  the  Cem- 
poallan  envoys,  416, 417.  Effect 
of  cannon  and  fire-arms  on  the, 
422,  435,  436.  Embassies  to 
the  camp  of,  426,  427,  440,  442, 
444.  Treason  among  the,  437. 
Night  attack  by  them,  441,  442. 
Embassy  from,  stopped  by  Xico- 
tencatl,  444,  454.  Spies  from 
the,  453.  Reception  of  Span- 
iards by,  462.  Their  character, 
466.  Their  representations  of 
Montezuma,  473.  Exempted 
from  slavery,  iii.  249. 

Tlatelolco,  i.  104, 144,  note.  Move- 
ments for  possessing  the  market- 
place of,  iii.  126,  128,  131,  137. 
Occupied  by  the  besieged,  163, 
171.  Distress  there,  163,  164. 
Entered  by  Cortes,  169.  Modern 
name  of,  171.  Murderous  assault 
there,  182.  Purification  of,  196. 
Rebuilt,  240.    See  Market. 


Tlaxcallan,  i.  99.     See  Tlascala. 

Tobacco,  i.  155,  156,  note,  ii.  123, 

Tobillos,  lances  and,  ii.  236. 

Toledo  in  Spain,  Cortes  at,  iii.  304. 

Tollan,  or  Tula,  supposed  original 
seat  of  the  Toltecs,  i.  10,  note. 
Etymology  of  the  name,  11, 
note. 

Toltecs,  account  of  the,  i.  10,  38. 
Doubtful  accounts  of  their  mi- 
grations, 16,  note,  iii.  383,  397. 

Tonatiuh,  ii.  357,  iii.  302.  See 
Alvarado. 

Tools,  i.  142,  iii.  390. 

Toribio  de  Benavente,  i.  120,  note, 
ii.  67,  note,  70,  note,  84,  note. 
Account  of,  and  of  his  writings 
and  labors,  93-95.  Cited,  116, 
7iote,  138,  note,  140,  note,  182, 
note,  419,  note. 

Torquemada,  i.  8,  note,  14,  note. 
Notice  of,  and  of  his  writings, 
52,  note.  Cited,  65,  note,  70, 
note,  71,  note,  73,  note,  74,  note, 
80,  note,  81,  note,  82,  note,  83, 
note.  Avails  himself  of  a  manu- 
script copy  of  Sahagun's  Uni- 
versal History,  92.  On  Mexican 
intercalation,  117,  note.  On 
women,  137,  note.  Cited,  144, 
159.  178,  note,  181,  note.  On 
pilgrims  to  Cholula,  ii.  7,  note. 
On  the  baptism  of  Montezuma, 
332,  note.  On  the  Mexican  Eve, 
iii.  366,  note.  His  Aztec  and 
Israelitish  analogies,  372,  note. 

Torres,  Juan  de,  teacher  of  To- 
tonac  converts,  i.  354. 

Tortillas,  iii.  124,  and  note. 

Tortures,  i.  80,  iii.  64,  note.  See 
Guatemozin. 


INDEX. 


519 


Totonacs,  i.  323.  Their  fondness 
for  flowers,  335.  Their  feelings 
towards  Montezuma,  339.  Ex- 
actions of  by  Aztec  tax-gath- 
erers, 342.  Cortes'  policy  as  to, 
343.  Join  Cortes,  344.  Effect 
on,  of  Cortes'  interview  witli 
Montezuma's  embassy,  348. 
Defend  their  idols,  352.  Their 
conversion,  353.  Join  Cortes' 
expedition,  385,  386,  note. 

Towns,  on  cliffs  and  eminences, 
iii.  47.     See  Cities. 

Trade,  i.  152,  ii.  130,  131.  See 
Traffic. 

Trades,  Aztec,  i.  149. 

Traditions,  instances  of  similar,  in 
the  two  continents,  iii.  363. 
Argument  from,  for  the  Asiatic 
origin  of  Aztec  civilization,  381. 
As  authorities,  398.  See  Oral 
traditions  and  Predictions. 

Traffic,  i.  148,  407.     See  Barter. 

Transportation  of  vessels,  iii.  23, 
24,  note.     See  Brigantines. 

Transubstantiation,  ii.  85,  note. 

Travelling,  i.  98.     See  Couriers. 

Treasure,  Axayacatl's,  discovered, 
ii.  150;  disposition  of  it,  193, 
198.  345-  Found  after  the  siege, 
iii.  197,  198.     See  Gold. 

Trees,  size  and  duration  of,  in 
Mexico  and  Central  America, 
iii.  395.     See  Forests. 

Trials,  among  the  Aztecs,  i.  35. 

Tribes,  i.  41,  note. 

Tribute,  kinds  of,  i.  41,  137,  142. 
Items  of,  furnished  by  different 
cities,  41,  note.  Roll  respecting, 
42,  note.  Maps  for  the,  43. 
Burdensome  exactions  of,  pre- 


pare tie  way  for  the  Spaniards, 
43.  Montezuma's  exaction  of, 
306,  342.  Tlascalans  refuse, 
409.  Collected  for  the  Cas- 
tilian  sovereign,  ii.  193. 

Trinidad  de  Cuba.  i.  254. 

Truth,  punishment  for  violating,  i. 
172. 

Truxillo,  Cortes  at,  iii.  284. 

Tudor,  William,  i.  389,  7iote,  390, 
note,  ii.  375,  note,  444,  note. 

Tula,  capital  of  the  Toltecs,  i.  13. 
Arrival  of  the  Aztecs  at,  17  See 
Tollan. 

Tula,  the  Lady  of,  i.  201. 

Turkeys,  i.  156,  178,  note,  333. 

Tylor,  Edward  B.,  his  account 
of  Mexican  remains,  ii.  no, 
note.  Cited,  1.  12,  note,  14, 
7iote,  59,  note,  66,  note,  ii.  47, 
note. 

Tzin,  the  termination,  ii.  434,  note. 

Tzompach,  Hill  of,  i.  423,  460. 

Tzompanco  or  Zumpango,  ii.  370 


Ulloa,  discoveries  by,  iii.  322. 
Uxmal,  iii.  389,  396. 


Valley  of  Mexico,  i.  8,  ii.  9,  48, 

iii.  66. 
Vanilla,  cultivated,  i.  13S. 
Vater,  iii.  365,  note,  379,  note,  384, 

note,  387,  note. 
Vega,  Manuel  de  la,  collection  of 

manuscripts  by,  iii.  409. 


520 


INDEX. 


Velasquez,  Don  Diego,  i.  221. 
Conqueror  and  governor  of 
Cuba,  221.  Sends  Cordova  on 
an  expedition,  222.  Despatches 
Juan  de  Grijalva  to  Yucatan, 
224.  Censures  Grijalva,  227. 
Despatches  Olid  in  search  of 
Grijalva,  228.  Armament  of, 
under  Cortes,  228,  229,  243, 
244,  249.  Difficulties  of,  with 
Cortes,  235,  237,  241.  His  in- 
structions to  Cortes,  247,  iii. 
419.  Jealous  and  dissatisfied, 
i.  251.  Orders  the  seizure  of 
Cortes,  255,  258.  Partisans  of, 
oppose  Cortes,  325,  329,  449. 
Tries  to  intercept  despatches, 
362.  Gets  no  redress,  362.  Fits 
out  a  fleet  against  Cortes,  363, 
ii.  215.  Chaplain  of,  in  Spain, 
complains  against  Cortes'  en- 
voys, 210,  211.  Sends  to  Spain 
an  account  of  Cortes"   doings, 

214,  note.  His  vexation  with 
Cortes,  215.    Made  adelantado, 

215.  Intrusts  his  fleet  to  Nar- 
vaez,  216.  Interference  with, 
of  the  Royal  Audience  of  St. 
Domingo,  217.  Sustained  by 
Duero,  in  Spain,  421.  Capture 
of  forces  sent  to  Vera  Cruz  by, 
422.  Ignorant  of  the  fate  of 
his  armament,  427.  State  of 
things  in  Spain,  in  relation  to 
him  and  Cortes,  iii.  73,  227,  232, 
233.  Fate  of,  237.  His  character, 
237.     See  Narvaez. 

Venezuela,  ii.  60,  note. 
Venice,  Mexico  and,  ii.  106. 
Vera  Cruz,  New,  i.  296,  345,  note. 
Natives  flock  to,  297.     Built  at 


San  Juan  de  Ulua,  ii.  219.  Nar- 
vaez at,  219.  Narvaez's  plans 
for  a  colony  there,  220,  226. 
The  removal  to,  iii.  244. 

Vera  Cruz  Vieja,  or  Antigua,  i. 
345,  note,  iii.  243.  See  Villa 
Rica. 

Verdugo,  i.  256,  iii.  76. 

Vessels,  Aztecs  aid  in  building,  ii. 
207,  223.     See  Armada. 

Vestal  fires.     See  Fires. 

Veytia,  i.  12,  note,  24,  note,  118, 
note,  172,  note,  ii.  4,  note,  374, 
note. 

Villafana,  conspiracy  of,  iii.  75. 

Villa  Rica  de  Vera  Cruz,  coloniza- 
tion of,  i.  327,  328,  344,  iii.  428. 
Remarks  on,  i.  345,  note.  Ar- 
rival of  a  Spanish  vessel  at,  354. 
Despatches  to  Spain  from,  355, 
359,  ii.  427.  Garrisoned,  i.  386. 
Grado  succeeds  Escalante  at,  ii. 
174.  Sandoval  commander  at, 
174,  220.  Rangre  commander 
at,  264.  Reinforcements  from, 
cut   off,    395.      Messenger    to, 

396.  Troops    ordered    from, 

397.  Desire  to  return  to,  398. 
Departure  from,  for  Cuba,  421. 
Capture  of  troops  sent  to,  by 
Velasquez,  422.  Ships  at,  422, 
423,  iii.  43, 152.  Harbor  of,  243. 
See  Sandoval  and  Vera  Cruz. 

Virgin  Mary,  i.  60,  note.  Ap- 
pears in  battle,  ii.  157,329,  388, 
note.  Image  of,  203,  314,  316, 
note,  369.  Interposition  of,  in 
1833.  369.  note. 

Volante,  escape  of,  iii.  32. 

Volcanoes,  remains  of,  i.  S,  6. 
The   Orizaba,    332,   389,    11.  9. 


INDEX. 


521 


The   Cofre  de   Perote,  i.  391. 

Popocatepetl,  ii.  9,  42,  43.    Use 

of  the  word,  43,  note.     Region 

of,  iii.  51. 
Voltaire,  i.  88,  note,  ii.  331,  note. 

Anecdote  by,  of  Charles  V.  and 

Cortes,  iii.  327,  note. 
Vomito,  or  bilious  fever,  i.  4,  297, 

note,  345,  7iote,  388. 


W. 

Waldeck,  i.  223,  note,  iii.  354,  389, 
note,  395,  note. 

Wall  of  serpents,  ii.  138,  272,  iii. 
106. 

War,  Aztec  ideas  respecting,  i. 
45.  Mode  of  declaring  and 
conducting,  45,  46.  Great  ob- 
ject of,  84.  Tlascalan  love  of, 
406.  Cholulans  disqualified  for, 
ii.  4,  5.     Evils  of,  33. 

Warburton,  William,  i.  94,  7ipte, 
98,  note. 

War-god.     See  Huitzilopochtii. 

Warren,  John  C.,  iii.  385,  note. 

Water,  ablution  with,  at  table,  i. 
15s,  ii.  122.  Basins  of,  at  Tez- 
cotzinco,  i.  183,  184.  Want  of, 
iii.  56.  Use  of,  for  religious 
purification,  371,  note.  See 
Aqueducts  and  Tezcuco  lake. 

Water-fowl,  ii.  117. 

Watts,  Isaac,  i.  66,  note. 

Weeks,  division  by,  i.  114. 

Weights,  no  Mexican,  ii.  136, 196. 

Wheat,  yield  of,  ii.  10,  note. 

Wheels,  chronological,  i.  120, 
note.  Gold  and  silver,  i.  315, 
356,  note. 


44 


While,  Blanco,  ii.  85,  note. 
Wild   turkeys,  i.  156,    178,   note, 

333- 
Wilkinson,  J.  G.,  i.   75,  iii.  401. 

note. 
Wives  of  Montezuma,  ii.  118,  339, 

i'i-  433- 

Women,  employment  and  treat- 
ment of,  in  Mexico,  i.  137,  154, 
159,  ii.  129.  Torquemada  on, 
i.  137,  note.  Sophocles  on 
Egyptian  men  and,  137,  7Wte. 
Their  appearance,  154.  Asiatic, 
159.  Sacrificed,  204,  iiote.  To- 
tonac,  335.  Protected  at  the 
Cholulan  massacre,  ii.  25,  33. 
Dress  of,  129.  Accompany  the 
Christian  camp,  353.  Heroism 
of,  iii.  149.  Heroism  of  the 
Mexican,  165,  182.  Efforts  to 
spare,  183,  187;  to  bring  into 
New  Spain,  244.  See  Daugh- 
ters. 

Wooden  ware,  Mexican,  i.  146. 

World,  tradition  of  the  destruc- 
tion of  the,  i.  64,  128. 

Wounds,  want  of  medicaments 
for,  iii.  123,  note. 


Xalacingo,  i.  399,  note. 
Xalapa,  Spaniards  at,  i.  388. 
Xaltocan,  assault  on,  iii.  26. 
Xamarillo,  Don  Juan,  iii.  279. 
Xicotencatl,  the  elder,  i.  413,  463, 

ii.  405,  406.     Conveited,   429. 

Ominous   words   of,    cited,   iii. 

146. 
Xicotencatl,  the  younger,  a  Tlas* 
* 


532 


INDEX. 


calan  commander,  i.  413,  4x9, 
422,  427.  His  standard,  431. 
Facts  respecting,  437,  440,  444, 
453.  455.  456-  Welcomes  Span- 
iards from  Mexico,  ii. 342.  Coun- 
tenances jealousies,  401.  Favors 
an  embassy  from  Mexico,  405, 
406.  Leads  against  Tepeacans, 
409.  Imitates  Spaniards,  438. 
Joins  Cortes,  iii.  84.  Leaves 
the  army,  88.  Hung,  89.  Re- 
marks on,  90. 

Ximenes,  Cardinal,  destruction  of 
manuscripts  by,  i.  104.  His  ad- 
ministration, 212,  iii.  74.  Com- 
mission by,  to  redress  Indian 
grievances,  i.  219,  371. 

Xochicalco,  lake,  ii.  58. 

Xochicalco,  ruins  of  the  temple  or 
fortress  of,  iii.  387,  391,  note, 
393- 

Xochimilco,  iii.  57,  65,  no. 

Xoloc,  Fort,  ii.  68.  Stormed,  iii. 
68.  Fleet  at,  98.  Headquar- 
ters at,  99.  Barracks  built  there, 
122. 

Xuarez,  Catalina,  intimacy  and 
marriage  of  Cortes  with,  i.  237, 
240,  242.  Joins  her  husband, 
iii.  245.  Fate  of,  247,  note,  313, 
and  note. 


Years,  Aztec,  i.  113.  On  di- 
visions of  time  into,  115.  Hiero- 
glyphics for,  117,  118,  119,  note. 
On  the  names  of,  iii.  376,  note. 


Yucatan,  expedition  to,  i.  222. 
The  word,  223,  and  «(7/if.  Called 
New  Spain,  225.  Ordaz  de- 
spatched to,  to  liberate  Chris- 
tians, 265,  270.  Canoe  from, 
with  Aguilar,  271.  Mentioned, 
iii.  265,266,389.  Resemblances 
to  the  architecture  of,  391.  See 
Tabasco. 

Yxtacama.xtiddn,  i.  399,  and  note, 
400. 


Zacatecas,  silver  from,  iii.  318. 
Zacatula,    fleet   at,   iii.    221,  243, 

257- 

Zacotollan,  copper  from,  i.  141. 

Zahuatl,  the  river,  i.  465. 

Zodiacal  signs,  coincidences  as  to, 
iii.  376. 

Zoltepec,  massacre  at,  ii.  395,  iii. 
19. 

Zuazo,  i.  76,  note,  139,  note.  On 
mantles  of  feathers,  ii.  129,  note. 
On  the  Aztec  cuisine,  133,  note. 
Urges  Cortes  to  return  to  Mex 
ico,  iii.  286,  287. 

Zumarraga,  Don  Juan  de,  i.  82. 
-fi'irst  archbishop  of  Mexico,  de- 
stroys manuscripts,  104.  Image 
destroyed  by,  183,  note.  De- 
molishes the  Statue  of  the  Sun, 
ii.  378. 

Zumpango,  or  Tzompanco,  ii.  370. 

Zuriiga,  Dona  Juana  de,  second 
wife  of  Cortes,  iii.  310,  322. 

Zurita,  i.  32,  note,  50,  note,  171, 
note. 


THE    END. 


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